Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Ukraine – 1941-1944 (Occupation allemande)”

Orthodox church life in Ukraine from the summer of 1941 to the spring of 1944 was characterized by a sharp confrontation between two Orthodox churches, administrative centers of which were located in Volyn, in Lutsk and Kremenets. The Autonomous Orthodox Church (APC) was headed by an archbishop (from December 1941 - Metropolitan) Alex (Gromadsky). After his tragic death on May 7, 1943, the APC remained virtually without a chapter, since at this time the occupation authorities abolished the traditional system of church management. The Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC) throughout its time was headed by an archbishop, and from May 1942 Metropolitan Polycarp (Sikorsky).

In this article, from the standpoint of anthropocentrism, social history, the history of everyday life, the problem of energy supply to residents of Ukrainian cities during the years of Nazi occupation is analyzed. Energy in an industrial society is one of the most important sectors of the economy, ensuring the functioning of industry, transport, water supply and sanitation, lighting and heating of homes. It plays a particularly important role in the life of cities, because the city’s infrastructure is the center of population, industry and transport, high-rise buildings, and its normal operation without electricity is impossible. The study reveals the features of the restoration and operation of power plants, street lighting in cities, the cost of electricity, its availability for different groups of the urban population. Aspects of the functioning of urban electric vehicles are also discussed in the article. It is proven that the lack of electricity was felt throughout the entire period of occupation. Its absence restrained the restoration of communal services. Electricity was used primarily by German military units, Volksdeutsche, enterprises and official institutions. The methods of lighting and heating homes that were used by citizens during the years of occupation are considered. In the most difficult period in the winter of 1942, the local population was completely deprived of the right to use electricity at home. Violent measures (up to the execution) were threatened for violation of the order. The reverse situation was observed among the Wehrmacht soldiers who did not save electricity. In general, energy supply could not meet the needs of either the civilian population or industry, especially in the cold periods of the year. The reasons for this situation were the Soviet scorched earth tactics, the evacuation of all resources to the east of the USSR, the Reich’s policy of looting and removal of electrical equipment, the lack of fuel and the general energy crisis in Germany as a result of the failure of the blitzkrieg. In their turn, the Nazis themselves, when retreating, also resorted to scorched earth tactics, which, along with heavy fighting and moving of the front line, completely deprived the population of electricity at the final stage of occupation and the Soviet-German war.

The article considers the historical and pedagogical aspects of the creation of vocational education institutions system in the German occupation zones of Ukraine during the Second World War. The purpose of the article is to theoretically reconstruct and disclose the main foundations of Nazi policy in the field of vocational education, which was carried out in the occupation zones of Ukraine, to distinguish and compare the effectiveness of relevant measures in the «Galicia» district, the area of responsibility of the Temporary military administration, the Military zone and the Raichskommissariat «Ukraine». The authors of the article use methods of retrospective, historical-comparative, relatively comparable and chronological analysis of the identified sources, as well as classification and systematization of statistical data on vocational education institutions restored by the German occupation authorities. The results. As a result, it was found out that the urgent need of the German occupation authorities for personnel support in many industries, agriculture, medicine and the service sector led to the need to resume the work of vocational education institutions, although this contradicted the strategic goal of the occupation of Ukraine. This is confirmed by the historical, comparative and structural-functional analysis of the regulatory documents of the Reich Ministry of the Eastern occupied territories, reports in the local press of the occupation zones of Ukraine. The types of vocational education institutions that worked in the occupation zones of Ukraine are revealed. The separate faculties of technical universities, as well as medical, agricultural and teacher institutes worked In Ukraine. In the most systematic dimension, these trends can be traced in the Galicia district and the area of responsibility of the Temporary military administration. In a similar vein, the work of secondary vocational education institutions is reconstructed. In the worst condition, the work of vocational education institutions was carried out on the territory of the Reichskommissariat «Ukraine», since its head E. Koch opposed the rational measures of A. Rosenberg as the head of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories. It is stated that some of the German regional managers, organizing the broad exploitation of the captured territorial array, needed personnel, and therefore, in this area, they actually acted at their own discretion. Conclusions. It was concluded that the part of the educational institutions of the vocational education system of the German occupation zones of Ukraine managed to train qualified specialists and send them to work. Most of their graduates were students and pupils of former Soviet educational institutions, as well as Ukrainian youth who received initial vocational training.

