Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Margam abbey

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  4. Części książek

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Margam abbey”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021
Data aktualizacji: 27 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Margam abbey"

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Waldman, Thomas, i Robert B. Patterson. "The Scriptorium of Margam Abbey and the Scribes of Early Angevin Glamorgan: Secretarial Administration in a Welsh Marcher Barony, c. 1150-1225". Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 35, nr 2 (2003): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054142.

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Griffiths, Ralph Alan. "The Scriptorium of Margam Abbey and the Scribes of Early Angevin Glamorgan: Secretarial Administration in a Welsh Marcher Barony, c.1150-c.1225 (review)". Catholic Historical Review 88, nr 4 (2002): 763–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2003.0023.

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Smith, J. Beverley. "The Scriptorium of Margam Abbey and the Scribes of Early Angevin Glamorgan: Secretarial Administration in a Welsh Marcher Barony, c. 1150-c. 1225. Robert B. Patterson". Speculum 79, nr 3 (lipiec 2004): 821–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400090400.

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Waldman, Thomas. "Robert B. Patterson. The Scriptorium of Margam Abbey and the Scribes of Early Angevin Glamorgan: Secretarial Administration in a Welsh Marcher Barony, c. 1150–1225. Rochester, N. Y.: The Boydell Press. 2002. PP. xxxvi, 147. $110.00. ISBN 0-85115-851-X." Albion 35, nr 2 (2003): 263–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000069891.

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"Burghfield". Camden Fourth Series 33 (lipiec 1987): 38–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068690500005511.

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In this section nos. 707–748C are given in the order in which they appear in B and C. Those occurring in B ff 146–55 are in the section of the cartulary devoted to the almoner's charters.704 Last will and testament of Aumary son of Ralph, including gifts to Reading Abbey of lands in Burghfield and Car swell [in Buckland][prob. 1185 × 86]A f 38r–v; (in part) B f 59v; C ff 26v–27rIn nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti. Hoc est testamentum Amalrici filii Rad(ulfi) in quo extreme voluntatis sue conscribi voluit testimonium. Hec ergo sunt que libera voluntate pro salute anime sue donavit. Radingensi monasterio dedit terram lacob de Berchefeld cum pertinentiis suis, et in villa de Carsewelle terram quam carta sua confirmavit. Gileberto fratri suo [f38v] donavit unam marcam.’ Pueris suis ex concubina susceptis .x. marcas argenti delegavit. Hec sunt que fide interposita debuit et solvi precepit. Bevero .vii. marcas, Waldero .x. solidos, Agnete .x. marcas, Ricardo stabulario .viii. solidos et .vii. denarios, Edwardo Gentil .xx. et .i. denarios, Radulfo de Oxoneford .xx. et .i. denarios, Willelmo vinitori .iii. solidos et .ii. denarios et obolum, Willelmo de Waltham .xviii. solidos, Gileberto de Wicumbia .l. et .ix. solidos, Aluredo de Oxoneford .xx. solidos, Roberto Huchet .xx. solidos, Willelmo Ruffo dimidiam marcam, Ade unam marcam, Ricardo de Abbedonia .ix. solidos et .vi. denarios, Emme .viii. solidos, Rogero de Belesoure .xiiii. solidos. Hiis testibus: Anselmo suppriore Rading(ie), Radulfo phisico, Philippo de Sae, Helia de Catmere, Willemo capellano Sancte Marie, Roberto capellano Sancti Laurentii, Willelmo de Ticheham, Iohanne de Hida, Oeno filio Restwoldi, Ricardo le Franceis, Willelmo de Bosevilla, Ricardo aurifabro, Ricardo stabulario, et aliis multis. Horum ergo
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"Midgham". Camden Fourth Series 33 (lipiec 1987): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068690500005614.

