Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Santa Maria del Popolo (Church)”

The research concerns the case-study of the church of Santa Maria del Popolo into the historical Incurabili Hospital in Naples, seriously damaged during a bombing raid in 1943. The construction of a reinforced concrete trussed roof and floor above the main nave has caused serious structural problems and the church shows evident signs of deterioration today. The present situation offers the occasion to deep, in an interdisciplinary way, the delicate issue of the recent past strengthening operations realized with reinforced concrete that, associated with highly territorial seismicity, alarm about the condition of many historical buildings. In order to have a clear knowledge of the structural behavior of the church, assessing the actual in situ condition, a numerical FE analysis has been performed with the scope of evaluating the state of stress in the structural elements of the walls and of the roof, pointing out the structural deficiencies. The numerical damage assessment has been validated by means of comparisons with crack patterns. Providing a reliable model, it has been possible to fully simulate the behavior of historical structures when subjected to different and severe types of load, e.g. seismic loads.

In accounts of Rome's “Golden Age of the Renaissance,” the Sienese banker Agostino Chigi (1466-1520) has never quite faded from notoriety. His proverbial wealth and flamboyant personality survive in scattered anecdotes as a glittering sideshow to the grander enterprises of Julius II, Leo X, Raphael, and Michelangelo. Indisputably the richest man in Rome between 1500 and 1520, he is best known today for three artistic commissions connected with Raphael: a chapel in Santa Maria della Pace, his mortuary chapel in Santa Maria del Popolo, and the suburban villa known since 1579 as the Farnesina.

PINTURICCHIO E I PELLEGRINI: LA DEVOZIONE E IL PASSATO A SANTA MARIA DEL POPOLOQuesto studio esamina le cappelle dei Cardinali Domenico e Girolamo Basso della Rovere in Santa Maria del Popolo a Roma, chiesa ricostruita sotto il pontificato di Papa Sixtus IV della Rovere negli anni Settanta del XV secolo. Le cappelle datano rispettivamente all'inizio e alla metà degli anni Ottanta del XV secolo, e sono attribuite all'artista umbro Pinturicchio, uno dei favoriti della curia della Rovere. Gli studi precedenti delle cappelle si sono prevalentemente occupati dell'abilità dell'artista nel realizzare architetture fittizie e dell'uso esteso di grottesche, ma non si sono mai soffermati a lungo sulle scene devozionali all'interno di esse. Questo articolo riconsidera l'opera dei della Rovere nella ricostruzione della chiesa, inclusa la sua importanza come luogo di pellegrinaggio, per sostenere che la distinzione moderna tra immagini votive e architetture fittizie mal rappresenta l'idea del Quattrocento di dipinti ‘classici’ innovativi, mentre potrebbero entrambe derivare da bisogni ben precisi della Chiesa.

On the Feastday of the Nativity of the Virgin, September 8, 1296, the papal legate of Boniface VIII, Pietro Valeriano di Piperno, blessed the rebuilding of the church of S. Reparata in Florence. In the ceremonial presence of the podestà, the Standard-Bearer of Justice, and the priors of the Signoria, he named the new cathedral “Santa Maria del Fiore.” Arnolfo di Cambio was made chief architect in charge of the renewal; and it was he who began a program of monumental sculpture devoted to the life of the Virgin (fig. 1). Giovanni Villani, who recorded the benediction ceremony in his chronicle, admitted that notwithstanding the rededication of the church to the Virgin and the invention of the poetic name “Santa Maria del Fiore,” most Florentines continued to call the cathedral S. Reparata.

Background:In October 2016, two major earthquakes occurred in Marche region in the Centre of Italy, that resulted in widespread damage. The second one strokes Norcia, Visso, Arquata del Tronto, Accumoli and Amatrice, causing a lot of damages to cultural heritage of the cities of Tolentino, San Severino, Camerino and Ascoli Piceno, where the church ofSanta Maria della Caritàis located.Introduction:The church has high historical, architectural and social value for the city of Ascoli Piceno, because it is the only one that is opened to the devotees all time in the day and night. From the structural point of view, the church has a long and important annex to the north, which was later built with respect to the church, and after the L’Aquila earthquakes (2009) damages, the church was subjected to a retrofit intervention, in order to obtain a better “box-like behavior”.Objective:This paper addresses how the relevant annex influenced the seismic response of this historical complex and how, more generally, this kind of asymmetric mass may affect the behavior of historic churches.Results and Conclusion:The results indicate that the presence of annex plays a significant role in the dynamic response of the church and affects the distribution of damages in the whole building. The results of the seismic simulation agree with the observed damage.

The Basilica of Santa Maria de Oviedo (now “Rey Casto” Chapel of the Cathedral), was the lower church of the "Double Cathedral" Oviedo. For historians, the purpose of this building was the royal pantheon, creating a formal architectural framework around the tombs of the kings of Asturias, associated funerary cult in memory of the monarchs. This vision has been maintained, despite non-membership archeology shows the cemetery to the original draft of the building, which is deducted important morphological and functional changes in it. Analysis techniques based on computer graphics and numerical approach to serve the reasonable assumptions that allow the reconstruction of this building still missing.

