Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Personne morale absorbée”

As a Muslim, the most important worship is prayer, because prayer is the pillar of religion, of course it is customary to carry out prayer services, especially the five daily prayers, which must be started early, because at this age children are able to absorb and know the information that they can get around, to it really needs to be instilled with good religious values ​​so that one day they will have good habits and character as well. The phenomenon that occurs in today's society is generally that children are reluctant to carry out congregational prayers at the nearest mosque or musholla on the pretext of their young age, even though at a young age they need to be taught about correct worship practices according to the Prophet's syari'ah. So that this is a form of concern and contribution for our students by holding a program which has the aim of fostering the enthusiasm of children in carrying out worship, especially congregational prayers at the nearest mosque or musholla so that they can form children into personal character and have good morals.

The heart is like a mirror. As long as the mirror is clean from dirt and stains, everything can be seen in it. But if the mirror is covered with blemishes, and nothing can remove the blemishes from it and polish it, then the mirror is spoiled. The mirror can no longer be cleaned and polished. Management of the Heart is understanding yourself and being willing and able to control yourself after understanding who you are. And the place to truly understand who this self is is in the heart, the heart that shows the character and true self. The heart that makes this self capable of achievement is only because of Allah. In the concept of heart management, every desire, feeling, or impulse that comes out of a person's intentions will be filtered to give birth to something good and noble and full of benefits. Not only for the life of the world but also for the afterlife. More than that, with good heart management, a person can also respond to all forms of action or actions from outside himself, both positively and negatively, proportionally. Like a tower, the heart has many doors. Like a mirror, the heart can absorb and reflect every image that comes to it. Then the influence of the object will enter the heart, and leave an imprint in it through the external means, namely the five senses, or through the inner means, namely fantasy, passion, anger, and morals that form naturally. Development of conscience with the light of faith and belief. On the other hand, the darkness of the heart is due to the beautiful picture of the world hanging over his heart.

The conflict between the two social understandings between individualism and collectivism does not need to be clashed, but instead it needs to be managed according to values, morals and ethics. So that it can become a social force for social life. In this issue, architects can play a role in cultivating a 'space' that is fit to the problem of individualism-collectivism. The research method used is a comparative and synergistic method. Literature in the form of journals and books on the phenomenon of individualism-collectivism is used as a reference and comparison. To be able to change a person's attitude, it is necessary to have an environmental role that creates events and events that occur repeatedly and continuously, gradually being absorbed into the individual and influencing the formation of an attitude. In order for this approach to be applied easily, this approach must be applied to basic human needs. In basic human needs there is a hierarchy of the most basic, namely physiological needs, the most basic needs to be fulfilled because they include things that are vital for survival, namely, clothing, food, and shelter. So in order to answer this issue, the vertical housing function is fixed. In addition, vertical housing is considered important because it responds to limited land and the increasing human population. Vertical housing with a collaborative space in grouped dwelling unit concept, because offers many possibilities, from people who live together sharing physical space to communities that share values, interests and philosophies of life. Grouping system is also be an important value and in community prefer to live in small community amount 4-10 members with various background. Consisted by good quality personal space and supporting facilities to develop self-potential as self-actualization. Keywords: collaborative; collectivism; individualism; monodualism; self actualization Abstrak Konflik dua paham sosial antara individualisme dengan kolektivisme tidak perlu dibenturkan, tetapi justru perlu dikelola menurut nilai-nilai, moral, dan etika, sehingga dapat menjadi kekuatan sosial bagi kehidupan bermasyarakat. Dalam isu ini, arsitek dapat berperan dalam mengolah ‘ruang’ yang fit terhadap permasalahan individualisme-kolektivisme. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode komparatif dan sinergis. Literatur berupa jurnal dan buku tentang fenomena individualisme-kolektivisme, dijadikan sebagai acuan dan pembanding. Untuk dapat mengubah sikap seseorang diperlukan peran lingkungan untuk menciptakan kejadian-kejadian dan peristiwa-peristiwa yang terjadi berulang-ulang dan terus-menerus, lama-kelamaan secara bertahap diserap kedalam diri individu dan memengaruhi terbentuknya suatu sikap. Agar pendekatan ini dapat diterapkan dengan mudah maka pendekatan ini harus diterapkan pada kebutuhan dasar manusia. Pada kebutuhan dasar manusia terdapat hierarki yang paling dasar yaitu kebutuhan fisiologis (physiological needs), kebutuhan yang paling dasar untuk dipenuhi karena meliputi hal-hal yang vital bagi kelangsungan hidup yaitu, sandang, pangan, dan papan. Sehingga untuk menjawab isu ini, ditetapkan fungsi hunian vertikal. Selain itu, hunian vertikal dinilai penting karena untuk mejawab keterbatasan lahan dan semakin tingginya populasi manusia. Hunian vertikal dengan mengusung konsep ruang kolaboratif pada setiap unit hunian yang dikelompokkan, karena menawarkan banyak kemungkinan, mulai dari orang-orang yang tinggal bersama dengan berbagi ruang fisik hingga komunitas yang juga berbagi nilai, minat, dan filosofi hidup. Sistem pengelompokan penghuni juga menjadi nilai penting dan dalam komunitas lebih menyukai jumlah yang sedikit 4-10 orang dengan latar belakang yang berbeda. Ditunjang dengan kualitas ruang pribadi yang baik dan fasilitas penunjang yang dapat mengembangkan potensi sebagai bentuk aktualisai diri.

AbstractWe examine the implications of anti‐statist populist leaders' inattention to competence and service delivery, and their embrace of a particular form of dysfunctional politics: government shutdowns. This paper explores the effects of US government shutdowns on agency policy implementation and personnel and using survey data from several hundred thousand federal employees. The first study gauges the effect of the 2018–2019 shutdown on specific elements of agency policy implementation. The results suggest that shutdowns, as a type of shock associated with anti‐statist politics, undermine the quality of government in the eyes of those closest to the work. The second and third studies consider the effect of shutdowns on employee morale, using the 2013, and 2018–2019 shutdown. While our findings indicate that the 2013 shutdown wrought durable negative impacts on the morale of shutdown agency personnel, that event appears to have prepared agencies to absorb any negative morale impacts in the 2018–2019 shutdown. Our study shows both the immediate and long‐term dynamics of government shutdowns on policy implementation and the administrative workforce.

