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1
Eremin, Sergey V. "Transformation of the image of the nazi regime in the soviet propaganda (23 august 1939 – june 1941): a source study aspect". Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University 55, nr 3 (27.09.2021): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/21-3/10.
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The article, based on a wide range of historical sources, examines the key events associated with changes in the coverage of the Nazi regime by Soviet propaganda bodies in connection with the signing of the Soviet-German treaties: on non-aggression (August 1939), on friendship and the border (September 1939 g.). It is noted that both sides tried to find common ground on a number of secondary, "peripheral" issues, that the turn in Soviet propaganda, which began in August 1939, gave an impetus to create a positive cultural image of the former enemy. However, for reasons, primarily of an ideological nature, it was not possible to fully use the expected advantages from this political rapprochement in order to develop cultural ties. The reasons for the unsuccessful attempt at cultural rapprochement between the Soviet Union and the Third Reich are analyzed. It points to the attempts of the Soviet leadership to study the experience of propaganda work in Germany with a view to further use. It is noted that, starting in the summer of 1940, in the conditions of a gradual deterioration in Soviet-German relations, the nature of the activities of propaganda structures is gradually changing. Increasingly, criticism of the Nazi regime is voiced in a veiled form. It is shown that in May June 1941, a new anti-Nazi turn in Soviet propaganda took place. It is concluded that if during the warming of relations with Germany in Soviet propaganda the class paradigm was temporarily replaced by a national or cultural-historical one, then the political and ideological campaign that unfolded in May-June 1941 had a clearly anti-German and anti-Nazi character.
2
CARLEY, MICHAEL JABARA. "‘A Situation of Delicacy and Danger’: Anglo-Soviet Relations, August 1939–March 1940". Contemporary European History 8, nr 2 (lipiec 1999): 175–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399002015.
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In September 1939, only a few weeks after the signature of the Nazi–Soviet non-aggression pact, the British government made perhaps its strongest effort since the Bolshevik revolution to achieve a rapproachement with the Soviet Union. This effort was interrupted and almost ruined by the Finno-Soviet ‘Winter War’, but the British initiative resumed after the war ended in March 1940. The Soviet government, though not the Soviet ambassador in London, Ivan M. Maiskii, was cool to British overtures, thus reversing the inter-war pattern where Moscow had often been the first to ask for better Anglo-Soviet relations. The publication of many Soviet diplomatic papers permits a comparison between Soviet and British accounts of important diplomatic meetings, a comparison which illustrates both British and Soviet foreign policy during the early months of the Second World War.
3
Khachirova, L., A. Rypnevskay i A. Trubkina. "75 years since Soviet Army defeated German invaders: how Northern Europe views it". Diplomatic Service, nr 2 (1.04.2020): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2002-04.
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The Soviet Union played an important role in liberation of Norway and Denmark from the Nazi invaders. However, nowadays we often notice historical falsification which leads to certain disagreements in the bilateral relations. The article analyses how modern Norway and Denmark view Soviet impact in their liberation from Nazism. It also focuses on acute problems in our countries’ relations arisen from rewriting of history, as well as prospects for their solution.
4
Chan, Paula. "Red Stars and Yellow Stars: The Soviet Investigation of Klooga Concentration Camp". Holocaust and Genocide Studies 33, nr 2 (2019): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcz022.
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Abstract This study considers the extent to which Stalinist political goals influenced the Soviet Extraordinary State Commission’s information gathering about Nazi crimes on the local level. Examining the investigation of Klooga concentration camp in Estonia, the author compares the statements that Jewish survivors gave to commission investigators with these same survivors’ testimony preserved in other Soviet and non-Soviet sources. She argues that investigations took fundamentally different courses in different places due to local agendas and conditions. In cases such as Klooga, Jewish survivors and Soviet investigators worked together to document Nazi atrocities, creating the accurate record that Stalin’s government required to pursue its political objectives.
5
Isci, Onur. "The Massigli Affair and its Context: Turkish Foreign Policy after the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact". Journal of Contemporary History 55, nr 2 (8.05.2019): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419833443.
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This article examines Turkey's wartime diplomacy between the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and Hitler's unleashing of Operation Barbarossa. Rather than a survey of Turkish foreign policy as a whole, it takes a critical episode from July 1940 as a case study that – when put in context – reveals how fear of Nazi power and even greater fear of the Soviet Union created in Turkey a complex view of a desired outcome from the Second World War. Juxtaposing archival materials in Turkish, Russian, German, and English, I draw heavily on the hitherto untapped holdings of the Turkish Diplomatic Archives (TDA). Overall, this article demonstrates both the breadth and limits of Nazi Germany's sweeping efforts to orchestrate anti-Soviet propaganda in Turkey; efforts that helped end interwar Soviet-Turkish cooperation. Against previously established notions in historiography that depict Soviet-Turkish relations as naturally hostile and inherently destabilizing, this article documents how the Nazi–Soviet Pact played a key role in their worsening bilateral affairs between 1939 and 1941. The argument, then, is in keeping with newer literature on the Second World War that has begun to compensate for earlier accounts that overlooked neutral powers.
6
Ericson, Edward E. "Karl Schnurre and the Evolution of Nazi-Soviet Relations, 1936-1941". German Studies Review 21, nr 2 (maj 1998): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432205.