La basílica de santa María de Elche se construyó en un dilatado periodo de tiempo (1673-1784), si bien la totalidad de su fábrica es deudora de la concepción del proyecto original. Este fue elaborado por el arquitecto Francisco Verde, siendo continuado por Pedro Quintana y rediseñado por Juan Fauquet. En este artículo se explora dicho proyecto en el marco de la arquitectura seiscentista, así como se aporta documentación inédita sobre los primeros años de construcción y sus artífices. The church of Santa Maria (Elche) was built on a lengthy period of time, although the construction is based on the conception of the original project, designed by the architect Francisco Verde, continued by Pedro Quintana and redesigned by Juan Fauquet. This article explores the project in the context of the architecture of that time and provides new documentation about its architects and the early years of the construction.

Le pitture medievali nella chiesa di Santa Maria in Pallara hanno ricevuto poca attenzione da parte degli studiosi, forse per via dell'incertezza della loro datazione; infatti non si possiede nessuna indipendente documentazione letteraria per la loro realizzazione. Tradizionalmente datati al X secolo, le pitture mostrano un'iconografia più comune nei contesti del XII e XIII secolo, una rappresentazione di Apostoli seduti sulle spalle dei Profeti, che senza dubbio contribuiscono alla loro dimenticanza, visto che i monumenti più tardi sono ben documentati. Comunque, l'iconografia deriva dalle tradizioni romane della decorazione ecclesiastica, tradizioni che possono essere utilizzate in un'analisi delle pitture al fine di arrivare ad una datazione indipendente basata solo sulla loro forma e contenuto. Seguendo una metodologia sviluppata da John Osbornc per la datazione di pitture medievali prive di documentazione a Roma, questo articolo analizza i criteri obicttivi di datazione delle pitture di Santa Maria in Pallara; tali criteri sono la messa in opera, la funzione, il soggetto, le iscrizioni e la tecnica pittorica. Simili analisi suggeriscono che per le pitture è possibile una data al X secolo, che sono ben classificate nella storia della tecnica pittorica di Roma tra monumenti sicuramente datati al IX secolo e quelli datati all'XI e XII secolo.

Emilio de Fabris's completion of the west front of Santa Maria del Fiore is the best-known of the architectural interventions carried out during the nineteenth century in the Piazza del Duomo and Piazza di San Giovanni in Florence. But this initiative was preceded by an earlier one that was more radical in character, insofar as it transformed the area around the Campanile and Duomo. A proposal of November 1823 by the architect Gaetano Baccani resulted in the demolition of a large part of the late medieval cathedral canonry and the creation of an extensive new piazza on the south side of Santa Maria del Fiore. This intervention introduced two issues that were to become fundamental to the notion of urban patrimony. On the one hand, it prompted consideration of the relationship between a historic monument and its ambience; on the other, it brought into focus the tension that was likely to exist between conservation and the creation of a modern urban environment. The present study publishes Baccani's formal submission to the Deputazione Secolare sopra l'Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore and draws on other documents preserved in the Archivio dell'Opera to construct a detailed history of the project. The study also introduces other literary and visual materials to establish the nature of Baccani's "systematization" of the Piazza del Duomo. Baccani's project is linked retrospectively to a Napoleonic plan for the modernization of Florence, but it is discussed also as a harbinger of later programs of urban renewal in Florence and in other Italian cities. The paper outlines the history of the canonry compound and places Baccani's reorganization of it in the context of the development of a new relationship between church and state in Florence. The piazza likewise is considered in relation to the transformation of Florence into a modern, orderly city, well-suited to the growing tourist industry. From Baccani's proposal to the Deputazione Secolare it is apparent that he wished it to be believed that his project was in keeping with the intentions of the original architects of the Duomo. The present study considers Baccani's project in this light, while also assessing the extent to which his plans were rooted in his own time. In particular, Baccani's conception of the area around the Duomo is discussed in relation to other urbanistic projects that were planned in Florence, Milan, and Rome during the Napoleonic period. Finally, Baccani's scheme is considered in relation to recent studies of the area around the Duomo by Piero Sanpaolesi, Margaret Haines, and Marvin Trachtenberg. The paper establishes that Baccani's intervention fundamentally changed the manner in which Santa Maria del Fiore and the Campanile could be seen, revealing an "ideal" view of the two buildings in juxtaposition. Baccani's vision is discussed in relation to a widespread nineteenth-century wish to consecrate the individual monument. The study concludes by introducing a number of unfamiliar images of the Campanile and Duomo and proposes that they lent authority to Baccani's concept of a "best" general view of these monuments.

