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1

Burinskaitė, Kristina. "Positions of Soviet secret service in totalitarian Soviet Union." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 22 (December 28, 2008): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2008.36979.

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The Soviet secret service was one of the main pillars of the totalitarian Soviet system. The Bolshevik party formulated its policy according to communist ideology, where violence and dictatorship were among the most important elements. The Soviet secret service helped to implement their goals, consolidate Bolshevik power, and maintain the regime. But it did not implement just punitive and coercive functions; the Bolsheviks prescribed to them also political and ideological functions—to help the communist party implement its domestic and foreign policy, and to protect the communist system and id
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Filatov, Georgy. "When Ours Become Strangers: Another Communism of Santiago Carrillo." ISTORIYA 15, no. 12-1 (146) (2024): 0. https://doi.org/10.18254/s207987840033444-7.

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In the 1970s, the old communist parties began to move away from their pro-Soviet positions. The Spanish Communist Party (PCE), under the leadership of Santiago Carrillo, showed the greatest zeal in this matter. Documents from RGANI, GARF, as well as the diaries of Anatoly Chernyaev, demonstrate how one of the Soviet Union's most loyal allies gradually turned into a renegade. Although the conflict began in 1968, when the PCE condemned the entry of Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia, a complete break did not occur at that moment. Moscow maintained official relations with the old Com
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March, Luke. "Power and Opposition in the Former Soviet Union." Party Politics 12, no. 3 (2006): 341–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068806063085.

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Much of the literature on communist successor parties has concentrated far more on East-Central Europe than the former Soviet bloc and on the ‘social-democratic’ successors than those of a neo-communist hue. This article aims to extend the comparative impact of studies of such successor parties by analysing two of the principal ‘neo-communist’ successor parties in the former Soviet Union (FSU): the Russian CPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) and PCRM (Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova). I argue that legacy-based approaches, which focus on the ‘patrimonial communist’ h
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Croitor, Mihai. "Soviet–Albanian Political and Diplomatic Relations (1955–1961)." Transylvanian Review 31, no. 3 (2024): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2024.1.10.

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The normalization of relations between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1955 was viewed with suspicion in Tirana. Dependent on Soviet economic aid, Albania publicly endorsed the new Soviet foreign policy, maintaining the line of ideological conformity. The secret report delivered by Nikita S. Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union worried decision-makers in Tirana. But again, Enver Hoxha did not protest, publicly supporting the decisions adopted during this congress. The emergence of Sino–Soviet differences during the June 1960 Meeting of Communist and Wor
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Li, chen xing. "From Pro-Communist To Anti-Communist: A Study on the Relationship between Sheng Shicai and the Kuomintang and The Communist Party Of China." International Journal of Arts and Social Science 4, no. 6 (2023): 199–204. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7747640.

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When Shengshicai studied in Japan, he had contact with communist books, and had a pro-Soviet pro-Communist tendency in mind. However, due to the strong involvement of the Soviet Union and the Comintern , the Communist Party rejected Sheng's letter to Wang Ming proposing to join the Communist Party of China. By the time the Communist Party extended an olive branch two years later, Mr. Sheng had changed his mind and declined the request. Although Shengshicai refused to join the Communist Party of China, he secretly joined the Soviet Party at this time in order to consolidate his rule in Xinj
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STANCIU, CEZAR. "Autonomy and Ideology: Brezhnev, Ceauşescu and the World Communist Movement." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (2014): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000532.

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AbstractOne of Leonid Brezhnev's primary goals when he acceded to party leadership in the Soviet Union was to restore Moscow's control over the world communist movement, severely undermined by the Sino-Soviet dispute. Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was determined to prevent this, in order to consolidate his country's autonomy in the Communist bloc. The Sino-Soviet dispute offered the political and ideological framework for autonomy, as the Romanian Communists claimed their neutrality in the dispute. This article describes Ceauşescu's efforts to sabotage Brezhnev's attempts to have China condemne
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7

Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.

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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance
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Kramer, Mark. "The Dissolution of the Soviet Union." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 188–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01059.

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Abstract In late December 1991—some 74 years after the Bolsheviks had taken power in Russia under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin—the Soviet Communist regime and the Soviet state itself ceased to exist. The demise of the Soviet Union occurred less than seven years after Mikhail Gorbachev became the leader of the Soviet Communist Party. Soon after taking office in March 1985, Gorbachev had launched a series of drastic political and economic changes that he hoped would improve and strengthen the Communist system and bolster the country's superpower status. But in the end, far from strengthening
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Zaytsev, Aleksandr V. "Yugoslavia on the pages of the journal Slavyane (1942–1958)." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2021): 100–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.06.