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Carley, M. J. "A Near-Run Thing: the Improbable Grand Alliance of World War II (1929–1942)". Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, nr 1 (1.04.2021): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-1-17-75-95.
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This is a chapter from a draft manuscript of some 2000pp. in English being prepared for publication on relations between the USSR and various European powers, large and small, and the United States in the lead-up to World War II and then beyond until 1942. The author discovers and illustrates social and cultural aspects of diplomatic activities. The topic is Soviet relations with Nazi Germany and Poland in 1933. The larger context is the origins and unfolding of World War II, a subject of importance both intrinsically and politically in relations between the Russian Federation and the western powers. President Vladimir Putin has himself taken an interest in these questions, insisting on an honest, frank historical treatment of that period. How did the USSR and in particular the Narkomindel react to Adolf Hitler’s assumption of power in Germany at the end of January 1933? What additional information do the Russian archives contribute to our knowledge of the origins of the war? The methodology is that of a historical narrative based on archival research, especially in the AVPRF in Moscow. The objective is to explore the policies of the Narkomindel, and in particular the personal views of its leaders, M. M. Litvinov, N. N. Krestinskii, and B. S. Stomoniakov, on the interconnected issues of Soviet relations with Germany and Poland. Let’s call it an histoire des mentalités. 1933 was a year of transition in Soviet relations with the outside world moving from the so-called Rapallo policy of correct relations with Germany to a new policy of collective security and mutual assistance against Nazi Germany. In this chapter one can follow the evolution of ideas in the Narkomindel in reaction to Hitler’s rise to power: from immediate anxiety to a growing conviction that Rapallo was dead and that the USSR had to form stronger relationships in the west and with Poland. This may surprise some readers who think that the Soviet preference, or at least Stalin’s, was always a German orientation. As for Poland, in what may also surprise some readers, and especially many Poles, the Narkomindel sought better relations with Poland to counter the Nazi danger. It was the Polish government which did not want them, preferring a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany (January 1934). Could Poles and Russians ever bury the hatchet after centuries of animosity? In a tragedy amongst many, they could not do so.
8
Weinberg, Gerhard L. "The Nazi-Soviet Pacts: A Half-Century Later". Foreign Affairs 68, nr 4 (1989): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044116.
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Posen, Barry R. "Competing Images of the Soviet Union". World Politics 39, nr 4 (lipiec 1987): 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010293.
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Two American debates on foreign policy and national security. The Reagan administration and those who share its ideology see today's Soviet Union as not much different from yesterday's, and yesterday's Soviet Union as not much different from Nazi Germany. Like its progenitors in the 1930s, the modern Soviet Union is a “totalitarian” state, and therefore by nature expansionist, armed to the teeth, disposed to violence, fond of diplomatic tests of political will, and—as a consequence of all these factors —hard to deter and harder to beat. A different view prevails among most of the arms control community, the NATO allies, and some American academics. In its foreign policy, the Soviet Union is seen as a fairly typical great power whose behavior in international politics can be explained by the mixture of fear, greed, and stupidity that has characterized most great powers in the past as they have tried to secure their borders and pursue their interests in a world without law. It does not like to take great risks, it fears war, and it is, at worst, opportunistically expansionist. In sharp contrast to Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union is more conservative than reckless; if anything, nuclear weapons have reinforced this conservatism.
10
Gömöri, George. "Doctored History Books". Index on Censorship 14, nr 6 (grudzień 1985): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533977.
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Hill, Alexander. "Thunder in the East: The Nazi-Soviet War 1941–1945". Journal of Slavic Military Studies 21, nr 3 (3.09.2008): 595–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040802314017.
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Raymond, Paul D. "Witness and Chronicler of Nazi-Soviet Relations: The Testimony of Evgeny Gnedin (Parvus)". Russian Review 44, nr 4 (październik 1985): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/129791.
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Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 1)". Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, nr 1 (1.06.2018): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3364.
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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germanyand the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations withGermany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany beforeWorld War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed specialconditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normalexchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based from the very beginningon a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission to Berlin under which the Soviet Union wasgranted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with Soviet Union, promotedby the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached itshighest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as regime assertedpower and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versaillesdecreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s ascent to powerincreased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Unionmade repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chieflysought to repay, with raw materials, the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, whileGermany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. The saidagreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937, the loans amountingto 200 million Reichsmarks, to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle,liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss inmid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new periodin the development of Soviet–German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–MolotovAgreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
14
Worthington, Svaja Vansauskas. "State as Transgressor: Šilingas versus the State—A Case Study". Nationalities Papers 36, nr 1 (marzec 2008): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701848473.
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The usually cheerful Insight Travel Guide to the Baltic States offers this synopsis of the Baltic situation:Their independence was sentenced to death by the Nazi–Soviet Pact [the secret 1939 Molotov–Ribbentrop Non-Aggression Pact] just before World War II. The pact envisaged the Baltic States would be parceled out between them, but it was overtaken by events with Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union. The three states were incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940 … Among few other people did the Soviet mill grind finer than in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania … The final injustice was the permanent imposition of Soviet rule and Stalinist terror. Anyone a visitor meets today in the Baltics is likely to have a relation who was sent to Siberia or simply shot.