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814 Gift in free alms by Ghilo de Pinkeny to Reading Abbey of the cotland which Peter son of Jordan held of him in Midgham[? late 12th × early 13th cent.]Af84r; Af106v; Bf69r; Cff 34v–35rSciant presentes et futuri quod ego Giloa de Pinkeni, de consensub et voluntate domini Roberti heredis mei, pro salute anime mee et omnium antecessorum et successorum meorum, dedi et concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi deo et beate Marie de Radinges et monachis ibidem deo servientibus in puram liberam et perpetuam elemosinam illam cotcetlamc terre quam Petrus films Iurdanid tenuit de me in Micheame que iacet iuxta molendinum de blado et Rademore. Ita tamen quod predictus Petrus et heredes sui predictam terram tenebunt de abbate Radingie et eiusdem loci conventu, reddendo inde annuatim ecclesie Rading(ie) dimidiam marcam argenti pro omni servitio ad duos terminos, scilicet ad Annuntiationem beate Marie quadraginta denarios et ad festum sancti Michaelis .xl. denarios, salvo tamen servitio domini regis de quo respondebunt predictus Petrus et heredes sui. Ut autem hec mea donatio rata et inconcussa permaneat, f[eam tam]f sigillo meo quam sigillo filii mei duxi roborandam.g Hiis testibus.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Margam abbey"

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Papin, Elodie. "L’aristocratie laïque du Glamorgan et l’abbaye de Margam (1147-1283)". Thesis, Angers, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016ANGE0035/document.

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Le processus d’européanisation des élites aristocratiques au pays de Galles aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles constitue le point de départ de cette étude. L’objectif est de saisir les mécanismes de la réception de la culture aristocratique continentale par la noblesse autochtone ainsi que la sélection et l’adaptation de certains modèles culturels gallois par l’aristocratie anglo-normande. Ces mécanismes sont analysés à travers le prisme de l’abbaye de Margam. Elle est considérée comme un potentiel « espace de rencontre », inhérent au processus d’interculturation des élites aristocratiques du Glamorgan du milieu du XIIe siècle à la fin du XIIIe siècle. La production scripturaire de l’abbaye de Margam, fondée en 1147 par le comte de Gloucester, offre un riche corpus documentaire qui permet de dresser le portrait de l’aristocratie laïque du Glamorgan.Le portrait qui se dégage de cette étude reflète une aristocratie laïque aux multiples facettes. Malgré une hétérogénéité culturelle et sociale se dessine la naissance d’une identité catégorielle commune aux élites aristocratiques. Acquérant un rôle d’agents de transition et de transformation, les cisterciens ont répondu aux besoins spirituels des nobles gallois et anglo-normands qui recherchaient l’intercession de la Vierge afin de réussir leur salut. Anticipant toute contestation aux transferts de propriété, le monastère a sécurisé les transactions en s’adaptant aux usages propres aux grands laïcs du Glamorgan. Cette reconnaissance des pratiques de l’aristocratie locale n’a pas évité l’éclatement de conflits, parfois violents, souvent résolus devant la cour comtale du Glamorgan. Cette dernière apparaît alors comme un second « espace de rencontre » du processus d’interculturation.En tant qu’« espace de rencontre », l’abbaye de Margam a contribué au processus d’européanisation qui a touché l’aristocratie galloise du Glamorgan. Cependant, ce concept présente des limites. L’européanisation des nobles autochtones n’a pas été complète, car ils ont conservé leur héritage culturel. Il laisse également dans l’ombre le processus inverse. L’adaptation et la sélection de modèles culturels gallois par l’aristocratie anglo-normande mettent donc en lumière le processus d’interculturation des élites du Glamorgan aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles
The process of Europeanization of aristocratic elites in Wales in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is the starting point of this study. It aims at understanding the mechanisms underlying the reception of the Continental aristocratic culture by the local aristocracy as well as the selection and adaptation of some Welsh cultural elements by the Anglo-Norman aristocracy. In order to grasp these mechanisms, this study revolves around Margam Abbey. It is considered as a possible “meeting place”, inherent to the process of interculturation of the Anglo-Norman and Welsh aristocratic elites from the mid-twelfth century to the end of the thirteenth century. The written production of Margam Abbey, founded by the earl of Gloucester in 1147, gives a rich corpus to draw the portrait of the lay aristocracy in Glamorgan.The portrait made in this study is representative of a multifaceted lay aristocracy. In spite of a cultural and social heterogeneousness, the birth of a common class identity to the aristocratic elites draws. Obtaining a role of agents of transition and transformation, the Cistercians answered the spiritual needs of the Welsh and Anglo-Norman nobles, all seeking the Holy Virgin intercession in order to win their salvation. In order to prevent any claim to transfers of property, the monastery secured the transactions by different adaptations to the specific practices of the lay aristocracy of Glamorgan. This recognition of the aristocratic particularities did not avoid the breaking of conflicts, sometimes violent, often settled before the county court. This latter appears as a second “meeting place” of the process of interculturation.As “meeting place”, Margam Abbey contributed to the Europeanization impacted the lesser Welsh aristocracy in Glamorgan, who adapted to the Continental models. However, this concept presents some significant limits. The Europeanization of the native elites was not complete, because they kept their cultural inheritance. It does not also shed light on the reverse process. So, the adaptation and selection of Welsh cultural elements by the Anglo-Norman aristocracy highlight the process of interculturation of the aristocratic elites in Glamorgan
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Chaffenet, Paul. "Aristocratie et communautés religieuses aux marges septentrionales du royaume de France (fin IXe - début XIIe siècles) : le cas du diocèse de Noyon". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/251748.