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The journal Slavyane was created by the Central Committee of All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) as an organ of internal and external political propaganda aimed at Russian-speaking Slavs. It reflected the pullback of Soviet foreign policy from proletarian internationalism. The policy of its editorial board towards Yugoslavia repeated the one of the Party, but sensitive subjects were avoided or covered with a delay on the pages of the journal. Josip Broz Tito as spokesman for the aspirations of Yugoslav peoples was extolle since 1943 while D. Mihajlović’s activities had not been covered unt
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10

Maslauskienė, Nijolė. "The Involvement of Ethnic Minorities in the Administration of the LSSR and the Ethnic Relations in Soviet Bureaucracy between 1940 and 1941." Genocidas ir rezistencija 1, no. 9 (2025): 15–43. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.2001.102.

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Having annexed Lithuania, the Soviet Union destroyed the country's independence, and formed its own administrative unit the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic – on the territory of the former independent Lithuanian republic. The Soviets imposed their own political system, created a mechanism for the administration of the annexed country and formed local governments. In seeking to involve minority ethnic groups in the process of the Sovietization of annexed Lithuania in order to implement the policies of the Communist (Bolshevik) Party and to form a multinational group of local administrators
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11

Garver, John W. "The Chinese Communist Party and the Collapse of Soviet Communism." China Quarterly 133 (March 1993): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000018178.

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The collapse first of Communist rule of the USSR and then of the USSR itself was without question one of the pivotal events of the era. Since China's 20th-century history has been so deeply influenced by Soviet developments, it is important to examine the impact of these events on China. This article asks, first, whether the top leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), had a deliberate policy towards the decline of Soviet Communism, and if so, what was the nature of that policy? Did the CCP attempt to assist their comrades in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) as the latter ba
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Kashin, Valeriy P. "Financial Support of the Communist Party of India and the Soviet Union." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2025): 223. https://doi.org/10.31696/s086919080033667-0.

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The Soviet Union sponsored the Communist Party of India (CPI) since its foundation in 1925 till the beginning of 1990. During the colonial period, the supervisor for the Indian communists used to be the Communist Party of Great Britain, and since the Independence was proclaimed in 1947, the CPI was directly sponsored by the International Department of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Central Committee. Thus, since August, 1975 till February, 1977 8,264,244 rupees were sent to the recipient. The funds were received as required, in cash, local currency. The staff member of the First Main
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13

Kirschenbaum, Lisa A. "Exile, Gender, and Communist Self-Fashioning: Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria) in the Soviet Union." Slavic Review 71, no. 3 (2012): 566–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.71.3.0566.

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Focusing on the Soviet exile of the Spanish communist and orator Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria), Lisa A. Kirschenbaum brings into dialogue two topics often treated in isolation: Soviet subjectivities and the selfunderstandings of international communists. During the Spanish civil war, the Soviet media popularized Ibárruri's performance of fierce communist motherhood. The article traces Ibárruri's efforts in exile to maintain and adapt this public identity by analyzing sources in two distinct registers, both of which blurred the boundaries between public and private selves: Ibárruri's “offici
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14

Pocius, Mindaugas. "Attitude of the Kremlin towards “heresy” shown by J. Paleckis in 1946–1950." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 42 (2024): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.61903/gr.2017.203.

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The aim of this article is, referring to the documents from Russian State Archive of Social Political History and other sources, to reveal how the leaders of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) and officers from the Central Committee apparatus valued manifestations of national communism demonstrated by J. Paleckis and his conflicts concerning the issues of sovietization of Lithuania with A. Sniečkus. The other purpose of this paper is to find out whether J. Paleckis, emphasizing specific conditions in Lithuania and wishing to mitigate the course of soviet
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Rupasov, Aleksander. "An Uneliminated Enemy: the Social Democratic Party of Finland from 1944 to 1949." ISTORIYA 14, no. 8 (130) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840027714-4.