Photogrammetry has been widely used in the recent years in a number of applications, e.g. cultural heritage, surveying buildings and infrastructures. Despite nowadays its use is quite common, most of the used photogrammetric softwares are commercial. This paper aims at comparing the use of a free Matlab tool that is being developed at the University of Padova mostly for educational purposes with that of a commercial (and widely used) software (Agisoft PhotoScan). Despite the above mentioned free Matlab tool is designed to work for airborne photogrammetric, in this work it is used in a slightly different case: the 3D reconstruction of a low relief of the walls of Padova, which is on the fac¸ade of the church Santa Maria del Giglio, Venice, Italy.

<p>The application of the procedures commonly used by computer graphics has allowed the author contextualize the existing remains under the present church of San Pelayo de Oviedo as corresponding to a high medieval crypt, built by the shop that built Santa Maria del Rey Casto basilica and Foncalada fountain, reigning Alfonso II (to 842), including making a joint hypothesis of the same with the primitive basilica of San Juan Bautista named by early medieval sources in Asturias, characterized by a complex liturgical equipment, "confessio" semi-underground low chancel and sanctuary high; by linking the building with other Europeans, the Merovingian and Anglo-Saxon area, of which derived type, also present in the s Roman basilicas of the eighth century.</p>

This work shows the results of monitoring of Santa Maria del Suffragio (Anime Sante) church, L’Aquila, Italy. The historical building was stricken and damaged by mainshock of April 6, 2009; the dome is the structural element that has been seriously hit by seismic event. The ambient response analysis of global structure and dome element enable to improve the FE model by model updating methodology using modal data. The identification techniques furnish useful information concerning the structural and mechanical properties of dome’s structure, these parameters are needed to evaluate the appropriate design of rebuilding and structural rehabilitation of dome. The geometric configuration and the self-weight of lantern induce to an independent dynamic response of macro-element against the behaviour of dome generating the first mechanism of collapse and the failure of dome shape. Different retrofitting configurations for the dome have been proposed in this paper.

The article discusses a late Gothic statue of Pietà in the permanent collection of the Maritime and Historical Museum of the Croatian Littoral in Rijeka. It is a wooden statue with poorly preserved traces of polychrome painting and gilding, discovered in 1920 in the attic of the parish church of Mary’s Assumption in Rijeka. Vanda Ekl dated it to the end of the third quarter of the 15th century without specifying its circle of origin or its history. Based on a stylistic analysis, as well as a series of typological and formal analogies, the Pietà of Rijeka can now be brought into connection with the woodcarver Leonardo Thannner from Bavarian Landshut, active in Friuli during the second half of the 15th century. A crucial comparative example can be found in Thanner’s polychromatic wooden group of The Lamentation of Christ from the church of Santa Maria della Fratta in San Daniele del Friuli (1488). Rijeka Lamentation, a hitherto unknown and here for the first time published statue, can be linked with a workshop or a circle of the Friulian sculptor Giovanni Martini and approximately dated to the first quarter of the 16th century.

I’ve passed two frightful years due to this same gang, and was even robbed by them,” wrote the priest Dámaso Martínez on September 29, 1857. “I suffered all of this, but did not think my own life was in danger. Today, this is not the case. … I believe the Indians have sold my life to them.During the nine months prior to the writing of this report to the Guadalajara See, the parishioners of Santa Maria del Oro had presented a series of demands for money in the priest’s possession. Some 400 pesos had been gained from the forced sale of their lay brotherhood’s property, and they wanted the money so they could buy back the land. By August 1857, however, the parishioners’ attempts at legitimate reclamation, through both ecclesiastical and civil channels, had ended in disappointment. Rumors had long circulated that these Indian parishioners were allied with a prominent gang leader in the region, Manuel Lozada. Thus it likely came as little surprise when Martinez found himself huddled in his church in late September as Lozada’s gang ringed the town, accompanied by the town’s prominent Indians, and demanded that the priest and the local magistrate come out and surrender. Martinez was rescued only by the intervention of state troops, who scattered Lozada’s gang and allowed the priest to flee.