15
Willems, Bastiaan. "Soviet Russians Under Nazi Occupation: Fragile Loyalties in World War II". Journal of Slavic Military Studies 33, nr 2 (2.04.2020): 300–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2020.1763127.
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Chirko, B. "Ethnic Germans of Ukraine in the Context of Soviet-German Relations (1920-1950s)". Problems of World History, nr 3 (16.05.2017): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-3-9.
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The aim of the publication is the study of ethno-political, socio-economic, demographic and other processes taking place in the environment of the German ethnic group of Ukraine in the context of the Soviet-German inter-state relations during 1920-1950s. The author analyzes the attitude of governmental bodies to the German ethnic community, causes, mechanisms of realization, demographic, social and political consequences of political repressions of the Stalinist regime against ethnic Germans, mass deportation of the German population from the regions of traditional accommodation in the interwar period.
The author emphasizes that the repressive actions were caused by and closely related to administrative-imperative methods of implementation of domestic policies, the militarization of the economy, collectivization of village, violent grain procurements, antireligious campaigns etc. Repressions of the “nationalists” (German, Polish, etc.) were linked with the international factor - the aggravation of the situation in the world. The deterioration of relations between the USSR and Germany and Poland as well as the corresponding strengthening of anti-German and anti-Polish propaganda campaign led in particular to a special bias of Soviet authorities towards the German and Polish population, which was considered as a potential base for “Nazi” activities in the country.
This publication analyzes the social and legal status of “volksdeutsche” during World War II, the attitude towards “ethnic Germans” of Ukraine from Nazi occupation regime. The status and nature of ethnic Germans staying in the mode of special settlements, repatriation and problems of separated families in the postwar years have been considered.
The author has paid special attention to the problems of lifting restrictions in the legal status of the majority of the German population of the USSR as a result of the German-Soviet negotiations in Moscow in 1955, the attempts of ethnic Germans and the government of Ukraine to ensure ethnic, social, cultural, religious and spiritual needs of the German ethnic community under conditions of modern Ukrainian state – building and deepening of democratic processes in Ukrainian society.
17
Buoli, Massimiliano, i Aldo Sabino Giannuli. "The political use of psychiatry: A comparison between totalitarian regimes". International Journal of Social Psychiatry 63, nr 2 (15.01.2017): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020764016688714.
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Background: After the end of Second World War, the recent experience of the Nazi horrors stimulated a debate about the political use of psychiatry. Over the years, the focus shifted on major dictatorships of the time and especially on Soviet Union. Aims: This article aims to provide a critical review of the ways in which psychiatry was used by totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. Methods: We summarized relevant literature about political use of psychiatry in totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, with particular focus on Fascism, Nazism, Argentina dictatorship, Soviet Union and China. Results: One of the features that are common to most of the dictatorships is that the use of psychiatry has become more prominent when the regimes have had the need to make more acceptable the imprisonment of enemies in the eyes of the world. This for example happened in the Nazi regime when sterilization and killing of psychiatric patients was explained as a kind of euthanasia, or in the Soviet Union after the formal closure of the corrective labor camps and the slow resumption of relations with the capitalistic world, or in China to justify persecution of religious minorities and preserve economic relations with Western countries. Conclusion: Psychiatry has been variously used by totalitarian regimes as a means of political persecution and especially when it was necessary to make acceptable to public opinion the imprisonment of political opponents.
18
Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 2)". Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, nr 2 (30.11.2019): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.2999.
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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germany and the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations with Germany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany before World War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed special conditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normal exchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based, from the very beginning, on a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission in Berlin under which the Soviet Union was granted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with the Soviet Union, promoted by the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached its highest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as the regime asserted power and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versailles decreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s rise to power increased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Union made repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chiefly sought to repay, with raw materials the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, while Germany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. That agreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937 the loans amounting to 200 million Reichsmarks which were to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used 183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle, liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss in the mid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new period in the development of Soviet-German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–Molotov Agreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
19
BALETSKA, Liudmyla. "CONFRONTATION OF THE UPA (UKRAINIAN INSURGENT ARMY) WITH THE SOVIET PARTISANS AND THE POLES IN KAMIN-KASHYRSKYI DISTRICT (1943–1944)". Contemporary era 7 (2019): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-89-99.
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The article analyzes sources of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army's struggle against the Soviet partisans and Polish units on the territory of Kamin-Kashyrskyi district of the Volyn region during the Nazi occupation. The archival sources traced the formation of the Soviet partisan movement and the Polish nationalist underground, as well as the causes and course of the confrontation. A special place in the article is given to the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation. The author analyzes the national composition of the Soviet partisan movement and the Polish population's participation in it. The main directions of the Ukrainian-Polish conflict are distinguished: the Poles' fight against the UPA as part of the German police and the Soviet partisan movement. The study identified relations between Ukrainians and Poles when the district's inhabitants were a part of the Polish state and at the beginning of World War II. The most large-scale military operations of the UPA soldiers with the Soviet partisans and the Polish units, the strategy, and tactics of their implementation have been outlined and systematized. An attempt has been made to classify military operations by chronological and problematic approach. The conclusions about the scale of military operations and their importance are made. The article focuses on the ideological confrontation between the UPA, the Soviet partisans, and the Polish underground formations, implementation of the ideological struggle methods. The article will be useful for a wide scientific community interested in the local history of the Ukrainian national liberation movement. Keywords: Ukrainian National Liberation Movement, Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Polish units, the Soviet partisans, the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation, Kamin-Kashyrskyi area, German-Nazi occupation, military operation
20
McGilvray, Evan. "Poland Betrayed. The Nazi-Soviet Invasions of 1939, by Williamson, David G." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 23, nr 4 (30.11.2010): 706–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2010.526035.