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À l'échelle du nord du royaume de France et plus spécialement de la Picardie médiévale, l'histoire du diocèse de Noyon, appréhendée du point de vue des rapports entre l'aristocratie et les communautés religieuses de la fin du IXe au début du XIIe siècles, révèle une relative exception documentaire :en Vermandois comme en Noyonnais, une certaine profusion de sources (essentiellement diplomatiques) permet une compréhension affinée de la place des abbayes et des chapitres dans la manifestation des politiques religieuses séculières. Les mêmes sources imposent d'accorder une attention particulière, mais non exclusive, aux politiques comtales et épiscopales en la matière. Or, pour l'ensemble de la période choisie, ces dernières ont été trop souvent perçues comme des blocs structurés et linéaires. Il convient de dépasser ces impressions d'homogénéité et d'immobilisme en montrant la diversité et l'évolution des influences réciproques unissant d'une part les communautés religieuses, d'autre part les comtes de Vermandois et les évêques de Noyon. Alors que les églises du diocèse étudié ont été considérées comme des lieux phares d'expression de la fidélité de l'aristocratie de second rang à l'égard des hauts pouvoirs princiers, il nous faut également questionner les comportements religieux de l'ensemble des puissants (spécialement châtelains) afin de montrer en quoi ils témoignent d'attitudes individualisées et contribuent à dessiner les contours des pouvoirs locaux. En d'autres termes, les rapports entre les aristocrates et les communautés religieuses, étudiés à la fois dans leur aspect matériel et spirituel, s'inscrivent-ils dans des sociétés politiques polarisées par le prince, que ce dernier soit évêque de Noyon, comte de Vermandois ou encore châtelain ?
In the north of the kingdom of France and more particularly in mediaeval Picardy, the history of the diocese of Noyon, apprehended from the point of view of the relations between aristocracy and religious communities from the end of the 9th to the beginning of the 12th centuries, reveals a relative documentary exception :in Vermandois as in Noyonnais, a certain profusion of sources (essentially diplomatic) allows a refined understanding of the place of the abbeys and chapters in the manifestation of secular religious policies. The same sources require special but not exclusive attention to the comital and episcopal policies in this area. However, for the whole period chosen, the latter were too often perceived as structured and linear blocks. It is necessary to overcome these impressions of homogeneity and immobility by showing the diversity and evolution of the reciprocal influences uniting on the one hand the religious communities, on the other hand the counts of Vermandois and the bishops of Noyon. While the churches of the studied diocese have been regarded as key places of expression of the fidelity of the second-rate aristocracy towards the high princely powers, we must also question the religious behavior of all the powerful (especially castellan) in order to show how they demonstrate individualized attitudes and contribute to drawing the contours of local authorities. In other words, the relations between aristocrats and religious communities, studied both in their material and spiritual aspects, are part of political societies polarized by the prince, whether the latter is bishop of Noyon, count of Vermandois or even castellan ?
Doctorat en Histoire, histoire de l'art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Książki na temat "Margam abbey"

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History of Margam Abbey: By Walter de Gray Birch. Swansea: West Glamorgan County Archives, 1997.