Stylistic changes in a sculptor’s oeuvre are simultaneously a challenge and a cause of dilemmas for researchers. This is particularly true when attempting to identify the early works of a sculptor while the influence of his teacher was still strong. This article focuses on the Venetian sculptor Giovanni Bonazza (Venice, 1654 – Padua, 1736) and attributes to him numerous new works both in marble and in wood, all of which are of uniform, high quality. Bonazza’s teacher was the sculptor Michele Fabris, called l’Ongaro (Bratislava, c.1644 – Venice, 1684), to whom the author of the article attributes a marble statue of Our Lady of the Rosary on the island of San Servolo, in the Venetian lagoon, which has until now been ascribed to Bonazza. The marble bust of Giovanni Arsenio Priuli, the podestat of Koper, is also attributed to the earliest phase of Bonazza’s work; it was set up on the façade of the Praetorian Palace at Koper in 1679. This bust is the earliest known portrait piece sculpted by the twenty-five-year old artist. The marble relief depicting the head of the Virgin, in the hospice of Santa Maria dei Derelitti, ought to be dated to the 1690s. The marble statue of the Virgin and Child located on the garden wall by the Ponte Trevisan bridge in Venice can be recognized as Bonazza’s work from the early years of the eighteenth century and as an important link in the chronological chain of several similar statues he sculpted during his fruitful career. Bonazza is also the sculptor of the marble busts of the young St John and Mary from the library of the monastery of San Lazzaro on the island of San Lazzaro degli Armeni in the Venetian lagoon, but also the bust of Christ from the collection at Castel Thun in the Trentino-Alto Adige region; they can all be dated to the 1710s or the 1720s. The article pays special attention to a masterpiece which has not been identified as the work of Giovanni Bonazza until now: the processional wooden crucifix from the church of Sant’Andrea in Padua, which can be dated to the 1700s and which, therefore, precedes three other wooden crucifixes that have been identified as his. Another work attributed to Bonazza is a large wooden gloriole with clouds, cherubs and a putto, above the altar in the Giustachini chapel in the church of Santa Maria del Carmine at Padua. The article attributes two stone angels and a putto on the attic storey of the high altar in the church of Santa Caterina on the island of Mazzorbo in the Venetian lagoon to Giovanni’s son Francesco Bonazza (Venice, c.1695 – 1770). Finally, Antonio Bonazza (Padua, 1698 – 1763), the most talented and well-known of Giovanni Bonazza’s sons, is identified as the sculptor of the exceptionally beautiful marble tabernacle on the high altar of the parish church at Kali on the island of Ugljan. The sculptures which the author of the article attributes to the Bonazza family and to Giovanni Bonazza’s teacher, l’Ongaro, demonstrate that the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian masters are far from being closed and that we are far from knowing the final the number of their works. Moreover, it has to be said that not much is known about Giovanni’s works in wood which is why every new addition to his oeuvre with regard to this medium is important since it fills the gaps in a complex and stylistically varied production of this great Venetian sculptor.

Stylistic changes in a sculptor’s oeuvre are simultaneously a challenge and a cause of dilemmas for researchers. This is particularly true when attempting to identify the early works of a sculptor while the influence of his teacher was still strong. This article focuses on the Venetian sculptor Giovanni Bonazza (Venice, 1654 – Padua, 1736) and attributes to him numerous new works both in marble and in wood, all of which are of uniform, high quality. Bonazza’s teacher was the sculptor Michele Fabris, called l’Ongaro (Bratislava, c.1644 – Venice, 1684), to whom the author of the article attributes a marble statue of Our Lady of the Rosary on the island of San Servolo, in the Venetian lagoon, which has until now been ascribed to Bonazza. The marble bust of Giovanni Arsenio Priuli, the podestat of Koper, is also attributed to the earliest phase of Bonazza’s work; it was set up on the façade of the Praetorian Palace at Koper in 1679. This bust is the earliest known portrait piece sculpted by the twenty-five-year old artist. The marble relief depicting the head of the Virgin, in the hospice of Santa Maria dei Derelitti, ought to be dated to the 1690s. The marble statue of the Virgin and Child located on the garden wall by the Ponte Trevisan bridge in Venice can be recognized as Bonazza’s work from the early years of the eighteenth century and as an important link in the chronological chain of several similar statues he sculpted during his fruitful career. Bonazza is also the sculptor of the marble busts of the young St John and Mary from the library of the monastery of San Lazzaro on the island of San Lazzaro degli Armeni in the Venetian lagoon, but also the bust of Christ from the collection at Castel Thun in the Trentino-Alto Adige region; they can all be dated to the 1710s or the 1720s. The article pays special attention to a masterpiece which has not been identified as the work of Giovanni Bonazza until now: the processional wooden crucifix from the church of Sant’Andrea in Padua, which can be dated to the 1700s and which, therefore, precedes three other wooden crucifixes that have been identified as his. Another work attributed to Bonazza is a large wooden gloriole with clouds, cherubs and a putto, above the altar in the Giustachini chapel in the church of Santa Maria del Carmine at Padua. The article attributes two stone angels and a putto on the attic storey of the high altar in the church of Santa Caterina on the island of Mazzorbo in the Venetian lagoon to Giovanni’s son Francesco Bonazza (Venice, c.1695 – 1770). Finally, Antonio Bonazza (Padua, 1698 – 1763), the most talented and well-known of Giovanni Bonazza’s sons, is identified as the sculptor of the exceptionally beautiful marble tabernacle on the high altar of the parish church at Kali on the island of Ugljan. The sculptures which the author of the article attributes to the Bonazza family and to Giovanni Bonazza’s teacher, l’Ongaro, demonstrate that the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian masters are far from being closed and that we are far from knowing the final the number of their works. Moreover, it has to be said that not much is known about Giovanni’s works in wood which is why every new addition to his oeuvre with regard to this medium is important since it fills the gaps in a complex and stylistically varied production of this great Venetian sculptor.