Abstrak. Orang tua menghadapi tantangan dalam melindungi anak dari pengaruh negatif yang mudah diserap. Sumber informasi dan hiburan yang berpotensi merugikan perkembangan anak menjadi perhatian utama, mengingat usia dini adalah masa terbaik untuk menstimulasi pendidikan agama dan moral. Selain itu, pendidikan di Indonesia dinilai kurang menekankan pembentukan karakter, budi pekerti, dan moral. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis implementasi program Tafaqquh Fiddin dalam mengembangkan nilai agama dan moral pada anak usia 4-5 tahun. Penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode studi kasus. Data dikumpulkan melalui observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi dari kepala sekolah, tenaga kependidikan, guru agama, wali kelas kelompok A, dan orang tua siswa. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan implementasi program Tafaqquh Fiddin dilakukan melalui tiga tahap: (1) Persiapan, mencakup penyusunan rencana pembelajaran tahunan, semester, mingguan, dan harian; (2) Pelaksanaan, meliputi pembelajaran klasikal dan individual dengan metode seperti Qiro'ati, hafalan, bercerita, tanya jawab, dan permainan; (3) Penilaian berkelanjutan untuk mengukur perkembangan nilai agama dan moral anak. Program ini terbukti efektif mendukung perkembangan religious dan moral anak sesuai tahap perkembangan usia dini. Abstract. Parents face challenges in protecting their children from negative influences that are easily absorbed. Sources of information and entertainment that have the potential to harm children's development are a major concern, considering that early childhood is the best time to stimulate religious and moral education. In addition, education in Indonesia is considered to have less emphasis on character building, ethics, and morals. This study aims to analyze the implementation of the Tafaqquh Fiddin program in developing religious and moral values in children aged 4-5 years. The research used a qualitative approach with a case study method. Data were collected through observations, interviews, and documentation from the principal, education personnel, religion teachers, homeroom teachers of group A, and parents of students. The results showed that the implementation of the Tafaqquh Fiddin program was carried out through three stages: (1) Preparation, including the preparation of annual, semester, weekly, and daily learning plans; (2) Implementation, including classical and individual learning with methods such as Qiro'ati, memorization, storytelling, questions and answers, and games; (3) Continuous assessment to measure the development of children's religious and moral values. This program is proven to be effective in supporting children's religious and moral development according to early childhood development stages.