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Garrard, John. "The Nazi Holocaust in the Soviet Union: Interpreting newly opened Russian archives". East European Jewish Affairs 25, nr 2 (grudzień 1995): 3–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501679508577803.
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Stern, Fritz, Anthony Reed i David Fisher. "The Deadly Embrace: Hitler, Stalin, and the Nazi-Soviet Pact, 1939-1941". Foreign Affairs 67, nr 2 (1988): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043837.
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BURZLAFF, JAN. "CONFRONTING THE COMMUNAL GRAVE: A REASSESSMENT OF SOCIAL RELATIONS DURING THE HOLOCAUST IN EASTERN EUROPE". Historical Journal 63, nr 4 (19.12.2019): 1054–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000566.
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AbstractThis historiographical review focuses on the complex interactions between Nazi Germany, local populations, and east European Jews during the Holocaust. Braving fierce historical revisionism in eastern Europe and the Baltic states, recent studies have shifted the spotlight from Germans to Poles, Ukrainians, Russians, Lithuanians, and other ethnicities. As a result, the analytic categories with which most historians still work – notably ‘perpetrator/victim/bystander’ and ‘collaboration/resistance’ – have outlived their usefulness. A more complex picture of the Nazi-occupied territories in eastern Europe has emerged and now awaits new theoretical frameworks. This article argues that past paradigms blinded scholars to a range of groups lost in the cracks and to behaviours remaining outside the political sphere. Through four criteria that shed light on the social history of the Holocaust in eastern Europe, it draws connections between central and east European, German, Jewish, and Soviet histories, in order to engage with other fields and disciplines that examine modern mass violence and genocide. As Holocaust studies stands at a crossroads, only a transnational history including all ethnicities and deeper continuities, both temporal and geographical, will enhance our knowledge of how social relations shaped the very evolution of the Holocaust.
24
Mälksoo, Lauri. "Soviet Genocide? Communist Mass Deportations in the Baltic States and International Law". Leiden Journal of International Law 14, nr 4 (grudzień 2001): 757–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156501000371.
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The present article deals with international law problems that have arisen in the process of legal clarification of the state crimes committed during the Soviet occupation in the three Baltic states. Following the restoration of their independence in 1991, the Baltic states have sought to establish the historical truth about the mass crimes committed during the Nazi and Soviet occupations – Estonia's International History Commission recently published its first report which is analyzed in this article. Moreover, the courts in the Baltic states have convicted deporters of 1941 and 1949 for crimes against humanity and/or genocide. By discussing different definitions of ‘genocide,’ the author attempts to answer the question whether the general context of the Stalinist mass repressions in the Baltic states permits to qualify the occupant's policy as ‘genocide.’
25
Roberts, Geoffrey. "Stalin, the Pact with Nazi Germany, and the Origins of Postwar Soviet Diplomatic Historiography". Journal of Cold War Studies 4, nr 4 (październik 2002): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970260209527.
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Recently released files from the collection (fond) of Josif Stalin's papers in the former Central Party Archive in Moscow have shed new light on the development of postwar S viet diplomatic historiography, particularly in relation to Stalin's personal role in framing the official rationale and justification for the Nazis viet pact of 1939–1941. This episode gave rise to a policy of archivebased publications in the mid 1950s and pr vided the foundation for later Soviet (and posts viet) treatments of the diplomatic history of the Second World War and other topics.
26
Belsky, Natalie. "“Am I a Jew?”: Soviet Jewish Youth and Antisemitism on the Home Front during the Second World War". Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, nr 2 (2020): 274–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa023.
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Abstract In the wake of the Nazi invasion of June 1941, over one million Soviet Jews were resettled in Central Asia, Siberia, and the Volga and Ural regions for the duration of the war. Prewar antisemitic prejudices and stereotypes, as well as increasingly difficult living conditions, fueled further anti-Jewish sentiment. Children and teenagers were particularly susceptible to harassment because of their frequent contact with local youths at school or in the streets. Often unprepared to deal with these negative attitudes, their responses to and internalization of these early experiences with antisemitism constituted a critical, transformative moment, prompting them to grapple with the meaning of their Jewish identity within the Soviet context.
27
Porter, Thomas Earl. "Hitler's Rassenkampf in the East: The Forgotten Genocide of Soviet POWs". Nationalities Papers 37, nr 6 (listopad 2009): 839–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230785.
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The sheer enormity of Soviet losses at the hands of German forces during the Second World War staggers the mind. During the immediate post-war period, Stalin did not want the West to know just how badly the Soviet Union had been mauled or the fact that far more Soviet soldiers had died than German ones (up to three times as many); consequently, the Soviets clamed that the total number of dead was 7 million, while Western estimates were between 10 and 15 million Soviet dead. It was only during the Khrushchev era that the true scale of the disaster was revealed and the more accurate figure of 20 million dead was generally accepted. Of these, only half were soldiers. The rest were at least 10 million civilians, including 2 million who died as slave laborers in Nazi Germany. The death toll has more recently been put at 25, 27 and even 30 million, though I suspect the latter figures also take into consideration the decline in birth rates. In April 2009 Russian President Dmitrii Medvedev appointed yet another commission to give a final accounting of Soviet losses.