Introduction:The recent wave of seismic shocks in Central Italy (2016) had once more disastrous consequences for the local monuments, which consisted of old masonry churches and towers. The permanent, seismic-induced damage to cultural heritage has become a serious issue that can no longer be downsized, and questions have been raised about how to satisfactorily assess the vulnerability of such heritage in advance. This paper deals with the investigations into the actual condition of a historic city center partially destroyed by the seismic sequence occurred in May 2012 in Emilia-Romagna. Namely, the case of Finale Emilia – a small to medium-sized village located at the very center of the stricken area – is considered.Methods:Three important heritage masterpieces were numerically analyzed using Finite Element meshes to deepen the knowledge of their seismic vulnerability and try to avoid similar disasters in the future. The first structure is a masonry castle known as “Castello delle Rocche”, which underwent severe damages during the seismic sequence. The second and third examples deal with the structural analysis of two towers, both collapsed due to the quakes: the Fortified Tower of the castle and the Clock Tower of the village. The last analysis is devoted to study the seismic behavior of a medium-sized masonry church (Santa Maria del Rosario), heavily damaged by the seismic sequence and whose bell tower collapsed due to the formation of a hinge at mid-height.Results and Conclusion:Numerical models were created for all the buildings involved, and a variety of advanced analyses were carried out, including nonlinear static and dynamic ones, to have a deep insight into their expected vulnerability, also finding reasonable correspondence between the numerical results and the actual state of damage observed during the surveys made in the aftermath of the seismic events.