It is time for the truth to be brought out ... . Behind the scenes high-ranking Air Force officers are soberly concerned about the UFOs. But through official secrecy and ridicule, many citizens are led to believe the unknown flying objects are nonsense. -- Rear Admiral Roscoe Hillenkoetter, Director of Central Intelligence (1947-50), signed statement to Congress, 22 Aug. 1960 As an avid UFO enthusiast, an enduring subject of frustration for me is the complacency and ignorance that tends to characterise public knowledge of the phenomenon itself and its social repercussions. Its hard for people like myself to understand how anyone could not be interested in UFOs, let alone Congressional statements from ex-Directors of the Central Intelligence Agency testifying to an official policy of secrecy and ridicule (in other words, propaganda), which aims to suppress public interest and belief in UFOs. As a student of cultural studies who also happens to be a conspiracy theorist, the idea of the Central Intelligence Agency seeking to manipulate one of the twentieth century's most significant icons -- the UFO -- is a fascinating one, because it allows for the possibility that the ways in which the UFO has come to be understood by the public may involve more than the everyday cultural processes described by cultural studies. A review of the history of the CIA's interest in UFO phenomena actually suggests, quite compellingly I think, that since the 1950s, American culture (and, indirectly and to a lesser degree, the rest of the western world) may have been subjected to a highly sophisticated system of UFO propaganda that originated from the Central Intelligence Agency. This is, of course, a highly contentious claim which would bring many important repercussions should it turn out to be true. There is no point pretending that it doesn't sound like a basic premise of The X-Files -- of course it does. So to extract the idea from its comfortable fictional context and attempt to place it into a real historical one (a completely legitimate endeavour) one must become familiar with the politics of the UFO phenomenon in Cold War America, a field of history which is, to understate the matter, largely ignored by academia. A cursory glance at the thousands of (now declassified) UFO-related documents that once circulated through some of the highest channels of US intelligence reveal that, rather than the nonsense topic it is often considered, the UFO phenomenon has been a matter of great concern for the US government since 1947. To get a sense of just how seriously UFOs were taken by the CIA in the 1950s, consider this declassified 'Secret' memorandum from H. Marshall Chadwell, Assistant Director of Scientific Intelligence, to the Director of Central Intelligence, General Walter Bedell Smith, dated 24 September 1952: a world-wide reporting system has been instituted and major Air Force bases have been ordered to make interceptions of unidentified flying objects ... . Since 1947, ATIC [Air Technical Intelligence Center, a branch of the US Air Force] has received approximately 1500 official reports of sightings ... . During 1952 alone, official reports totalled 250. Of the 1500 reports, Air Force carries 20 percent as unexplained and of those received from January through July 1952 it carries 28 percent as unexplained. (qtd. in Good 390) Fifteen-hundred reports in five years is roughly three-hundred reports per year, which is dangerously close to one per day. Although only twenty percent, or one-fifth of these reports were unexplained, equalling about 60 unexplained sightings per year, this still equalled more than one unexplained sighting per week. But these were just the unexplained, official sightings collected by ATIC, which was by no means a comprehensive database of all sightings occurring in the United States, or the rest of the world, for that matter. Extrapolation of these figures suggested that the UFO problem was probably much more extensive than the preliminary findings were indicating, hence the erection of a world-wide reporting system and the interception of UFOs by major US Air Force bases. The social consequences of the UFO problem quickly became a matter of major importance to the CIA. Chadwell went on to point out that: The public concern with the phenomena, which is reflected both in the United States press and in the pressure of inquiry upon the Air Force, indicates that a fair proportion of our population is mentally conditioned to the acceptance of the incredible. In this fact lies the potential for the touching-off of mass hysteria and panic. (qtd. in Good 393) By "acceptance of the incredible" Chadwell was probably referring to acceptance of the existence of intelligently controlled, disc-shaped craft which are capable of performing aerial manoeuvres far in excess of those possible with contemporary technology. Flying saucers were, and remain, incredible. Yet belief in them had permeated the US government as early as 1947, when a 'Secret' Air Materiel Command report (now declassified) from Lieutenant General Nathan Twining to the Commanding General, Army Air Forces, announced that: It is the opinion that: (a) The phenomenon reported is something real and not visionary and fictitious. There are objects probably approximating the shape of a disc, of such appreciable size as to appear to be as large as man-made aircraft. There is a possibility that some of the incidents may be caused by natural phenomena, such as meteors. (b) The reported operating characteristics such as extreme rates of climb, manoeuvrability (particularly in roll), and action which must be considered evasive when sighted or contacted by friendly aircraft or radar, lend belief to the possibility that some of the objects are controlled either manually, automatically, or remotely. -- (qtd. in Good 313-4) This report was compiled only two months after the term flying saucer had been invented, following pilot Kenneth Arnold's historic sighting of nine saucer-like objects in June 1947. The fact that a phenomenon which should have been ignored as a tabloid fad was being confirmed, extremely quickly, by the Air Materiel Command Headquarters suggested that those people mentally conditioned to accept the impossible were not restricted to the public domain. They also, apparently, held positions of considerable power within the government itself. This rapid acceptance, at the highest levels of America's defense agencies, of the UFO reality must have convinced certain segments of the CIA that a form of hysteria had already begun, so powerful that those whose job it was to not only remain immune from such psychosocial forces, but to manage them, were actually succumbing to it themselves. What the CIA faced, then, was nothing short of a nation on the verge of believing in aliens. Considering this, it should become a little clearer why the CIA might develop an interest in the UFO phenomenon at this point. Whether aliens were here or not did not, ultimately, matter. What did matter was the obvious social phenomenon of UFO belief. Walter Bedell Smith, Director of Central Intelligence, realised this in 1952, and wrote to the Executive Secretary of the National Security Council (in a letter previously classified 'Secret'): It is my view that this situation has possible implications for our national security which transcend the interests of a single service. A broader, coordinated effort should be initiated to develop a firm scientific understanding of the several phenomena which apparently are involved in these reports, and to assure ourselves that the incidents will not hamper our present efforts in the Cold War or confuse our early warning system in case of an attack. I therefore recommend that this Agency and the agencies of the Department of Defense be directed to formulate and carry out a program of intelligence and research activities required to solve the problem of instant positive identification of unidentified flying objects ... . This effort shall be coordinated with the military services and the Research and Development Board of the Department of Defense, with the Psychological Strategy Board and other Governmental agencies as appropriate. (qtd. in Good 400-1) What the Director was asserting, basically, was that the UFO problem was too big for the CIA to solve alone. Any government agencies it was deemed necessary to involve were to be called into action to deal with the UFOs. If this does not qualify UFOs as serious business, it is difficult to imagine what would. In the same year, Chadwell again reported to the CIA Director in a memo which suggests that he and his colleagues were on the brink of believing not only that UFOs were real, but that they represented an extraterrestrial presence: At this time, the reports of incidents convince us that there is something going on that must have immediate attention ... . Sightings of unexplained objects at great altitudes and traveling at high speeds in the vicinity of major US defense installations are of such nature that they are not attributable to natural phenomena or known types of aerial vehicles. (qtd. in Good 403) In 1953, these concerns eventually led to the CIA's most public investigation of the UFO phenomenon, the Robertson Panel. Its members were Dr H. P. Robertson (physics and radar); Dr Lloyd V. Berkner (geophysics); Dr Samuel Goudsmit (atomic structure and statistical problems); and Dr Thornton Page (astronomy and astrophysics). Associate members were Dr J. Allen Hynek (astronomy) and Frederick C. Durant (missiles and rockets). Twelve hours of meetings ensued (not nearly enough time to absorb all of the most compelling UFO data gathered at this point), during which the panel was shown films of UFOs, case histories and sightings prepared by the ATIC, and intelligence reports relating to the Soviet Union's interest in US sightings, as well as numerous charts depicting, for example, frequency and geographic location of sightings (Good 404). The report (not fully declassified until 1975) concluded with a highly skeptical, and highly ambiguous, view of UFO phenomena. Part IV, titled "Comments and Suggestions of the Panel", stated that: Reasonable explanations could be suggested for most sightings ... by deduction and scientific method it could be induced (given additional data) that other cases might be explained in a similar manner. (qtd. in Good 404) However, even if the panel's insistence that UFOs were not of extraterrestrial origin seemed disingenuous, it still noted the subjectivity of the public to mass hysteria and greater vulnerability to possible enemy psychological warfare (qtd. in Good 405). To remedy this, it recommended quite a profound method of propaganda: The debunking aim would result in reduction in public interest in flying saucers which today evokes a strong psychological reaction. This education could be accomplished by mass media such [as] television, motion pictures, and popular articles. Basis of such education would be actual case histories which had been puzzling at first but later explained. As in the case of conjuring tricks, there is much less stimulation if the secret is known. Such a program should tend to reduce the current gullibility of the public and consequently their susceptibility to clever hostile propaganda. The panel noted that the general absence of Russian propaganda based on a subject with so many obvious possibilities for exploitation might indicate a possible Russian official policy ... . It was felt strongly that psychologists familiar with mass psychology should advise on the nature and extent of the program ... . It was believed that business clubs, high schools, colleges, and television stations would all be pleased to cooperate in the showing of documentary type motion pictures if prepared in an interesting manner. The use of true cases showing first the mystery and then the explanation would be forceful ... . The continued emphasis on the reporting of these phenomena does, in these parlous times, result in a threat to the orderly functioning of the protective organs of the body politic ... . [It is recommended that] the national security agencies take immediate steps to strip the Unidentified Flying Objects of the special status they have been given and the aura of mystery they have unfortunately acquired; that the national security agencies institute policies on intelligence, training, and public education designed to prepare the material defenses and the morale of the country to recognise most promptly and to react most effectively to true indications of hostile intent or action. We suggest that these aims may be achieved by an integrated program designed to reassure the public of the total lack of evidence of inimical forces behind the phenomena, to train personnel to recognize and reject false indications quickly and effectively, and to strengthen regular channels for the evaluation of and prompt reaction to true indications of hostile measures. (qtd. in Good 405-6) The general aim of the Robertson Panel's recommendations, then, was to not only stop people believing in UFOs, but to stop people seeing UFOs, which constitutes an extreme manipulation of the public consciousness. It was the intention of the CIA to ensure, as subtly as was possible, that most people interpreted specific visual experiences (i.e. UFO sightings) in terms of a strict CIA-developed criterion. This momentous act basically amounts to an attempt to define, control and enforce a particular construction of reality which specifically excludes UFOs. In an ironic way, the Robertson Panel report advocated a type of modern exorcism, and may have been the very birthplace of the idea that such an obvious icon of wonder and potential as the UFO is, it can never be more than a misidentification or a hoax. We cannot be certain to what extent the recommendations of the Robertson Panel were put into practice, but we can safely assume that its findings were not ignored by the CIA. For example, Captain Edward J. Ruppelt, Chief of the ATIC's Aerial Phenomena Branch, has testified that "[We were] ordered to hide sightings when possible, but if a strong report does get out, we have to publish a fast explanation -- make up something to kill the report in a hurry, and also ridicule the witnesses, especially if we can't find a plausible answer. We even have to discredit our own pilots" (Good 407). Comments like these make one wonder just how extensive the program of debunking and ridicule actually was. What I have suggested here is that during the 1950s, and possibly throughout the four decades since, an objective of the CIA has been to downplay its own interest in the UFO phenomenon to the public whilst engaging in secret, complex investigations of the phenomenon itself and its social repercussions. If this is the case, as the evidence -- the best of which can be found in the government's own files (even though such evidence, as tens of thousands of conspiracy theorists continue to stress, can hardly be taken simply at face value) -- indicates, then the construction of the UFO in western popular culture will have to be revised as a process involving more than just the projection of popular hopes, desires and anxieties onto an abstract, mythical object. It will also need to be seen as involving the clandestine manipulation of this process by immeasurably powerful groups within the culture itself, such as the CIA. And since the CIAs major concerns about UFOs haved traditionally been explicitly related to the Cold War, the renewed prominence of the UFO in western popular culture since the demise of the Soviet Union requires immediate, serious investigation in a political context. For the UFO issue is, and has always been, a political issue. I suggest that until this fascinating chapter of American domestic history is explored more thoroughly, the cultural function of the UFO will remain just as poorly understood as its physical nature. References Good, Timothy. Beyond Top Secret: The Worldwide UFO Security Threat. London: MacMillan, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Adam Dodd. "Making It Unpopular: The CIA and UFOs in Popular Culture." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.4 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9906/cia.php>. Chicago style: Adam Dodd, "Making It Unpopular: The CIA and UFOs in Popular Culture," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 4 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9906/cia.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Adam Dodd. (1999) Making it unpopular: the CIA and UFOs in popular culture. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(4). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9906/cia.php> ([your date of access]).