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The Armistice Agreement signed in September 1944 did not entail any serious changes in the political structure of Finland. However, the access of the banned Communist Party to public life in the country and the liquidation of a number of structures and organizations created the preconditions to develop the internal political situation in the country in a direction favorable to the Soviet Union. This was the reason for the fairly quiet attitude of the Soviet delegation to the Allied Control Commission in 1944—1945 towards the activities of the Social Democratic Party. This attitude was maintain
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Eversone, Madara. "Komunistiskās partijas kontroles mehānisms Latvijas Padomju rakstnieku savienībā: Žaņa Grīvas piemērs." Aktuālās problēmas literatūras un kultūras pētniecībā: rakstu krājums, no. 26/1 (March 1, 2021): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/aplkp.2021.26-1.110.

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It was in the interests of the Communist Party to create a representative image of Latvian Soviet writers, which would represent the interests of the party and at the same time oversee the course of literary life in the Latvian Soviet Writers’ Union. Such was the writer Žanis Grīva in the Latvian Soviet literary process. The influential positions in the Soviet nomenclature gave him power in the creative environment and created opportunities to monitor the implementation of the Communist Party’s course. The article aims to put forward the personality of Žanis Grīva in the context of the researc
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17

Ciesielczyk, Marek. "Will Perestroika Survive Until 1993?" Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (1991): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199131/211.

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This essay explores the thesis that the essence of the Soviet communist strategy remains immutable regardless of the developmental stage of the communist system, the Party leadership, or the composition of the top Party organs. It argues further that changes in the Soviet communist system have a cyclical character, oscillating between "malignant" phases of harsh terror and more relaxed phases of "lurking" communism in which terror is lessened, but not removed, and popular expectations are raised. Each cycle takes approximately a generation. A new, "malignant" phase is forecast for the near fut
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18

Drake, Richard. "The Soviet Dimension of Italian Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 3 (2004): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397041447355.

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This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book
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19

Mitchell, R. Judson, and Randall S. Arrington. "Gorbachev, ideology, and the fate of Soviet communism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 4 (2000): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00016-7.

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The collapse of the Soviet Union has spurred much scholarly debate about the reasons for the rapid disintegration of this apparently entrenched system. In this article, it is argued that the basic source of ultimate weakness was the obverse of the system’s strengths, especially its form of organization and its relation to Marxist–Leninist ideology. Democratic centralism provided cohesion for the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) but also gave inordinate control over ideology to the party leader. Mikhail Gorbachev carried out an ideological revision that undercut the legitimacy of part
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Eversone, Madara. "Kampaņa pret abstrakcionismu un formālismu 1963. gadā. Latvijas Padomju rakstnieku savienības valdes nostāja." Letonica, no. 35 (2017): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35539/ltnc.2017.0035.m.e.43.52.

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Between 1962 and 1963 the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Nikita Khrushchev launched several campaigns against abstractionists and formalists in Moscow, thus marking the end of the so-called Thaw throughout the Soviet Union. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Latvia also started a campaign against national abstractionists and formalists. On the 22nd and 28th of March 1963 the works of the new poets Vizma Belševica, Monta Kroma, Ojārs Vācietis as well as writer Ēvalds Vilks came under the criticism cross-fire at the Intelligentsia Meeting of the Latvian S
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Taltangov, Levent. "Understanding of Proletarian Internationalism in the Documents of the All-Union Leninist Communist Youth Union in 1950-1960s." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (December 23, 2024): 86–92. https://doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2024-4-86-92.

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Khrushchev's interpretation of proletarian internationalism coincided with the expectations of the Soviet people and youth 40 years after the October Revolution in achieving its goals and objectives. The “calmingˮ moods in the USSR contributed significantly to the fragmentation of the world communist movement. The change in the terminology of the party documents of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the All-Union Leninist Communist Youth Union reflected this process. The short-lived radical moods among Soviet youth in the mid-1960s declined in the early 1970s. The fulfillment
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Harris, Jonathan. "Adrift in Turbulent Seas: The Political and Ideological Struggles of Ivan Kuz'mich Polozkov." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1005 (January 1, 1993): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1993.56.

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In the winter of 1989-90 the unintended consequences of Mikhail S. Gorbachev's program of political and economic refonn had become obvious to all but his most optimistic spokesmen. The General Secretary's attempt to create a new ideology of perestroika by grafting "bourgeois" and "social democratic" concepts onto the conventional ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) had divided the party, created immense ideological confusion, and led to the formation of non-Communist and anti-Communist political organizations. The attempt to shift authority from party officials to electe
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23

Garey, Ellis. "Toward a Soviet Future?" Radical History Review 2025, no. 151 (2025): 104–24. https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-11506805.