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Gray, Birch Walter de. History of Margam Abbey: Derived from the Original Documents in the British Museum, H. M. Record Office, the Margam Muniments, Etc. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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The scriptorium of Margam Abbey and the scribes of early Angevin Glamorgan: Secretarial administration in a Welsh Marcher barony, c.1150-c.1225. Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Press, 2002.

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Patterson, Robert B. The Scriptorium of Margam Abbey and the Scribes of Early Angevin Glamorgan: Secretarial Administration in a Welsh Marcher Barony, c.1150-c.1225. Boydell Press, 2001.

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Prescott, Anne Lake. Du Bellay and Shakespeare’s Sonnets. Redaktor Jonathan Post. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199607747.013.0003.

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Shakespeare’s Sonnets relate intriguingly to Joachim Du Bellay’s Antiquitez, probably through Spenser’s Ruines of Rome as well as to Du Bellay’s La vieille courtisanne (translated by Gervase Markham) and his ‘J’ai oublié l’art de petrarquizer’. Drawn to the discourse of ruination, as witness also passages in his Lucrece, Shakespeare would have found in Du Bellay’s poetry a vocabulary with which to lament the depredations of time, images of the human body as a vulnerable city, the ambiguities of anti-Petrarchan satire that exploits the same vocabulary it renounces, and the paradoxes of a nothing, a zero, that is also an all, a globe or Globe. That a ruined abbey makes a mystifyingly anachronistic offstage appearance in Titus Andronicus is also a reminder of the two writers’ shared interest in a city whose collapse both created tragedy and cleared room for later writers and nationhoods.
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Części książek na temat "Margam abbey"

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Henry II. "1750. Margam Abbey". W The Letters and Charters of Henry II, King of England 1154–1189, redaktor Nicholas Vincent. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00277225.

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Henry II. "1749. Margam Abbey". W The Letters and Charters of Henry II, King of England 1154–1189, redaktor Nicholas Vincent. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00277224.

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Henry II. "1752. Margam Abbey". W The Letters and Charters of Henry II, King of England 1154–1189, redaktor Nicholas Vincent. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00277227.

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Henry II. "1754. Margam Abbey". W The Letters and Charters of Henry II, King of England 1154–1189, redaktor Nicholas Vincent. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00277229.

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Henry II. "1753. Margam Abbey". W The Letters and Charters of Henry II, King of England 1154–1189, redaktor Nicholas Vincent. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00277228.

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Henry II. "1751. Margam Abbey". W The Letters and Charters of Henry II, King of England 1154–1189, redaktor Nicholas Vincent. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00277226.

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Patterson, Robert B. "The Earl and the Chronicler". W The Earl, the Kings, and the Chronicler, 178–206. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198797814.003.0006.

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Earl Robert fought for the Empress Matilda’s succession to England’s with quill as well as sword. He commissioned William of Malmesbury to write a history of their succession-fraught era. The result was the Historia Novella. The earl’s education and literary habits and previous patronage experience were among the likely influences behind this role. The work is an apologia for Matilda’s claim and for Robert’s sponsorship and, as such, biased; it also features other of the author’s faults but also his virtues as a historian. The first edition contains evidence that Robert, directly or indirectly, was one of Malmesbury’s sources; the second, in the form of the copy given to Margam Abbey, Earl Robert’s foundation, may well have been produced under the auspices of his son, Earl William (1147–83).
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Lemaitre, Jean-Loup. "Le livre du chapitre perdu du prieuré de l’Artige". W Studia monastica et mediaevalia: Opuscula Marco Derwich dedicata, 133–52. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788381387989.07.