Photo by Ishan @seefromthesky on Unsplash ABSTRACT A strike to highlight the plight facing contract doctors which has been proposed has received mixed reactions from those within the profession and the public. This unprecedented nationwide proposal has the potential to cause real-world effects, posing an ethical dilemma. Although strikes are common, especially in high-income countries, these industrial actions by doctors in Malaysia are almost unheard of. Reviewing available evidence from various perspectives is therefore imperative to update the profession and the complexity of invoking this important human right. INTRODUCTION Contract doctors in Malaysia held a strike on July 26, 2021. COVID-19 cases are increasing in Malaysia. In June, daily cases ranged between 4,000 to 8,000 despite various public health measures. The R naught, which indicates the infectiousness of COVID-19, remains unchanged. During the pandemic, health care workers (HCWs) have been widely celebrated, resulting in a renewed appreciation of the risks that they face.[1] The pandemic has exposed flawed governance in the public healthcare system, particularly surrounding the employment of contract doctors. Contract doctors in Malaysia are doctors who have completed their medical training, as well as two years of internship, and have subsequently been appointed as medical officers for another two years. Contract doctors are not permanently appointed, and the system did not allow extensions after the two years nor does it offer any opportunity to specialize.[2] Last week, Parliament did decide to offer a two-year extension but that did not hold off the impending strike.[3] In 2016, the Ministry of Health introduced a contract system to place medical graduates in internship positions at government healthcare facilities across the country rather than placing them in permanent posts in the Public Service Department. Social media chronicles the issues that doctors in Malaysia faced. However, tensions culminated when and contract doctors called for a strike which ended up taking place in late July 2021. BACKGROUND Over the past decade, HCW strikes have arisen mostly over wages, work hours, and administrative and financial factors.[4] In 2012, the British Medical Association organized a single “day of action” by boycotting non-urgent care as a response to government pension reforms.[5] In Ireland, doctors went on strike for a day in 2013 to protest the austerity measures implemented by the EU in response to the global economic crisis. It involved a dispute over long working hours (100 hours per week) which violated EU employment laws and more importantly put patients’ lives at risk.[6] The strike resulted in the cancellation of 15,000 hospital appointments, but emergencies services were continued. Other major strikes have been organized in the UK to negotiate better pay for HCWs in general and junior doctors’ contracts specifically.[7] During the COVID-19 pandemic, various strikes have also been organized in Hong Kong, the US, and Bolivia due to various pitfalls in managing the pandemic.[8] A recent strike in August 2020 by South Korean junior doctors and medical students was organized to protest a proposed medical reform plan which did not address wage stagnation and unfair labor practices.[9] These demands are somewhat similar to the proposed strike by contract doctors in Malaysia. As each national health system operates within a different setting, these strikes should be examined in detail to understand the degree of self-interest involved versus concerns for patient’s welfare. l. The Malaysia Strike An anonymous group planned the current strike in Malaysia. The group used social media, garnering the attention of various key stakeholders including doctors, patients, government, and medical councils.[10] The organizers of the strike referred to their planned actions as a hartal. (Although historically a hartal involved a total shutdown of workplaces, offices, shops, and other establishments as a form of civil disobedience, the Malaysian contract doctors pledged no disturbance to healthcare working hours or services and intend a walk-out that is symbolic and reflective of a strike.)[11] The call to action mainly involved showing support for the contract doctors with pictures and placards. The doctors also planned the walk-out.[12] Despite earlier employment, contract medical doctors face many inequalities as opposed to their permanent colleagues. These include differences in basic salary, provisions of leave, and government loans despite doing the same job. The system disadvantages contract doctors offering little to no job security and limited career progression. Furthermore, reports in 2020 showed that close to 4,000 doctors’ contracts were expected to expire by May 2022, leaving their futures uncertain.[13] Some will likely be offered an additional two years as the government faces pressure from the workers. Between December 2016 and May 2021, a total of 23,077 contract doctors were reportedly appointed as medical officers, with only 789 receiving permanent positions.[14] It has been suggested that they are appointed into permanent positions based on merit but the criteria for the appointments remain unclear. Those who fail to acquire a permanent position inevitably seek employment elsewhere. During the COVID-19 pandemic, there have been numerous calls for the government to absorb contract doctors into the public service as permanent staff with normal benefits. This is important considering a Malaysian study that revealed that during the pandemic over 50 percent of medical personnel feel burned out while on duty.[15] This effort might be side-lined as the government prioritizes curbing the pandemic. As these issues remain neglected, the call for a strike should be viewed as a cry for help to reignite the discussions about these issues. ll. Right to strike The right to strike is recognized as a fundamental human right by the UN and the EU.[16] Most European countries also protect the right to strike in their national constitutions.[17] In the US, the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 prohibited healthcare workers of non-profit hospitals to form unions and engage in collective bargaining. But this exclusion was repealed in 1947 and replaced with the requirement of a 10-day advanced written notice prior to any strike action.[18] Similarly, Malaysia also recognizes the right to dispute over labor matters, either on an individual or collective basis. The Industrial Relations Act (IRA) of 1967[19] describes a strike as: “the cessation of work by a body of workers acting in combination, or a concerted refusal or a refusal under a common understanding of a number of workers to continue to work or to accept employment, and includes any act or omission by a body of workers acting in combination or under a common understanding, which is intended to or does result in any limitation, restriction, reduction or cessation of or dilatoriness in the performance or execution of the whole or any part of the duties connected with their employment” According to the same act, only members of a registered trade union may legally participate in a strike with prior registration from the Director-General of Trade Unions.[20] Under Section 43 of the IRA, any strike by essential services (including healthcare) requires prior notice of 42 days to their employer.[21] Upon receiving the notice, the employer is responsible for reporting the particulars to the Director-General of Industrial Relations to allow a “cooling-off” period and appropriate action. Employees are also protected from termination if permitted by the Director-General and strike is legalized. The Malaysian contract healthcare workers’ strike was announced and transparent. Unfortunately, even after legalization, there is fear that the government may charge those participating in the legalized strike.[22] The police have announced they will pursue participants in the strike.[23] Even the Ministry of Health has issued a warning stating that those participating in the strike may face disciplinary actions from the ministry. However, applying these laws while ignoring the underlying issues may not bode well for the COVID-19 healthcare crisis. lll. Effects of a Strike on Health Care There is often an assumption that doctors’ strikes would unavoidably cause significant harm to patients. However, a systematic review examining several strikes involving physicians reported that patient mortality remained the same or fell during the industrial action.[24] A study after the 2012 British Medical Association strike has even shown that there were fewer in-hospital deaths on the day, both among elective and emergency populations, although neither difference was significant.[25] Similarly, a recent study in Kenya showed declines in facility-based mortality during strike months.[26] Other studies have shown no obvious changes in overall mortality during strikes by HCWs.[27] There is only one report of increased mortality associated with a strike in South Africa[28] in which all the doctors in the Limpopo province stopped providing any treatment to their patients for 20 consecutive days. During this time, only one hospital continued providing services to a population of 5.5 million people. Even though their data is incomplete, authors from this study found that the number of emergency room visits decreased during the strike, but the risks of mortality in the hospital for these patients increased by 67 percent.[29] However, the study compared the strike period to a randomly selected 20-day period in May rather than comparing an average of data taken from similar dates over previous years. This could greatly influence variations between expected annual hospital mortality possibly due to extremes in weather that may exacerbate pre-existing conditions such as heart failure during warmer months or selecting months with a higher incidence of viral illness such as influenza. Importantly, all strikes ensured that emergency services were continued, at least to the degree that is generally offered on weekends. Furthermore, many doctors still provide usual services to patients despite a proclaimed strike. For example, during the 2012 BMA strike, less than one-tenth of doctors were estimated to be participating in the strike.[30] Emergency care may even improve during strikes, especially those involving junior doctors who are replaced by more senior doctors.[31] The cancellation of elective surgeries may also increase the number of doctors available to treat emergency patients. Furthermore, the cancellation of elective surgery is likely to be responsible for transient decreases in mortality. Doctors also may get more rest during strike periods. Although doctor strikes do not seem to increase patient mortality, they can disrupt delivery of healthcare.[32] Disruptions in delivery of service from prolonged strikes can result in decline of in-patient admissions and outpatient service utilization, as suggested during strikes in the UK in 2016.[33] When emergency services were affected during the last strike in April, regular service was also significantly affected. Additionally, people might need to seek alternative sources of care from the private sector and face increased costs of care. HCWs themselves may feel guilty and demotivated because of the strikes. The public health system may also lose trust as a result of service disruption caused by high recurrence of strikes. During the COVID-19 pandemic, as the healthcare system remains stretched, the potential adverse effects resulting from doctor strikes remain uncertain and potentially disruptive. In the UK, it is an offence to “willfully and maliciously…endanger human life or cause serious bodily injury.”[34] Likewise, the General Medical Council (GMC) also requires doctors to ensure that patients are not harmed or put at risk by industrial action. In the US, the American Medical Association code of ethics prohibits strikes by physicians as a bargaining tactic, while allowing some other forms of collective bargaining.[35] However, the American College of Physicians prohibits all forms of work stoppages, even when undertaken for necessary changes to the healthcare system. Similarly, the Delhi Medical Council in India issued a statement that “under no circumstances doctors should resort to strike as the same puts patient care in serious jeopardy.”