28
Watt, D. Cameron. "An intelligence surprise: The failure of the foreign office to anticipate the Nazi‐Soviet pact". Intelligence and National Security 4, nr 3 (lipiec 1989): 512–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684528908432014.
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Lynn, Denise. "Gendered Narratives in Anti-Stalinism and Anti-Communism during the Cold War: The Case of Juliet Poyntz". Journal of Cold War Studies 18, nr 1 (styczeń 2016): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00618.
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In June 1937, Juliet Poyntz left her boarding room at the American Woman's Association Clubhouse in Manhattan and was never seen again. Poyntz's story might have gone unnoticed if not for the fact that she was a U.S. citizen working for Soviet foreign intelligence. Her task was to recruit others with connections to Germany who would be willing to gather intelligence on the Nazi apparatus. After she disappeared, rumors circulated that she was abducted by the Soviet secret police and murdered or spirited back to the USSR and imprisoned. Anti-Stalinist radicals claimed that Poyntz was disillusioned with the Soviet Union and was murdered in retaliation. After World War II, Poyntz's disappearance fueled the fears of Communists such as Whittaker Chambers who became key witnesses at hearings held by the House Committee on Un-American Activities. Poyntz's disappearance symbolized the danger of Iosif Stalin's leadership in the 1930s, and after the war this evolved into fears of Communism itself as the main threat. What emerged from both anti-Stalinist radicals in the 1930s and postwar anti-Communists were highly gendered narratives that reveal the evolution of anti-Communist fears—fears that were reflected in Poyntz's fate.
30
Bondarev, Vitaly. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the Soviet Famine of 1932–1933". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, nr 4 (2021): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016180-6.
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The article examines one of the least studied aspects of the Soviet famine of 1932–33, namely the reaction of the international community and foreign governments to this tragedy. Facts are presented that prove that the Stalinist regime failed to conceal information about the famine in the collectivized village and prevent the outrage that broke out in the West over the mass death of Soviet citizens. The authors note that the negative reaction from the international community came in the form of both coverage of the plight of farmers in the press, and the organization of material assistance to those of them who were “blood brothers” and had relatives abroad. It was found that one of the results of the tragic events of 1932–1933 was the deterioration of the foreign policy positions of the USSR and the complication of its relations with Nazi Germany. The article’s main focus is on the characteristics of the situation and attitudes of the Soviet Germans, who were the largest Diaspora in the territory of the RSFSR. They were a kind of hostage to the complex dynamics of Soviet-German relations in 1933. The study is based on archival materials not previously introduced into scholarly circulation, in particular, letters from German citizens about food and monetary assistance addressed to their compatriots abroad. An important result of the research is the disclosure of the propaganda campaign “Response to fascist slanderers”, which not only created a favourable information background for the Stalinist leadership but also allowed to appeal to the opinion of Soviet Germans in the confrontation with the foreign public. The authors believe that the direct consequence of foreign policy complications caused by the famine of 1932–1933 was the strengthening of the Soviet government's distrust of the Soviet Germans, which affected their fate in the future.
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Vashkau, Nina, i Andrei Lakiziuk. "Desert Zone: History of Warfare and Crimes Committed by the Nazis in 1941 on the Territory of the Present-Day Lipetsk Oblast". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, nr 4 (sierpień 2021): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.11.
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Introduction. This research focuses on the previously unexplored Nazi crimes on the territory of the modern Lipetsk Oblast in the fall and winter of 1941. It is conducted as part of the nationwide project “Bez sroka davnosti” (No statute of limitation). Newly declassified information from the archives as well as historical evidence from both sides of the conflict allowed us to present a detailed description of those events. Methods and Materials. We used the principles of historicism and objectivity in order to explain the concept of Hitler’s Blitzkrieg against the USSR. We also employed the quantitative method to analyze the structure and equipment of German troops, their readiness for the upcoming battle. Analysis. The leadership of Nazi Germany initially considered the territory of the Soviet Union as their future possessions. Based on this, a policy of treatment of the local population and state property was built, which fits the definition of genocide. The Plans and legal basis for future crimes were developed prior to the outbreak of hostilities. Army corps 45, 134, 95, 262 and 293 Wehrmacht Infantry Divisions, which fought against the 34th and 35th army corps (Red Army), committed various atrocities against the civilian population, as evidenced in detail by archival materials and interrogations of German prisoners of war. Results. The system of the occupation regime was planned in such a way that it was possible to squeeze the maximum out of the occupied lands in favor of Nazi Germany. The behavior of the Wehrmacht soldiers in the occupied territory was destructive in relation to the Soviet population, cultural values and the economy. Technically and morally, the German troops were unable to recover from the defeat received in November-December 1941, while the Red Army was building up its forces and gaining the necessary experience in the fight against the enemy.
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Shveitser, Vladimir. "USSR and Germany in the context of the events of the 1920s-1930s". Contemporary Europe, nr 98 (1.10.2020): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52020193203.