Настоящая работа является первым общим описанием на русском языке двух некрополей Кампокиаро (Кампобассо, Италия) – Виченне и Морионе, датируемых последней третью VII в. – началом VIII в. Культурное содержание некрополей показывает прочные связи с населением центральноазиатского происхождения. Важнейшим признаком некрополей являются захоронения с конем, соответствующие евразийскому кочевому погребальному обряду. Автор поддержал выводы европейских исследователей о том, что с большой долей вероятности некрополи оставлены булгарами дукса–гаштальда Алзеко, зафиксированными Павлом Диаконом в VIII в. на территориях Бояно, Сепино и Изернии. Аналогии некрополей Кампокиаро с погребениями Аварского каганата показывают присутствие в аварском обществе булгар со схожим погребальным обрядом. Из тысяч погребений с конем, оставленных аварским населением, булгарам могла принадлежать большая часть. Авары и булгары составляли основу и правящую верхушку каганата. Народ Алзеко являлся той частью булгар, которая в 631 г. боролась за каганский престол, что указывает на высокое положение булгар и их большое количество. После поражения эта группа булгар мигрировала последовательно в Баварию, Карантанию и Италию. Несколько десятков лет проживания в венедской, а затем в лангобардской и романской среде привели к гетерогенности погребального инвентаря, но не изменили сам обряд. Булгары лангобардского королевства составляли новый военный слой, который представлял из себя профессиональную кавалерию, получивший землю. Эта конная дружина является ранним примером европейского феодального воинского и социального сословия, которое станет называться рыцарством. Библиографические ссылки Акимова М.С. Материалы к антропологии ранних болгар // Генинг В.Ф., Халиков А.Х. Ранние болгары на Волге (Больше–Тарханский могильник). М.: Наука, 1964. С. 177–191. Амброз А.К. Кинжалы VI – VIII вв, с двумя выступами на ножнах // СА. 1986. № 4. С. 53–73. 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Recent conservation and restoration work on the icon of the Virgin and Child which stood on the altar in the Church of St. Nicholas at Prijeko in Dubrovnik has enabled a new interpretation of this paining. The icon, painted on a panel made of poplar wood, features a centrally-placed Virgin holding the Child in her arms painted on a gold background between the two smaller figures of St. Peter and St. John the Baptist. The figures are painted in the manner of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Dubrovnik style, and represent a later intervention which significantly changed the original appearance and composition of the older icon by adding the two saints and touching up the Virgin’s clothes with Renaissance ornaments, all of which was performed by the well-known Dubrovnik painter Nikola Božidarević. It can be assumed that the icon originally featured a standing or seated Virgin and Child. The Virgin is depicted with her head slightly lowered and pointing to the Christ Child whom she is holding on her right side. The chubby boy is not seated on his mother’s lap but is reclining on his right side and leaningforward while his face is turned towards the spectator. He is dressed in a red sleeveless tunic with a simple neck-line which is embroidered with gold thread. The Child is leaning himself on the Virgin’s right hand which is holding him. He is firmly grasping her thumb with one hand and her index finger with the other in a very intimate nursing gesture while she, true to the Hodegitria scheme, is pointing at him with her left hand, which is raised to the level of her breasts. Such an almost-realistic depiction of Christ as a small child with tiny eyes, mouth and nose, drastically departs from the model which portrays him with the mature face of an adult, as was customary in icon painting. The Virgin is wearing a luxurious gold cloak which was repainted with large Renaissance-style flowers. Her head is covered with a traditional maphorion which forms a wide ring around it and is encircled by a nimbus which was bored into thegold background. Her skin tone is pink and lit diffusely, and was painted with almost no green shadows, which is typical of Byzantine painting. The Virgin’s face is striking and markedly oval. It is characterized by a silhouetted, long, thin nose which is connected to the eyebrows. The ridge of the nose is emphasized with a double edge and gently lit whilethe almond-shaped eyes with dark circles are set below the inky arches of the eyebrows. The Virgin’s cheeks are smooth and rosy while her lips are red. The plasticity of her round chin is emphasized by a crease below the lower lip and its shadow. The Virgin’s eyes, nose and mouth are outlined with a thick red line. Her hands are light pink in colour and haveelongated fingers and pronounced, round muscles on the wrists. The fingers are separated and the nails are outlined with precision. The deep, resounding hues of the colour red and the gilding, together with the pale pink skin tone of her face, create an impression of monumentality. The type of the reclining Christ Child has been identified in Byzantine iconography as the Anapeson. Its theological background lies in the emphasis of Christ’s dual nature: although the Christ Child is asleep, the Christ as God is always keeping watch over humans. The image was inspired by a phrase from Genesis 49: 9 about a sleeping lion to whom Christ is compared: the lion sleeps with his eyes open. The Anapeson is drowsy and awake at the same time, and therefore his eyes are not completely shut. Such a paradox is a theological anticipation of his “sleep” in the tomb and represents an allegory of his death and Resurrection. The position, gesture and clothes of the Anapeson in Byzantine art are not always the same. Most frequently, the ChristChild is not depicted lying in his mother’s arms but on an oval bed or pillow, resting his head on his hand, while the Virgin is kneeling by his side. Therefore, the Anapeson from Dubrovnik is unique thanks to the conspicuously humanized relationship between the figures which is particularly evident in Christ’s explicitly intimate gesture of grasping the fingers of his mother’s hand: his right hand is literally “inserting” itself in the space between the Virgin’s thumb and index finger. At the same time, the baring of his arms provided the painter with an opportunity to depict the pale tones of a child’s tender skin. The problem of the iconography of the Anapeson in the medieval painting at Dubrovnik is further complicated by a painting which was greatly venerated in Župa Dubrovačka as Santa Maria del Breno. It has not been preserved but an illustration of it was published in Gumppenberg’sfamous Atlas Marianus which shows the Virgin seated on a high-backed throne and holding the sleeping and reclining Child. The position of this Anapeson Christ does not correspond fully to the icon from the Church of St. Nicholas because the Child is lying on its back and his naked body is covered with the swaddling fabric. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko claims a special place in the corpus of Romanesque icons on the Adriatic through its monumentality and intimate character. The details of the striking and lively Virgin’s face, dominated by the pronounced and gently curved Cimabuesque nose joined to the shallow arches of her eyebrows, link her with the Benedictine Virgin at Zadar. Furthermore, based on the manner of painting characterized by the use of intense red for the shadows in the nose and eye area, together with the characteristic shape of the elongated, narrow eyes, this Virgin and Child should be brought into connection with the painter who is known as the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. The so-called Benedictine Virgin is an icon, now at the Benedictine Convent at Zadar, which depicts the Virgin seated on a throne with a red, ceremonial, imperial cushion, in a solemn scheme of the Kyriotissa, the heavenly queen holding the Christ Child on her lap. The throne is wooden and has a round back topped with wooden finials which can also be seen in the Byzantine Kahn Virgin and the Mellon Madonna, as well as in later Veneto-Cretan painting. The throne is set under a shallow ciborium arch which is rendered in relief and supportedby twisted colonettes and so the painting itself is sunk into the surface of the panel. A very similar scheme with a triumphal arch can be seen on Byzantine ivory diptychs with shallow ciborium arches and twisted colonettes. In its composition, the icon from Prijeko is a combination ofthe Kyr i ot i ss a and the Hodegitria, because the Virgin as the heavenly queen does not hold the Christ Child frontally before her but on her right-hand side while pointing at him as the road to salvation. He is seated on his mother’s arm and is supporting himself by pressing his crossed legsagainst her thigh which symbolizes his future Passion. He is wearing a formal classical costume with a red cloak over his shoulder. He is depicted in half profile which opens up the frontal view of the red clavus on his navy blue chiton.He is blessing with the two fingers of his right hand and at the same time reaching for the unusual flower rendered in pastiglia which the Virgin is raising in her left hand and offering to him. At the same time, she is holding the lower part of Christ’s body tightly with her right hand.Various scholars have dated the icon of the Benedictine Virgin to the early fourteenth century. While Gothic features are particularly evident in the costumes of the donors, the elements such as the modelling of the throne and the presence of the ceremonial cushion belong to the Byzantine style of the thirteenth century. The back of the icon of the Benedictine Virgin features the figure of St. Peter set within a border consisting of a lively and colourful vegetal scroll which could be understood as either Romanesque or Byzantine. However, St. Peter’s identifying titulus is written in Latin while that of the Virgin is in Greek. The figure of St. Peter was painted according to the Byzantine tradition: his striking and severe face is rendered linearly in a rigid composition, which is complemented by his classical contrapposto against a green-gray parapet wall, while the background is of dark green-blue colour. Equally Byzantine is themanner of depicting the drapery with flat, shallow folds filled with white lines at the bottom of the garment while, at the same time, the curved undulating hem of the cloak which falls down St. Peter’s right side is Gothic. The overall appearance of St. Peter is perhaps even more Byzantine than that of the Virgin. Such elements, together with the typically Byzantine costumes, speak clearly of a skilful artist who uses hybrid visual language consisting of Byzantine painting and elements of the Romanesque and Gothic. Of particular interest are the wide nimbuses surrounding the heads of the Virgin and Child (St. Peter has a flat one) which are rendered in relief and filled with a neat sequence of shallow blind archesexecuted in the pastiglia technique which, according to M. Frinta, originated in Cyprus. The Venetian and Byzantine elements of the Benedictine Virgin have already been pointed out in the scholarship. Apart from importing art works and artists such as painters and mosaic makers directly from Byzantium into Venice, what was the extent and nature of the Byzantineinfluence on Venetian artistic achievements in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries? We know that the art of Venice and the West alike were affected by the Fourth Crusade and the sack of Constantinople in 1204, and by the newly founded Latin Empire which lasted until 1261.The Venetians played a particularly significant political and administrative role in this Empire and the contemporary hybrid artistic style of the eastern Mediterranean, called Crusader Art and marked by the strong involvement of the Knights Templar, must have been disseminated through the established routes. In addition to Cyprus, Apulia and Sicily which served as stops for the artists and art works en route to Venice and Tuscany, another station must have been Dalmatia where eastern and western influences intermingled and complemented each other.However, it is interesting that the icon of the Benedictine Virgin, apart from negligible variations, imitates almost completely the iconographic scheme of the Madonna di Ripalta at Cerignola on the Italian side of the Adriatic, which has been dated to the early thirteenth century and whose provenance has been sought in the area between southern Italy (Campania) and Cyprus. Far more Byzantine is another Apulian icon, that of a fourteenth-century enthroned Virgin from the basilica of St. Nicholas at Bari with which the Benedictine Virgin from Zadar shares certain features such as the composition and posture of the figures, the depictionof donors and Christ’s costume. A similar scheme, which indicates a common source, can be seen on a series of icons of the enthroned Virgin from Tuscany. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko is very important for local Romanesque painting of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century because it expands the oeuvre of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. Anicon which is now at Toronto, in the University of Toronto Art Centre Malcove Collection, has also been attributed to this master. This small two-sided icon which might have been a diptych panel, as can be judged from its typology, depicts the Virgin with the Anapeson in the upper register while below is the scene from the martyrdom of St. Lawrence. The Virgin is flanked by the figures of saints: to the left is the figure of St. Francis while the saint on the right-hand side has been lost due to damage sustained to the icon. The busts of SS Peter and Paul are at the top.The physiognomies of the Virgin and Child correspond to those of the Benedictine Virgin and the Prijeko icon. The Anapeson, unlike the one at Dubrovnik, is wrapped in a rich, red cloak decorated with lumeggiature, which covers his entire body except the left fist and shin. On the basis of the upper register of this icon, it can be concluded that the Master of the Benedictine Virgin is equally adept at applying the repertoire and style of Byzantine and Western painting alike; the lower register of the icon with its descriptive depiction of the martyrdom of St.Lawrence is completely Byzantine in that it portrays the Roman emperor attending the saint’s torture as a crowned Byzantine ruler. Such unquestionable stylistic ambivalence – the presence of the elements from both Byzantine and Italian painting – can also be seen on the icons of theBenedictine and Prijeko Virgin and they point to a painter who works in a “combined style.” Perhaps he should be sought among the artists who are mentioned as pictores greci in Dubrovnik, Kotor and Zadar. The links between Dalmatian icons and Apulia and Tuscany have already been noted, but the analysis of these paintings should also contain the hitherto ignored segment of Sicilian and eastern Mediterranean Byzantinism, including Cyprus as the centre of Crusader Art. The question of the provenance of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin remains open although the icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko points to the possibility that he may have been active in Dalmatia.However, stylistic expressions of the two icons from Zadar and Dubrovnik, together with the one which is today at Toronto, clearly demonstrate the coalescing of cults and forms which arrived to the Adriatic shores fromfurther afield, well beyond the Adriatic, and which were influenced by the significant, hitherto unrecognized, role of the eastern Mediterranean.