[36] On the other hand, the positions taken by the Malaysian Medical Council (MMC) and Malaysian Medical Association (MMA) on doctors’ strikes are less clear when compared to their Western counterparts. The MMC, in their recently updated Code of Professional Conduct 2019, states that “the public reputation of the medical profession requires that every member should observe proper standards of personal behavior, not only in his professional activities but at all times.” Strikes may lead to imprisonment and disciplinary actions by MMC for those involved. Similarly, the MMA Code of Medical Ethics published in 2002 states that doctors must “make sure that your personal beliefs do not prejudice your patients' care.”[37] The MMA which is traditionally meant to represent the voices of doctors in Malaysia, may hold a more moderate position on strikes. Although HCW strikes are not explicitly mentioned in either professional body’s code of conduct and ethics, the consensus is that doctors should not do anything that will harm patients and they must maintain the proper standard of behaviors. These statements seem too general and do not represent the complexity of why and how a strike could take place. Therefore, it has been suggested that doctors and medical organizations should develop a new consensus on issues pertaining to medical professional’s social contract with society while considering the need to uphold the integrity of the profession. Experts in law, ethics, and medicine have long debated whether and when HCW strikes can be justified. If a strike is not expected to result in patient harm it is perhaps acceptable.[38] Although these debates have centered on the potential risks that strikes carry for patients, these actions also pose risks for HCWs as they may damage morale and reputation.[39] Most fundamentally, strikes raise questions about what healthcare workers owe society and what society owes them. For strikes to be morally permissible and ethical, it is suggested that they must fulfil these three criteria:[40] a. Strikes should be proportionate, e., they ‘should not inflict disproportionate harm on patients’, and hospitals should as a minimum ‘continue to provide at least such critical services as emergency care.’ b. Strikes should have a reasonable hope of success, at least not totally futile however tough the political rhetoric is. c. Strikes should be treated as a last resort: ‘all less disruptive alternatives to a strike action must have been tried and failed’, including where appropriate ‘advocacy, dissent and even disobedience’. The current strike does not fulfil the criteria mentioned. As Malaysia is still burdened with a high number of COVID-19 cases, a considerable absence of doctors from work will disrupt health services across the country. Second, since the strike organizer is not unionized, it would be difficult to negotiate better terms of contract and career paths. Third, there are ongoing talks with MMA representing the fraternity and the current government, but the time is running out for the government to establish a proper long-term solution for these contract doctors. One may argue that since the doctors’ contracts will end in a few months with no proper pathways for specialization, now is the time to strike. However, the HCW right to strike should be invoked only legally and appropriately after all other options have failed. CONCLUSION The strike in Malaysia has begun since the drafting of this paper. Doctors involved assure that there will not be any risk to patients, arguing that the strike is “symbolic”.[41] Although an organized strike remains a legal form of industrial action, a strike by HCWs in Malaysia poses various unprecedented challenges and ethical dilemmas, especially during the pandemic. The anonymous and uncoordinated strike without support from the appropriate labor unions may only spark futile discussions without affirmative actions. It should not have taken a pandemic or a strike to force the government to confront the issues at hand. It is imperative that active measures be taken to urgently address the underlying issues relating to contract physicians. As COVID-19 continues to affect thousands of people, a prompt reassessment is warranted regarding the treatment of HCWs, and the value placed on health care. [1] Ministry of Health (MOH) Malaysia, “Current situation of COVID-19 in Malaysia.” http://covid-19.moh.gov.my/terkini (accessed Jul. 01, 2021). [2] “Future of 4,000 young doctors who are contract medical officers uncertain,” New Straits Times - November 26, 2020. https://www.nst.com.my/news/nation/2020/11/644563/future-4000-young-doctors-who-are-contract-medical-officers-uncertain [3] “Malaysia doctors strike, parliament meets as COVID strain shows,” Al Jazeera, July 26, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/26/malaysia-doctors-strike-parliament-meets-as-covid-strains-grow [4] R. Essex and S. M. Weldon, “Health Care Worker Strikes and the Covid Pandemic,” N. Engl. J. Med., vol. 384, no. 24, p. e93, Jun. 2021, doi: 10.1056/NEJMp2103327; G. Russo et al., “Health workers’ strikes in low-income countries: the available evidence,” Bull. World Health Organ., vol. 97, no. 7, pp. 460-467H, Jul. 2019, doi: 10.2471/BLT.18.225755. [5] M. Ruiz, A. Bottle, and P. Aylin, “A retrospective study of the impact of the doctors’ strike in England on 21 June 2012,” J. R. Soc. Med., vol. 106, no. 9, pp. 362–369, 2013, doi: 10.1177/0141076813490685. [6] E. Quinn, “Irish Doctors Strike to Protest Work Hours Amid Austerity,” The Wall Street Journal, 2013. https://www.wsj.com/articles/no-headline-available-1381217911?tesla=y (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [7] “NHS workers back strike action in pay row by 2-to-1 margin,” The Guardian, 2014. https://www.theguardian.com/society/2014/sep/18/nhs-workers-strike-pay-unison-england (accessed Jun. 29, 2021); M. Limb, “Thousands of junior doctors march against new contract,” BMJ, p. h5572, Oct. 2015, doi: 10.1136/bmj.h5572. [8] J. Parry, “China coronavirus: Hong Kong health staff strike to demand border closure as city records first death,” BMJ, vol. 368, no. February, p. m454, Feb. 2020, doi: 10.1136/bmj.m454; “MultiCare healthcare workers strike, urging need for more PPEs, staff support,” Q13 FOX, 2020. https://www.q13fox.com/news/health-care-workers-strike-urging-need-for-ppes-risks-on-patient-safety (accessed Jun. 29, 2021); “Bolivia healthcare workers launch strike in COVID-hit region,” Al Jazeera, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/2/9/bolivia-healthcare-workers-strike-covid-hit-region (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [9] K. Arin, “Why are Korean doctors striking?” The Korea Herald, 2020. http://www.koreaherald.com/view.php?ud=20200811000941 (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [10] “Hartal Doktor Kontrak,” Facebook. https://www.facebook.com/hartaldoktorkontrak. [11] “Hartal,” Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary. https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/hartal (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [12] “Hartal Doktor Kontrak,” Facebook. https://www.facebook.com/hartaldoktorkontrak. [13] R. Anand, “Underpaid and overworked, Malaysia’s contract doctors’ revolt amid Covid-19 surge,” The Straits Times, 2021. [14] Anand. [15] N. S. Roslan, M. S. B. Yusoff, A. R. Asrenee, and K. Morgan, “Burnout prevalence and its associated factors among Malaysian healthcare workers during covid-19 pandemic: An embedded mixed-method study,” Healthc., vol. 9, no. 1, 2021, doi: 10.3390/healthcare9010090. [16] Maina Kiai, “Report by the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association,” 2016. [Online]. Available: http://freeassembly.net/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/A.71.385_E.pdf. [17] ETUI contributors, Strike rules in the EU27 and beyond. The European Trade Union Institute. ETUI, 2007. [18] National Labor Relations Board, National Labor Relations Act. 1935, pp. 151–169. [19] Ministry of Human Resources, Industrial Relations Act 1967 (Act 177), no. October. 2015, pp. 1–76. [20] Article 10 of the Federal Constitution states that all citizens have the right to form associations including registered trade or labor unions. A secret ballot with two-third majority will suffice to call for a strike required for submission to the DGTU within 7 days as stated in Section 25(A) of the Trade Union Act 1959. [21] Ministry of Human Resources Malaysia, Guidelines on Strikes, Pickets and Lockouts in Malaysia. Putrajaya, 2011. [22] Ordinance Emergency which was declared in Malaysia since 12 January 2021. Under the Ordinance Emergency, the king or authorized personnel may, as deemed necessary, demand any resources. [23] “Malaysia doctors strike, parliament meets as COVID strain shows,” Al Jazeera, July 26, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/26/malaysia-doctors-strike-parliament-meets-as-covid-strains-grow [24] S. A. Cunningham, K. Mitchell, K. M. Venkat Narayan, and S. Yusuf, “Doctors’ strikes and mortality: A review,” Soc. Sci. Med., vol. 67, no. 11, pp. 1784–1788, Dec. 2008, doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2008.09.044. [25] M. Ruiz, A. Bottle, and P. Aylin, “A retrospective study of the impact of the doctors’ strike in England on 21 June 2012,” J. R. Soc. Med., vol. 106, no. 9, pp. 362–369, 2013, doi: 10.1177/0141076813490685. [26] G. K. Kaguthi, V. Nduba, and M. B. Adam, “The impact of the nurses’, doctors’ and clinical officer strikes on mortality in four health facilities in Kenya,” BMC Health Serv. Res., vol. 20, no. 1, p. 469, Dec. 2020, doi: 10.1186/s12913-020-05337-9. [27] G. Ong’ayo et al., “Effect of strikes by health workers on mortality between 2010 and 2016 in Kilifi, Kenya: a population-based cohort analysis,” Lancet Glob. Heal., vol. 7, no. 7, pp. e961–e967, Jul. 2019, doi: 10.1016/S2214-109X (19)30188-3. [28] M. M. Z. U. Bhuiyan and A. Machowski, “Impact of 20-day strike in Polokwane Hospital (18 August - 6 September 2010),” South African Med. J., vol. 102, no. 9, p. 755, Aug. 2012, doi: 10.7196/SAMJ.6045. [29] M. M. Z. U. Bhuiyan and A. Machowski, “Impact of 20-day strike in Polokwane Hospital (18 August - 6 September 2010),” South African Med. J., vol. 102, no. 9, p. 755, Aug. 2012, doi: 10.7196/SAMJ.6045. [30] M. Ruiz, A. Bottle, and P. Aylin, “A retrospective study of the impact of the doctors’ strike in England on 21 June 2012,” J. R. Soc. Med., vol. 106, no. 9, pp. 362–369, 2013, doi: 10.1177/0141076813490685. [31] D. Metcalfe, R. Chowdhury, and A. Salim, “What are the consequences when doctors strike?” BMJ, vol. 351, no. November, pp. 1–4, 2015, doi: 10.1136/bmj.h6231. [32] D. Waithaka et al., “Prolonged health worker strikes in Kenya- perspectives and experiences of frontline health managers and local communities in Kilifi County,” Int. J. Equity Health, vol. 19, no. 1, pp. 1–15, 2020, doi: 10.1186/s12939-020-1131-y. [33] The study has shown that there were 9.1% reduction in admissions and around 6% fewer emergency cases and outpatient appointments than expected. An additional 52% increase in expected outpatient appointments cancelations were made by hospitals during that period. D. Furnivall, A. Bottle, and P. Aylin, “Retrospective analysis of the national impact of industrial action by English junior doctors in 2016,” BMJ Open, vol. 8, no. 1, p. e019319, Jan. 2018, doi: 10.1136/bmjopen-2017-019319. [34] D. Metcalfe, R. Chowdhury, and A. Salim, “What are the consequences when doctors strike?” BMJ, vol. 351, no. November, pp. 1–4, 2015, doi: 10.1136/bmj.h6231. [35] R. Essex and S. M. Weldon, “Health Care Worker Strikes and the Covid Pandemic,” N. Engl. J. Med., vol. 384, no. 24, p. e93, Jun. 2021, doi: 10.1056/NEJMp2103327. [36] M. Selemogo, “Criteria for a just strike action by medical doctors,” Indian J. Med. Ethics, vol. 346, no. 21, pp. 1609–1615, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.20529/IJME.2014.010. [37] Malaysian Medical Association, “Malaysian Medical Association Official Website.” https://mma.org.my (accessed Jun. 29, 2021). [38] M. Toynbee, A. A. J. Al-Diwani, J. Clacey, and M. R. Broome, “Should junior doctors strike?” J. Med. Ethics, vol. 42, no. 3, pp. 167–170, Mar. 2016, doi: 10.1136/medethics-2015-103310. [39] R. Essex and S. M. Weldon, “Health Care Worker Strikes and the Covid Pandemic,” N. Engl. J. Med., vol. 384, no. 24, p. e93, Jun. 2021, doi: 10.1056/NEJMp2103327. [40] M. Selemogo, “Criteria for a just strike action by medical doctors,” Indian J. Med. Ethics, vol. 346, no. 21, pp. 1609–1615, Jan. 2014, doi: 10.20529/IJME.2014.010; A. J. Roberts, “A framework for assessing the ethics of doctors’ strikes,” J. Med. Ethics, vol. 42, no. 11, pp. 698–700, Nov. 2016, doi: 10.1136/medethics-2016-103395. [41] “Malaysia doctors strike, parliament meets as COVID strain shows,” Al Jazeera, July 26, 2021. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/7/26/malaysia-doctors-strike-parliament-meets-as-covid-strains-grow