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The article is dedicated to the Soviet-German relations of the 1920s-late 1930s. It explores the key issues that fit into the General context of the European situation of the interwar period. The most important normative acts of those years – the Treaty of Versailles, the Locarno and Rapallo agreements – are studied. The article analyses the core document of Hitlerism – Mein Kampf, its influence on the formation and development of foreign policy doctrines of Nazi Germany. The position of the Soviet Union towards the policy of the Weimar Republic before and after the national socialists rise to power in 1933 is evaluated. In response to the growing revanchist tendencies to solve the problems created by Versailles, the Soviet Union began to search for optimal options in order to create a collective security system in Europe. Special attention is paid to the initial stage of Hitler's aggressive course – the annexation of the Saarland, the militarization of the Rhineland, and the Anschluss of Austria. The appeasement policy of the leading European powers in these matters manifested clearly in the so-called Munich betrayal of September 1938, which opened the way for Hitler to implement his aggressive plans.
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Bozóki, András. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework". Perspectives on Politics 15, nr 2 (czerwiec 2017): 533–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000329.
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The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.
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Bunce, Valerie. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework". Perspectives on Politics 15, nr 2 (czerwiec 2017): 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000330.
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The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.
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Falk, Barbara J. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework". Perspectives on Politics 15, nr 2 (czerwiec 2017): 536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000342.
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The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.
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Tismăneanu, Vladimir. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework". Perspectives on Politics 15, nr 2 (czerwiec 2017): 538–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000354.
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The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.
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Bernhard, Michael H. "A Discussion of Aviezer Tucker's The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework". Perspectives on Politics 15, nr 2 (czerwiec 2017): 540–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000366.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The concept of totalitarianism emerged between the two world wars in twentieth-century Europe to become a central concept of Cold War social science designed to highlight similarities between the Nazi and Soviet regimes and implicitly to contrast these forms of dictatorship with liberal democracy. While in the 1960s and 1970s many critics challenged the concept’s Cold War uses as an ideology of “the West,” the idea of totalitarianism and later “post-totalitarianism” played important roles in East Central Europe, where they helped dissident intellectuals, academics, and activists both to understand and to challenge Soviet-style communism. The concept of “totalitarianism” remains heavily contested. But whatever one thinks about the concept’s social scientific validity, there can be no doubt that it played a crucial role in both the scholarship of communism and the public intellectual debates about the possibilities of post-communism. Aviezer Tucker’s The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework (Cambridge 2015) addresses many of these issues, and so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book and the broader theme denoted by its title.
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Dudaiti, Albert K. "Problems of the formation of Soviet-Iranian relations in the interwar period (1918 – 1939)". Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, nr 2(2021) (25.06.2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-28-35.
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The article examines the complex process of the formation of bilateral relations between the RSFSR / USSR and Iran in the period between the two World Wars. The desire of the parties to establish bilateral relations on an equal, mutually beneficial basis-in accordance with the spirit and letter of the Moscow Treaty of 1921 – is revealed. There are permanent difficulties on the way of rapprochement between the two countries, caused, among other things, by the undisguised interference of England in the internal affairs of Iran. The article reveals the colonial essence of the British policy in Iran, reflected in the Anglo-Iranian treaty of 1921. The Iranian people showed growing dissatisfaction with the British dominance, demanded that the authorities put an end to it, and at the same time called on them to strengthen good-neighborly relations with the RSFSR. The paper traces the main milestones in the development of Soviet-Iranian relations after the state transition in Iran in 1921, and states positive results in bilateral cooperation in political, trade, economic and other spheres. Separately, the anti-Soviet foreign policy of the Shah’s regime at the turn of the 20-30s is traced, which caused great damage to the relations of the RSFSR with Iran. When analyzing the process of Iran’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany, it is emphasized that the pro-German course of Reza Shah Pahlavi not only created problems for the safe existence of Iran, but also, in general, threatened peace and stability in the Middle East.
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Jõhvik, Liis. "Make Love at War? Representing Gender and Memory in the Soviet Estonian Film Dark Windows (Pimedad aknad, Tõnis Kask, 1968)". Baltic Screen Media Review 6, nr 1 (1.12.2018): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsmr-2018-0002.
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Abstract Initially produced in 1968 as a three-part TV miniseries, and restored and re-edited in 2008 as a feature-length film, Dark Windows (Pimedad aknad, Tõnis Kask, Estonia) explores interpersonal relations and everyday life in September 1944, during the last days of Estonia’s occupation by Nazi Germany. The story focuses on two young women and the struggles they face in making moral choices and falling in love with righteous men. The one who slips up and falls in love with a Nazi is condemned and made to feel responsible for the national decay. This article explores how the category of gender becomes a marker in the way the film reconstructs and reconstitutes the images of ‘us’ and ‘them’. The article also discusses the re-appropriation process and analyses how re-editing relates to remembering of not only the filmmaking process and the wartime occupation, but also the Estonian women and how the ones who ‘slipped up’ are later reintegrated into the national narrative. Ultimately, the article seeks to understand how this film from the Soviet era is remembered as it becomes a part of Estonian national filmography.
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Denny, Isabel. "Nazi Rule and the Soviet Offensive in Eastern Germany 1944–45; The Darkest Hour, by Alistair Noble". Journal of Slavic Military Studies 23, nr 1 (22.02.2010): 236–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040903578437.