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Abstract What was the role of the Soviet Union in shaping the political imaginary of anticolonial communists? In 1928 Fu’ad al-Shamali, a tobacco worker born in Ottoman Mount Lebanon and co-founder and general secretary of the Communist Party of Syria and Lebanon (CPSL), traveled to Moscow as a delegate to the Sixth Comintern Congress. He had just been released from prison for participating in the 1925–27 anticolonial Syrian Revolt against French rule. Four years later he published an account of the trip under the title Madha Ra’aytu fi Moscow (What I Saw in Moscow). In this article, the autho
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Prown, Henry. "Gangsters of the Pen: The Comintern and the “Prominent Americans” Who Served Stalin as Propagandists." Journal of Cold War Studies 26, no. 2 (2024): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01209.

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Abstract In the 1930s, as Joseph Stalin's regime in the Soviet Union adopted policies of mass repression that resulted in the deaths of millions of people, many members of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) were eager to write in praise of Stalin. Eventually, as the magnitude of the death toll under Stalin surged ever higher, some CPUSA members abandoned the movement. Most, however, continued to pay homage to Stalin. The archives of the Soviet-dominated Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow hold materials pertaining to a contingent of “prominent Americans (non-Communists) who would write
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Ilmjarv, Magnus. "Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Communists in the Transnational World of the Comintern before the Great Purge." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017636-8.

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The Comintern represented in the international relations of the inter-war period a transnational global force. It has been rightly described as an organisation with political program ambitions extending beyond national boundaries. Its sections were active in most countries of the globe. The involvement of the Comintern with the Baltic states and the activities of Baltic communists in the transnational framework of the organisation has remained almost unexplored. This article deals with the period from 1918 to 1935 and looks at the Baltic communists’ activities in the Comintern before the Great
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O’Connor, Emmet. "Bolshevising Irish communism: the Communist International and the formation of the Revolutionary Workers’ Groups, 1927–31." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 132 (2003): 452–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015935.

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During the 1920s the Communist International, or Comintern, attached exceptional importance to Ireland for the potential of its anti-imperialist forces to foment revolution at home, enlist the Irish diaspora, and encourage unrest in Britain and the Empire. In this way the Comintern might strengthen its relatively feeble bridgehead in the anglophone world and embarrass Britain, the keystone of Russia’s enemies. However, the Comintern encountered repeated frustration in attempting to direct its Irish sections until 1929 when it approved an initiative to create a Bolshevised party. At national le
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DE GRAND, ALEXANDER. "‘To Learn Nothing and To Forget Nothing’: Italian Socialism and the Experience of Exile Politics, 1935–1945." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (2005): 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002754.

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As the Italian anti-fascist exiles reorganised after the establishment of a full dictatorship in 1925, they were confronted by a series of difficult issues that no longer could be dealt with in the national context. The overriding need to heal the divisions within the Italian left now would be conditioned by choices made on the international level. The abdication of the Western democracies at Munich meant to many on the left that the Soviet Union was the essential bulwark against fascism. Within the Italian Socialist Party Pietro Nenni defended the alliance with the Communist Party and support
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ILARIONOVA, T. S. "HIGHER PARTY SCHOOL UNDER THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY AS A SOURCE OF POST–WAR PARTY PERSONNEL (1946-1991)." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 13, no. 1 (2024): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2024-13-1-81-101.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze the development of the organizational foundations of the Higher Party School under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which became the source of post-war party personnel (1946 -1991). The author introduces new archival materials from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History. The archival documents show the development of the Higher Party School under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the Communist Party of the Soviet Union after 1952, and the higher party schools in the USSR i
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You, Lan. "Hanoi's Balancing Act: The Vietnamese Communists and the Sino-Soviet Split, 1960–1965." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 2 (2023): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01142.

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Abstract The split between the Soviet Union and China had a great impact on other Communist countries, including the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV, or North Vietnam), under the leadership of the Vietnamese Workers’ Party (VWP). As the rift between the PRC and the Soviet Union intensified, the VWP tried hard to balance between the two Communist powers so that it could focus on the war against the United States and the conquest of the South. Interactions between the DRV, China, and the Soviet Union highlighted the frequently complex nature of relations within the Communist world during the
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Burds, Jeffrey. "“Turncoats, Traitors, and Provocateurs”: Communist Collaborators, the German Occupation, and Stalin’s NKVD, 1941–1943." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 3 (2017): 606–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417742486.