L’opération de fusion-absorption d’une personne morale est une question en soi difficilement appréhendée tant dans les effets qu’elles déploient que dans l’organisation d’une telle opération. Cette difficulté propre à la nature d’une telle opération prendra une allure tout autre lorsqu’une personne morale membre d’un conseil d’administration s’y trouve impliquer. Toutes les hypothèses pouvant être développées traduisent non seulement la diversité mais également la complexité d’un tel sujet. Si cette question telle qu’elle est évoquée, est révélatrice du caractère instrumental du droit des sociétés, force est de reconnaître que la résolution d’une telle problématique devrait se faire par la conciliation des caractéristiques propres au droit des fusions mais aussi en tenant compte des spécificités entourant la personne morale administrateur. La transmission universelle du patrimoine, la réorganisation des pouvoirs post-fusion, les droits des créanciers, le problème de la représentation de la personne morale dans la société absorbante, la gouvernance de la société administrée, l’intrusion d’une personne morale tierce, les questions de fusions internationales sont autant de questions soulevées par cette problématique. La solution de cette problématique commande une étude minutieuse des questions soulevées à l’aune du droit OHADA et du droit français
The merger-absorption operation of a legal entity is a question in itself difficult to apprehend both in the effects that it deploys and in the organization of such an operation. This difficulty peculiar to the nature of such an operation will take on a completely different character when a legal person on a board of directors is involved. All the hypotheses that can be developed reflect not only the diversity but also the complexity of such a subject. If this question is mentioned, it is indicative of the instrumentality of company law, it must be recognized that the resolution of such a problem should be achieved by reconciling the specific features of merger law but also by taking into account the specificities surrounding the legal person director. The universal transmission of heritage, the reorganization of post-merger powers, the rights of creditors, the problem of representation of the legal person in the absorbing society, the intrusion of a third morality are all questions raised by this problem. The solution of this problem requires a careful study of the issues raised in the light of OHADA law and French law