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Yekelchyk, Serhy. "When Stalin's Nations Sang: Writing the Soviet Ukrainian Anthem (1944–1949)". Nationalities Papers 31, nr 3 (wrzesień 2003): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000115510.
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In February 1944, as the victorious Red Army was preparing to clear the Nazi German forces from the rest of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, a surprise official announcement stunned the population. The radio and the newspapers announced amendments to the Soviet constitution, which would enable the union republics to establish their own armies and maintain diplomatic relations with foreign states. While the Kremlin did not elaborate on the reasons for such a reform, Radianska Ukraina, the republic's official newspaper, proceeded to hail the announcement as “a new step in Ukrainian state building.” Waxing lyrical, the paper wrote that “every son and every daughter of Ukraine” swelled with national pride upon learning of the new rights that had been granted to their republic. In reality, the public was confused. In Ukraine's capital, Kiev, the secret police recorded details of rumors to the effect that the USA and Great Britain had forced this reform on Stalin and that Russians living in Ukraine would be forced to assimilate or to leave the republic. Even some party-appointed propagandists erred in explaining that the change was necessitated by the fact that Ukraine's “borders have widened and [it] will become an independent state.”
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Housden, Martyn. "A. Noble,Nazi Rule and the Soviet Offensive in Eastern Germany, 1944–1945. The Darkest Hour". Diplomacy & Statecraft 20, nr 4 (10.12.2009): 722–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290903297580.
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Vagts, Detlev F. "The Proposed Expatriation Tax—A Human Rights Violation?" American Journal of International Law 89, nr 3 (lipiec 1995): 578–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2204174.
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Income tax law and human rights law operate in quite separate worlds, but a proposal recently presented to Congress brings them together. The Clinton administration has advocated a tax on certain unrealized capital gains of expatriates and some of its opponents have claimed that it constitutes a violation of human rights law. They evoke the hardships visited on those who fled from Nazi Germany in the 1930s and from the Soviet Union and the German Democratic Republic more recently. They assert that a similar wrong would be inflicted by this proposed tax on those who surrender United States citizenship. The reaction of this writer is that of Justice Cardozo to the charge that twentieth-century administrative practices are “Star Chamber” procedures: “Historians may find hyperbole in the sanguinary simile.”
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Hоncharenko, Оleksii, i Oleksandr Potyl’chak. "Everyday life of local police officers in Kyiv region during the Nazi occupation (1941–1943)". Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, nr 2 (29.12.2020): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200211.
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The purpose of the article is to identify the features of daily life of the local police officers of the Reichсommissariat Ukraine (hereinafter – the RCU), their socio-professional status. Research methods: analytical, synthetic, historical-chronological, comparative-historical, logical. Main results. The example of the RCU examines the problem of the daily life of local police officers in their everyday, social, professional and psychological dimensions. At the systemic level, the everyday aspects of daily routine of local police officers and their place in the system of social relations of that time are clarified. Typical models of behavior of policemen of RCU are distinguished in their relationships with local society. Examples of the participation of Ukrainian police officers both in persecution and in helping people who were victims of Nazi repression are given. The fact of increase of destructive phenomena in moral and psychological moods of local police officers of the RCU is established. Scientific novelty. For the first time the daily life of RCU police officers is analyzed in detail, their place in the system of social relations and model of behavior in the course of fulfilling their professional duties are determined. Practical importance. The study identifies typical social behavior patterns of persons who in occupation conditions were employed by local police and were directly accomplishing the goals and objectives of Nazi occupation policy. The originality of the study is based on the identification and analytical and synthetic processing of previously unknown archival sources of the Soviet special services. Type of article: research.
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Werth, Nicolas. "Valters Nollendorfs, Erwin Oberländer, eds., The Hidden and Forbidden History of Latvia under Soviet and Nazi Occupations". Cahiers du monde russe 46, nr 46/4 (1.12.2005): 929–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.6629.
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Bederman, David J. "Jurisprudence of the Foreign Claims Settlement Commission: Albania Claims". American Journal of International Law 106, nr 2 (kwiecień 2012): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.2.0271.
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Albania ranks among the smallest and poorest countries in Europe, located on the Adriatic and Ionian Seas just north of Greece. It gained its independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912 (accounting for the fact that a majority of the population is Muslim) and subsisted as a monarchy for much of the interwar period. Albania was occupied by Italy (and then Nazi Germany) for all of the Second World War. Communist partisans expelled the Germans in 1944, without the assistance of Soviet forces, and thus began nearly a half-century of a totalitarian, isolationist rule by an extremely repressive Communist regime under the leadership of Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia. This regime was definitively overthrown in 1991. Since that time, Albania has been periodically wracked by civil and political unrest, leading to substantial violence in 1997 that was quelled only with the brief deployment of a UN multinational protection force.
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Solonari, Vladimir. "From Silence to Justification?: Moldovan Historians on the Holocaust of Bessarabian and Transnistrian Jews". Nationalities Papers 30, nr 3 (wrzesień 2002): 435–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599022000011705.