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Historians have long assumed that Germany closely followed a take-no-prisoners policy in dealing with captured communists in the East. That was the direct conclusion to be drawn from Hitler’s notorious Commissar Order issued on the eve of the Barbarossa invasion, which prescribed summary execution of all communists and communist officials. Data published in the Soviet Union largely confirmed this impression, reflecting a dramatic reduction in Communist Party members during the first six months of the war in the East. New data suggest, however, that far from annihilating communist cadres as par
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Ivantsov, Igor' G. "Re-registration of the members of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (VKP(b)) as a form of checking their loyalty to the Soviet power on the examples of the Krasnodar region. 1943-1944." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2024): 620–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2024-2-620-630.

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The article is devoted to the disclosure of the activities of party organizations of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in Kuban during the Great Patriotic War, mainly after the liberation of the Krasnodar region from the German invaders from January to autumn 1943. One of the tasks was to resume after the occupation the structure of party organizations of cities and districts. District committees of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (b), party organizations at district executive committees, cells in organizations, institutions, enterprises, collective farms, village council
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Zuenko, I. Y. "Chinese Reaction and Interpretation of 1991 Events in the Soviet Union." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 1 (2021): 96–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-1-96-111.

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The article is timed to coincide with two anniversaries: centenary of the Communist Party of China, and thirty years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. According to the author’s idea, these two anniversaries correlate: analysis of the reasons and consequences of the USSR dissolution became one of the factors of current policy of Chinese communists. The article brings light to this coherence. A wide range of Chinese sources and literature regarding 1991 events in the USSR was used for the article. Another feature is the attention to historical context of the late 1980s – early 1990s, an
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Tammela, Mari-Leen. "Moonakast kodanlaseks, kodanlasest terroristiks: Hans Heidemann ja tema tegevus 1920. aastate alguse Eesti pahempoolses poliitikas [Abstract: From farm hand to bourgeois, from bourgeois to terrorist: Hans Heidemann and his activity in Estonian left-wing politics in the early 1920s]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (March 20, 2018): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2017.4.01.

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The ideologised treatment of history in the Soviet period celebrated communists who had perished or been executed in the interwar Republic of Estonia as martyrs. They fit in to the narrative of class struggle and its victims. Monuments were erected in their memory and memorial articles appeared in the press on anniversaries of their birth. One such communist featured during the Soviet period was Hans Heidemann (1896–1925), a trade unionist and member of the parliament of the Republic of Estonia, and also an underground Estonian Communist Party activist. He was arrested as one of the ringleader
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O’Connor, Emmet. "Jim Larkin and the Communist Internationals, 1923–9." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (1999): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014206.

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In 1924 James Larkin agreed with British and Soviet communists to undertake the leadership of communism in Ireland. The triangular relationship soon became poisoned with dissension, insubordination and deceit. Not only did Larkin refuse to form a communist party, he went to great lengths to ensure that no one else did either. By 1925 British communists, contrary to Moscow’s directives, were attempting to work in Ireland independently of Larkin, and by 1927 Moscow too was plotting to clip his wings.Larkin’s communist career is treated in some detail in two publications. Emmet Larkin’s biography
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Shen, Zhihua, and Yafeng Xia. "Hidden Currents during the Honeymoon: Mao, Khrushchev, and the 1957 Moscow Conference." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 4 (2009): 74–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.4.74.

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The Conference of World Communist and Workers' Parties held in Moscow in November 1957 was the largest gathering of world Communists since the birth of Marxism. Scholars have long assumed that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) dominated the conference. Newly declassified archival records and memoirs indicate that the idea of convening a conference and issuing a joint declaration was proposed by both the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the CPSU. During the conference the CCP leader, Mao Zedong, played an important role. Mao's extemporaneous remarks at the conference shocked the l
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Sobirova, Dilfuza Tukhtasinovna. "THE ROLE OF UZBEK WOMEN IN THE NATIONAL ECPNOMY DURING THE SECOND WORD WAR." American Journal Of Social Sciences And Humanity Research 03, no. 04 (2023): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ajsshr/volume03issue04-11.