Political realities often mean that familiar moral constraints—against lying, manipulating, coercing, and the like—cannot be upheld without serious consequences for a very large number of vulnerable people. It is commonly argued that, under these ubiquitous political circumstances, putting much weight on non-consequentialist integrity reasons amounts to a self-absorbed preoccupation with “clean hands.” This chapter presents an elaborate response to this self-absorption charge, pivoting on two key claims. First, the familiar equation of “integrity” with “clean hands” is misleading: there are important cases where integrity might be compatible with “dirty hands,” and may even actively push agents to dirty their hands. Second, setting up our policy dilemma as a binary choice between “dirtying our hands” and imposing grave costs on many vulnerable people is often problematic. More often than not, such a binary presentation of the policy situation is misleading and self-serving.

Abstract In this chapter, we reveal a harmonious marriage of virtue with the non-self-absorbed pursuit of happiness empirically conceived: the virtuous person, through use of the same tools used to realize her subjective telos of virtue, also maximizes her pleasure, empirically conceived, in all sorts of valuable non-moral activities. That same reorientation of desire via one’s objective telos of virtue utilized in II.i to guide desire-governance is thus now applied to desire-satisfaction: the obligatory end of cultivating one’s natural capacities with a pragmatic purpose provides a model for organizing one’s pragmatic end-setting generally under the purview of one’s virtuous telos of respecting persons. By affirming that the tools of virtue are simultaneously the tools of happiness, empirically conceived, and that the pursuit of happiness rationally conceived and happiness empirically conceived are both guided by a singular life-guiding telos of making persons as such one’s end, our story of Deontological Eudaemonism is complete.