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The book of the office of the chapter was in use in most medieval canonical and monastic communities, and it finds its accomplished model in the second half of the ninth century, with that of the Parisian abbey of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, whose centerpiece is Usuard's martyrology, if not the autograph then at least a copy revised by the author, as shown by dom Jacques Dubois, BnF, ms. lat. 13745, f. 1–2, Letter from Usuard to Charles the Bald; f. 3–89, Historical Martyrology; f. 90–156, Rule of St Benedict; f. 157–183, Necrology of Saint-Germain-des-Prés. To these texts was sometimes added later a homiletic capitulary (lectionary of the prime) and the necrology could be inserted in the margins of the martyrology, or even in a space reserved for this purpose after each laterculus, both texts being built on a Roman calendar. What was the situation in Limousin, in the diocese of Limoges, rich in monastic and canonical communities, with one of the main abbeys of the kingdom, Saint-Martial? There is nothing left in the local archives and libraries, and five manuscripts are kept in Paris at the BnF: three from Saint-Martial, which entered there in 1730 with what remained of the abbey library, one from the abbey of Solignac, and another from the Friars Minor of Saint-Junien, manuscripts from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. However, the papers of a learned priest from Limoges, Abbot Martial Legros (1744–1811), kept in the departmental archives of the Haute-Vienne in Limoges, in the collection of the former seminary, contain important extracts from a lost chapter book, that of the priory of l’Artige, founded around 1160 by two Venetian noblemen, Marc and Sebastian, and entrusted to the regular canons. At the end of the Ancien Régime, the manuscript was in the hands of a collector, Martial de Lépine, who passed it on to Abbé Legros. It has been lost since then. Written around 1226, it included a martyrology of Usuard with necrology in the margin of the eulogies and, in a second codicological part, the statutes of the priory for the years 1292 to 1401. It is the eulogies preserved by Legros, above all from the local auctaria to the Usuard’s text, witness to the Limousin sanctuary, that are published in this contribution.
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Ben-Zvi, Linda. "A Theatre on a Wharf". W Susan Glaspell Her Life and Times, 153–64. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195313239.003.0017.

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Abstract Just after New Year’s Day 1915, while Susan was still in Davenport, Jig wrote to tell her of the latest buzzing in the Village. A group calling itself the Washington Square Players had been formed and was planning to produce plays; they had even asked him to perform. “I said yes. You know I harbor a belief that maybe I can act.”1 Since he arrived in New York, Floyd had been in charge of play offerings at the Liberal Club, written by him and performed by a group nicknamed the “Dell Players,” including Helen Westley, Sherwood Anderson, Edward Goodman, and Kirah Markham. The audience, all Village friends, were greatly amused by the clever parodies of themselves and their lifestyle, and most seemed unconcerned by the lack of production values. However, there were some who longed for more. The 1911 Abbey Players tour of America had shown what theatre could be. Robert Edmond Jones had seen the Irish company and marveled at its skill in moving an audience: a fisherman’s house evoked by the mere placement of a net; peasant women indicated simply by bare feet and homespun skirts. Returning from Berlin, where he had worked with the legendary director Max Reinhardt, Jones dreamed of creating “images of magni-ficence” instead of the recipe-theatre he found on Broadway.
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Donovan, J. P. "Thomas Love Peacock". W Literature of the Romantic Period, 269–83. Oxford University PressOxford, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198711209.003.0013.

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Abstract Although Thomas Love Peacock (1785-1866) produced a substantial quantity of poetry in modes commonly practised by both the major and minor writers of his day-the meditative and loco-descriptive poem, personal lyric, mythological narrative, and verse satire-he is now regarded chiefly as the author of a kind of satirical prose fiction often considered to be peculiar to him and which an early reviewer described as combining the novel, the drama, and the essay In five novels with contemporary settings-Headlong Hall (1816), Melincourt (1817), Nightmare Abbey (1818), Crotchet Castle (1831), and Gryll Grange (1860-1)-as well as in the two historical romances Maid Marian (1822) and The Misfortunes of Elphin (1829), Peacock developed comic and critical perspectives on the fashions and opinions in the arts and public life which were current at various moments in his long career. He also wrote a number of trenchant essays examining the literature, as well as the literary culture and reputations, of the Romantic period. In 1820 Peacock ‘s friend Shelley described his ‘fine wit ‘ as ‘a strain too learned for a shallow age ‘, declaring his proper audience to be ‘the chosen spirits of the time ‘. It has since become a commonplace that his novels could never be widely popular, and his reputation has indeed been marked by the devoted connoisseurship, and occasionally by the sceptical mistrust, which are the usual extremes of response to writers whose afterlife has been both vigorous and persistent, though confined to a set of readers with a taste for intellectual comedy.
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