The article presents a high altar painting of “Our Lady with the Child” in the Krekenava Basilica of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary (Our Lady of Krekenava; pine, canvas, oil; size: 172 × 111 cm). Parsons of Krekenava Church were Samogitian archdeacons. The picture was donated by Nicolao Povetrius (Mikalojus Povetrijus), a parson of the church in 1622–1634. It was announced that he brought the picture from Rome. However, the fabrics and artistic features of the painting show that it was created by a Lithuanian painter instead. Iconographic analysis suggests that the painting was painted on the basis of three old prototypes related to St. Luke authorship. These are icons from two very famous churches of Rome (S. Maria Maggiore (Salus Populi Romani) from the Basilica of the same title and S. Maria del Popolo from the church of the same title) and one from Poland and Lithuania, which is highly respected (Our Lady of Częstochowa from Jasna Góra Pauline Monastery Basilica). It was noticed that from the end of the 16th century, the copies of S. Maria Maggiore icon were created on the basis of the original image, e.g. a Jesuitic copy of 1569, which transferred the original painting into the image of the modern times (at present, in S. Andrea al Quirinale monastery). Such copies very quickly spread in Lithuania, where representations of Our Lady of Częstochowa became more and more popular. The derivations of the icon of S. Maria del Popolo were also created. This is testified by the altar painting of the Zarasai Parish Church (until 1610). The combination of several important aspects of origin (St. Luke authorship), cult and iconography of miraculous images of Our Lady in one painting are considered to be an aspiration to create the most suitable ideal image of Our Lady. Applying this method by combining the iconography of S. Maria Maggiore and Our Lady of Częstochowa, a high altar painting of Our Lady of Tytuvėnai Church was created at the same period and benefited by Vilnius Bishop Eustachy Wołłowicz (Eustachijus Valavičius). Krekenava and Tytuvėnai paintings are among the earliest images of the miraculous derivations of Our Lady in Lithuania. The iconography taken from prototypes was supplemented by crowns. The derivation of venerable archaic images of Our Lady was a process of re-evaluation and innovative expose, which took place in the post-Tridentine Church. The process was launched in Rome, and customers of the Krekenava image and other mentioned paintings of Our Lady in Lithuania were high or higher Catholic priests who studied or visited Rome and other Italian cities for other purposes. It is likely that they visited famous paintings and brought their copies. The paintings of Krekenava and Tytuvėnai because of oil painting technique and style are examples of the New Times painting, which was called “Latin” in Lithuania. They have archaic features taken from the prototypes. However, the origin of prototypes dissociates them from the Eastern Orthodox tradition of sacral paintings of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, to which they are often wrongly attributed. Only wood panels and selection of symbolic gold plating background (golden colour in the Krekenava image) testifies to the impact of the latter tradition.