This chapter argues that Letters Written During a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway and Denmark evinces Wollstonecraft’s troubled integration of universalist abstractions with nascent receptivity to foreignness, challenging the taxonomies of natural philosophy and conjectural history, and redefining her cosmopolitan ethic to incorporate appreciation of diversity. In common with Rousseau, she connects cultural and personal authenticity with moral integrity, suggesting that both are essential for the moral health of a nation. The chapter contends that this emphasis on distinctive national character indicates a growing recognition of the value of culturally specific modes of living. As Wollstonecraft attempts to mediate between her philosophical universalism and the cultural diversity of a pluralist Europe, she begins to adapt her narrative of progress to incorporate her incipient relativism, indicating her willingness to accommodate diversity as well as her growing resistance to economic and cultural imperialism. Refining her cosmopolitan worldview, she envisages the core principles of the Revolution crossing the boundaries of language and culture, at once absorbed by and adapted to the ‘particular soil’ of individual nations.

Chapter 3 explores two aspects of spirit’s social and political nature—its role in the process of absorbing social influences that shape a person’s values, and its responsibility for a person’s emotional reactions to those they consider either part of, or outside of, their social groups or communities—as well as two related problems that arise in corrupt political circumstances. According to Plato’s critique of contemporary Greek society, popular education and politics fail because they reflect a value system informed primarily by human appetite and pleonexia that prioritizes bodily, external, and material goods. When citizens absorb these values through thumos, their resulting moral corruption leads to civic discord as their aggressive spirited desires become directed against one another in their competition for limited appetitive goods. This establishes two challenges for Plato that involve attention to human spirit: making people virtuous through social education and making cities unified and stable.

A key and conceptually important problem in the work of the majority of Russian writers has been the concept of “home” for many years. This image occupies a significant place in the literary process of the beginning of the 20th century, embodying a complex, multifaceted phenomenon, originating in the oral folk tradition. “Home” as a concept contains two most important aspects: the material (the structure and its content) and the spiritual (moral foundations and traditions). The presented article focuses on the features of perception of the image of the home in the works of A.M. Gorky in the 1910s. It is the artistic phenomenon, preserving the cultural traditions in itself, which determines and shapes the worldview of the writer’s characters, their relationship with the world, moral values and ideals. Undoubtedly, at the heart of the creation of this artistic phenomenon are personal author’s memories of his childhood home. Especially interesting in this regard is the home as a kind of nest, a microcosm, which undergoes major changes in the first decades of the 20th century. That is why topos of the home in the works of the writer is inextricably linked with the theme of the family, the images of children, the feeling of warmth. The world in the works of A.M. Gorky is not limited only to the narrow space of the dwelling, it absorbs entire cities and even countries, as happens, for example, in Tales of Italy, but regardless of size, this is the place that becomes a kind of center of attraction, a moral basis, and sometimes a salvation for the heroes of the writer.

Over the past 35 years a great deal has been learned about the mechanisms of photosynthesis, ranging from the ultrafast reactions involved in the initial capture of photons to the slower processes of carbon metabolism. Today our knowledge of photosynthesis and its molecular mechanisms is enormous, so much so that it is difficult for one person to absorb all the information. This is not necessarily a bad thing, since what we have achieved is sufficient information to appreciate the complexity of the “photosynthetic engine” and to identify the main factors that ultimately regulate its efficiency. In this chapter I summarize those areas of photosynthesis research with which I am reasonably familiar and, in so doing, address the question posed by the chapter title. As Blackman (1895a,b) pointed out, the rate of photosynthesis initially rises as the light intensity is increased and then levels off to a plateau. This plot is often referred to as the rate v PFD curve, where PFD stands for Photon Flux Density. Over the years rigorous analyses of the slopes of the rate v PFD curve have been made to obtain a value of the quantum yield (usually expressed as the number of quanta or photons required to produce one molecule of oxygen or to fix one molecule of carbon dioxide). With a few exceptions, the value obtained for a wide range of “non stressed” organisms and plants supplied with excess CO2 is about 9 or a little more (Björkman and Demmig, 1987; Walker, 1992). Bearing in mind that one molecule of oxygen evolved or carbon dioxide fixed is a 4e/4H+ process, then a value of 8 would he consistent with the “Z-scheme” model proposed by Hill and Bendall (1960). In this scheme, each electron is excited twice, first by photosystem two (PSII) and then by photosystem one (PSI). In this way, 8 photons are used to drive 4e/4H+ from water, through PSII and PSI to NADP.

Swift changes in society, related to sciences technicians’ development, technologies, by the increase of general volume of information, pull out new requirements for maintenance, structure, and quality of education. It requires teachers to diversify a tool in the direction of the increase in possibilities of the use of mobile technologies and computer systems. Lately in the world, more attention spared to the use of mobile learning, which in obedience to «Recommendations of UNESCO on the questions of a policy in the area of mobile learning» foresees the use of mobile technology, both separate and together with other by informational computer technologies. [1]. Mobile learning allows using the open informational systems, global educational networks, unique digital resources which belong to different educational establishments and co-operate with each other. The use of existent educational resources and creation of own, based on the academic resources from informative space, allows to promote the interest of students to the study of physics, to take into account the individual features, and also features of region and framework of society of the country. During the last years in Ukraine competency-based approach to the organization of studies certainly one of basic. The new Education Act addresses the key competencies that every modern person needs for a successful life, including mathematical competence; competence in natural sciences, engineering, and technology; innovation; information and communication competence [2]. This further emphasizes the importance of providing students with quality physical education and the problems associated with it. Using mobile technology in professional teaching work, the teacher has the opportunity to implement the basic principles of the competence approach in teaching physics. An analysis of the data provided in the official reports of the Ukrainian Center for Educational Quality Assessment showed that the number of students making an external independent assessment in physics and choosing a future profession related to physics has decreased significantly. This is due to the loss of students' interest in physics and the complexity of the content of the subject, as well as the increase in the amount of information that students need to absorb. In this article, we explore the possibilities of mobile technology as a means of teaching physics students and give our own experience of using mobile technology in the process of teaching physics (for example, the optics section in primary school).