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It is known that during the former Soviet Union, the central government formed Uzbekistan as an economic colony, a base for the supply of cheap raw materials for the “center”. The unscientific conclusion that “women’s issues were solved” in the former Soviet Union led the Soviet government and the Communist Party to involve women in social production under the slogan of “economic liberation” and to make them the main productive force in society by using their labor as cheap labor “made it possible”. It is known that during the former Soviet Union, the central government formed Uzbekistan as an
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Hurst, Mark. "‘Gamekeeper Turned Poacher’: Frank Chapple, Anti-Communism, and Soviet Human Rights Violations1." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (2021): 313–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.14.

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The inclusion of the British trade union leader Frank Chapple on the panel of the 1985 Sakharov hearings, an event designed to hold the Soviet authorities to account for their violation of human rights, raises questions about the workings of the broader network of activists highlighting Soviet abuses. This article assesses Chapple’s support for human rights in the Soviet Union, arguing that because of his historic membership of the Communist Party and subsequent anti-communist leadership of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in Britain, his support for victims of Soviet persecution was multifac
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Lubkov, Alexey, and Mikhail Novikov. "Soviet aid to the Communist Party of China in 1937—1945." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 7-2 (2022): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202207statyi50.

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The publication deals with issues related to the support of the leadership of the Soviet Union and the Comintern to the Communist Party of China in the period from autumn 1937 to autumn 1945 in violation of confidential agreements accompanying the NonAggression Treaty between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Republic of China dated August 21, 1937.
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39

McAllister, Ian, and Stephen White. "Nostalgia for the Demise of the ussr in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine." Russian Politics 1, no. 2 (2016): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24518921-00102001.

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A quarter of a century after the collapse of the Soviet Union, its demise still has ramifications for public opinion across the postcommunist world. Using surveys conducted in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, we show that nostalgia for communism is both widespread and persistent. Across all three countries, nostalgia is concentrated among the old and less well-off and, not surprisingly, among those with Communist Party connections. Social networks and travel to other countries is relatively unimportant in shaping views of the communist past. However, despite these widespread feelings of nostalgia,
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40

Mišić, Saša. "„Ne može se više ponoviti 1948. godina!“ Jugoslavija i italijanski komunisti i socijalisti 1957–1962." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 2 (2022): 153–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.2.mis.153-185.

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The paper presents an analysis of relations between Yugoslavia and the two most important parties of the Italian left: the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) at a time when relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union deteriorated again. It is an effort to explain the way in which the dispute between Belgrade and Moscow affected the relations of the Yugoslav communists with those Italian parties.
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41

Drake, Richard. "Italian Communism and Soviet Terror." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 2 (2004): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039704773254768.

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The declassification of materials from the Russian archives has provided a good deal of new evidence about the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union both before and after World War II. Two newly published collections of documents leave no doubt that, contrary to arguments made by supporters of the PCI, the Italian party was in fact strictly subservient to the dictates of Josif Stalin. The documents reveal the unsavory role of the PCI leader, Palmiro Togliatti, in the destruction of large sections of the Italian Communist movement and in the tragic fate of
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42

Dailey, Erika. "Preface." Nationalities Papers 20, no. 01 (1992): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999208408217.

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Communism in the Soviet Union has long served officially as religion's surrogate. It has offered an organized and compelling belief system with which to rationalize the misfortunes of the past, establish codes of behavior to manage the present, and conceptualize the future. Although communist theory categorically rejects religion, it actively promotes, and is itself predicated on, institutions of “faith” in the abstract sense. The herculean industrialization and literacy campaigns of the early decades of Soviet rule that forever transformed the USSR's largely illiterate, agricultural society v
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Soukupová, Blanka. "Postoj státu k židovskému náboženskému společenství v českých zemích v letech 1956–1968." Lidé města 14, no. 1 (2012): 73–105. https://doi.org/10.14712/12128112.3525.

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On October 14, 1949 the State Office for Church Affairs was established. This office was under the control of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. This study analyses the pillars of so-called church politics (control, repressions, economically and politically motivated “condescendence” in Czechoslovakia – one of the satellites of the Soviet Union) in the time of de-Stalinization and in the period of so-called reform Communism, culminating with the Prague Spring (1968). It focuses on the Jewish community in the Czech Lands (in 1965, the community had six to seven thou
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Yakovlev, i.G. "PRESS FOR SQUEEZING PARTY PROGRAMS." Sociology of Power, no. 6 (June 5, 2003): 81–92. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13255336.