LABURPENA Ez dakigu Sakanako erdigunean dagoen Arbizu herria noiz sortu zen, baina baditugu hainbat eta hainbat datu xiii. mendetik aurrera, Behe Erdi Aroko mende horretan abiapuntua harturik, nola joan zen finkatzen bere herri-eremua ezagutzeko. Lehenik, XVI. mendearen aurreko datuak («Hamarrenaren liburua», «1360ko Etxarri Aranazko Santa Maria elizaren hamarrenak», «1427ko Mendialdeko suen liburua») izanen ditugu aztergai. Eta, jarraian, 1537ko, 1699ko, 1827ko eta 1872ko mugarriztatzeen dokumentuak Arbizuren herri-eremua nola zegoen zehazturik ikusteko. Aipatu dokumentuetako datuak aitzakia harturik, beste datu batzuk, baina bereziki mugarritzeen ingurukoak eta toponimiakoak jorratuko dira. RESUMEN No sabemos cuándo se creó el pueblo de Arbizu, pero contamos desde el siglo XIII con suficientes datos como para poder vislumbrar cómo se fue conformando su término municipal. En primer lugar, he recogido los datos anteriores al siglo XVI («Libro del Rediezmo», «Diezmos de la iglesia Santa María de Etxarri Aranatz de 1360», «Libro de fuegos de la merindad de las Montañas de 1427») y seguidamente he examinado los amojonamientos de 1537, 1699, 1827 y 1872, para entender cómo ha ido conformándose su término municipal. Entre los datos hasta ahora mencionados, también nos hemos hecho eco de otros referidos a los amojonamientos y a la toponimia de la localidad. ABSTRACT Although we do not know for certain when the village of Arbizu was created, we do have sufficient information from the 13th century onwards to see how its municipality gradually took shape. Firstly, I collected the data prior to the 16th century («Book of Second Tithes», «Tithes of the church of Santa María of Etxarri Aranatz of 1360», «Book of hearths (homes) of the administrative and legal district of the Mountains of 1427»”), I then went on to examine the demarcations of 1537, 1699, 1827 and 1872, in order to understand how its municipality took shape. Among the data mentioned up to now, we have also echoed other data referring to the demarcations and to the toponymy of the locality.