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The Holocaust was one of the major experiences of the populations, both Jewish and non-Jewish, of those European countries that were either part of the Axis or occupied by Nazi Germany. This was certainly the case for the inhabitants of Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, and Transnistria. These regions remained under Romanian administration from June/July 1941 to spring/summer 1944. The Soviets had seized Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina from Romania in June 1940 under the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. These territories were then reoccupied (“liberated”) by the Romanian and German armies after the German attack against the Soviet Union in June 1941. From 1941 to 1944 they were Romanian provinces ruled by separate highly centralized administrations. Transnistria (meaning literally “territory across the Dniester” in Romanian), which lies between the Dniester and Bug rivers, though never formally incorporated into Romania, was ruled by the Romanians during this period under the agreement with Hitler. Romanian authorities deported practically all Jews from Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to Transnistria, accusing them of both treason and collaboration with the Soviets in 1940–1941 during the Soviet occupation and hostility towards the Romanian state in general. Some Roma, together with other “hostile elements” from other Romanian provinces, were also deported to Transnistria.
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Borisov, A. Yu. "The Anti-Hitler Coalition: From Enmity to Military Alliance — A Formula for Success". Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, nr 3 (20.11.2020): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-7-44.
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It is unfortunate to note again today that World War II did not end, it continues in the form of the war of memory. Politicians and scholars who stand as ideological successors of collaborators are trying to rewrite the history of those tragic days, to downplay the role of the Soviet Union in the victory over fascism. They try to revive certain political myths, which have been debunked long ago, that the Soviet Union and the Nazi Germany bear equal responsibility for the outbreak of World War II, that the Red Army did not liberate Eastern Europe but ‘occupied’ it. In order to combat these attempts it is necessary to examine once again a turbulent history of the inter-war period and, particularly, the reasons why all attempts to form a united antifascist front had failed in the 1930s, but eventually led to the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition.The paper focuses on a complex set of political considerations, including cooperation and confrontation, mutual suspicions and a fervent desire to find an ally in the face of growing international tensions, which all together determined the dynamics of relations within a strategic triangle of the Soviet Union — the United States — Great Britain in the late 1930s and early 1940s. The paper shows how all attempts to establish a collective security system during the prewar period had shattered faced with the policy of appeasement, which allowed the Nazi Germany to occupy much of Europe. Only the Soviet Union’s entry into the war changed the course of the conflict and made a decisive contribution to the victory over fascist aggressors. The author emphasizes that at such crucial moment of history I.V. Stalin, F.D. Roosevelt and W. Churchill raised to that challenge, demonstrating realism, common sense and willingness to cooperate. Although within the anti-Hitler coalition there was a number of pending issues, which triggered tensions between the Allies, their leaders managed to move beyond old grievances, ideological differences and short-term political interests, to realize that they have a common strategic goal in the struggle against Nazism. According to the author, this is the foundation for success of the anti-Hitler coalition and, at the same time, the key lesson for contemporary politicians. The very emergence of the anti-Hitler coalition represented a watershed in the history of the 20th century, which has determined a way forward for the whole humanity and laid the foundations for the world order for the next fifty years.
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Grzywacz, Małgorzata. "The Confessing Church (Bekennende Kirche) in Western Pomerania in Light of the Activity of St. Mary’s Parish in Koszalin (Köslin) and the Rev. Friedrich Onnasch (1881–1945)". Studia Religiologica 53, nr 4 (1.12.2020): 303–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844077sr.20.021.13039.
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The article deals with issues related to the history of the relations between churches as institutions, and their individual clergymen, and the Nazi state. The source referred to in this article is the intimate journal of Minister Friedrich Onnasch (1881–1945), the superintendent of the Koszalin Church District and parish priest of Saint Mary’s Church in Koszalin, murdered by Soviet troops in Barlinek in February 1945. A document written on a regular basis, never published, is a detailed account (though coded, due to censorship), showing the experience of the clerical office in a time of totalitarian oppression. It shows the situation in the Evangelical Church after 1933 and the commitment of Minister Friedrich Onnasch and others, among them Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906–1945), associated with Pomerania, in the movement of the Confessing Church. It explores the areas of Christian religion in its Evangelical topography, limited to the space of the former Prussian province of Pommern (Provinz Pommern) and Western Pomerania after 1945.
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Yarhi-Milo, Keren. "In the Eye of the Beholder: How Leaders and Intelligence Communities Assess the Intentions of Adversaries". International Security 38, nr 1 (lipiec 2013): 7–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00128.
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How do policymakers infer the long-term political intentions of their states' adversaries? A new approach to answering this question, the “selective attention thesis,” posits that individual perceptual biases and organizational interests and practices influence which types of indicators a state's political leaders and its intelligence community regard as credible signals of an adversary's intentions. Policymakers often base their interpretations on their own theories, expectations, and needs, sometimes ignoring costly signals and paying more attention to information that, though less costly, is more vivid (i.e., personalized and emotionally involving). In contrast, intelligence organizations typically prioritize the collection and analysis of data on the adversary's military inventory. Over time, these organizations develop substantial knowledge on these material indicators that they then use to make predictions about an adversary's intentions. An examination of three cases based on 30,000 archival documents and intelligence reports shows strong support for the selective attention thesis and mixed support for two other approaches in international relations theory aimed at understanding how observers are likely to infer adversaries' political intentions: the behavior thesis and the capabilities thesis. The three cases are assessments by President Jimmy Carter and officials in his administration of Soviet intentions during the collapse of détente; assessments by President Ronald Reagan and administration officials of Soviet intentions during the end of the Cold War; and British assessments of Nazi Germany before World War II.