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In societies with a developed multi-party political system, researchers and journalists are often faced with the task of classifying political and ideological views espoused by various political associations. The classification systems used in practice are not very diverse. Usually, one encounters the use of the so-called left-right continuum1 – a division into radical, or “left-flank”, political parties and conservative, or “right-flank” ones. This name comes from the seating arrangement of representatives of the National Assembly of France during the French Revo
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Malinina, O.V. "EUROCOMMUNISM IN PCI-CPSU RELATIONS IN THE 1970s-1980s." Annali d'Italia 38 (December 23, 2022): 61–67. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7477174.

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The article analyzes the relations between the Italian Communist Party and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the 1970-1980s, when the PCI was the leading force in the newly formed movement - Eurocommunism. The ideological foundations of Eurocommunism, the doctrine of the Italian path to socialism and the historical compromise are considered in comparison with Marxism-Leninism, which at that time was the official ideology in the USSR. The author chronologically lists the stages of the crisis in relations between the two parties and analyzes the impact of the international situation on
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46

Pons, Silvio. "Stalin, Togliatti, and the Origins of the Cold War in Europe." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 2 (2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701300373862.

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Soviet policy toward the Italian Communist Party (PCI) from 1943 to 1948 exemplified Josif Stalin's complicated relationship with the West European Communist parties and Western Europe in general. For a considerable while, Stalin insisted that the PCI follow a policy of moderation. Palmiro Togliatti, the leader of the PCI, heeded Stalin's orders and tried to ensure that the Italian Communists pursued a policy of national unity and avoided conflicts that might lead to civil war in Italy. But this moderate approach collapsed after the Soviet Union rejected the Marshall Plan in 1947 and thereby f
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47

Clark, Terry D. "A House Divided: A Roll-call Analysis of the First Session of the Moscow City Soviet." Slavic Review 51, no. 4 (1992): 674–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500131.

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The March 1990 elections to republican and local Soviets in the USSR resulted in the transfer of power from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to the nascent democratic movement in a number of republics and localities. Among these was the Moscow City Soviet (Mossoviet). Of the 472 people's deputies elected to the Mossoviet, the clear majority were elected under the umbrella of the political bloc Democratic Russia. Running on a platform calling for the rejection of continued CPSU control of political life in the Soviet Union and Moscow, Democratic Russia's candidates won decisively
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Hinton, H. "Urban Administration in Post-Soviet Russia: Continuity and Change in St Petersburg." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 13, no. 4 (1995): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c130379.

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In this paper institutional change in the former Soviet Union will be explored by focusing on local government politics and administration. The political turmoil in local government is examined as efforts are made to capture the ‘residual legitimacy’ of the Communist Party and to replace the latent functions of the Party in coordinating the complex structure of local government. It is demonstrated that the complex centralized structure of Soviet local government still exists. It is argued that the conflict between the mayor and the city soviet has at least partly been a turf battle over whethe
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Maslauskienė, Nijolė. "Social and National Composition of the Communists of Lithuania from the end of 1939 to September 1940." Genocidas ir rezistencija 1, no. 5 (2025): 77–104. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.1999.106.

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The Communist Party of Lithuania (CPL), an illegal and anti-State party in pre-war Lithuania, was modelled on All Union Communist(b) Party VKP(b) and served the interests of the Soviets prior to and after the occupation. Pursuing to preserve its social and ideological integrity, the CPL exercised the policy of control over its composition. Strict membership and admittance rules, fixed membership limits for definite social groups and a consistent socio-political purges of party ranks were the basic methods regulating the party’s composition. The national composition of the CPL had its specifics
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Febrian, Emil Dwi. "Runtuhnya Marxisme-Leninisme di Uni Soviet dalam Teori Ashabiyah Ibnu Khaldun." Jurnal Filsafat 31, no. 1 (2021): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jf.49944.

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This article examines history collapse of the Soviet Union with Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah theory. The Soviet Union was first communist nation founded in 1922 after fall of the Russian-Monarchy due to the crisis and saparatist movement in 1917. Post World War II, the Soviet Union became a center of the communist movement around the world, and advanced in industrial sector, known as a superpower nation in the 20th century beside the United States. However, the Soviet Union was declared collapsed in 1991. This article found that Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah can explain history of the Soviet Union in thr
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