Based on a wide range of sources, this article explores the aims, methods, and evolution of Romanian occupation policy in southwestern Ukraine and the local non-Jewish population’s reactions to it. It shows that the policy was more oppressive than is usually assumed and that it resulted in a substantial deterioration of relations between occupiers and occupied, especially in the countryside.

Проблема дослідження полягає у відсутності знань про конкретний перелік і якість психолінгвістичних інструментів інформаційно-психологічного впливу (ІПВ) у підписах під фотографіями (на прикладі фашистських газет Рейхскомісаріату «Україна»). У статті автор ставить мету ідентифікувати, описати й класифікувати психолінгвістичні інструменти ІПВ в підписах під фотографіями, які були розміщені в газетах, що виходили в період із 1 вересня 1941 до 10 листопада 1944 року на території Рейхскомісаріату «Україна» (далі – РКУ) й фінансувалися фашистським режимом. Дослідник звертається до таких методів: спостереження, класифікація, узагальнення, контент-аналіз, інтент-аналіз, кількісно-якісний метод. Упродовж дослідження автор піддає аналізу 81 підпис під 85 фотографіями, опублікованими в газетах, що виходили в період із 1 вересня 1941 до 10 листопада 1944 року на території Рейхскомісаріату «Україна» й фінансувалися фашистським режимом. За результатами дослідження були описані й класифіковані на 8 груп (та 23 підгрупи) психолінгвістичні інструменти інформаційно-психологічного впливу в згаданих газетах РКУ. Установлено, що в газетах РКУ найчастотнішими є психолінгвістичні інструменти інформаційно-психологічного впливу, які відносяться до груп «Німеччина» (9 підгруп) і «Інші» (6 підгруп).
 Література
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The purpose of the study: to identify information arrays, that reconstructed and interpreted the historical past of Ukrainians, based on the source analysis of the content of German occupation periodicals, thus forming an appropriate model of historical memory, in fact, turning the Ukrainian people into a historical process. The methodology and methodology of research involves a combination of the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency, as well as historical criticism of the selected basic reconstructions of the past of Ukrainians widely promoted in the occupation period. The study systematizes various publications in the occupation periodicals, highlighting their thematic blocks, specific content, forms of presentation of the standard information materials, which, contrary to the strategic visions of the Third Reich leadership, were directed at the formation of the historical memory of Ukrainians. The author, on a systemic and comprehensive level, investigated the information potential of the main periodicals that were published in all occupation zones of Ukraine, namely: the District «Galicia», the Reichskommissariat «Ukraine» and the Military Zone of Occupation. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the first in modern domestic historiography complex selection of the model of historical memory of Ukrainians, which was formed during the establishment of the German occupation regime. A detailed analysis of the information potential of the content of occupation periodicals indicates that the historical past of Ukrainians was interpreted in terms of the gravity of state tradition and the constant struggle against external enemies. The basic information and thematic blocks that were used in all the occupation zones of Ukraine were the reproduction of the history of Kievan Rus’, Khmelnytsky region and liberation movements of the Cossack era. At the same time, an exclusively negative image of neighboring Moscow and Poland was formed. The internal enemy of Ukraine was declared to be the Jews, against whom the Ukrainians fought in the same way as they fought the Poles and Russians. The events of 1917–1920, when the Ukrainian state perished and was torn apart by neighboring Poland and Bolshevik Russia, were voiced in the context of betrayal by the democratic countries of Europe. The construction of a new national identity for Ukrainians in the context of their spiritual, psychological, historical, cultural, economic, and territorial unity, as well as the reinterpretation of the historical past, consolidated society at that time. This important process for Ukrainians was carried out in unison with the history of the people’s unceasing struggle for their own statehood and their desire to achieve synodality. By successfully manipulating historical facts, German propagandists actually reformatted the historical memory of Ukrainians, programming for the future, constructing and correcting national identity markers that even the following Soviet occupation of the country was unable to erase. However, the historical narrative widely promoted in periodicals downplayed regional differences and social contradictions of Ukrainian society, represented its internal national unity, and was presented equally in all German occupation zones of Ukraine.

The article analyzes the activities of the security bodies of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists of the Melnyk direction during the Second World War. It was proven that the bodies were created by some former OUN intelligence officers, who were led by Yaroslav Haivas, in February 1940 on the territory of the General Government. In March 1941, the counterintelligence group, which was involved in identifying Bandera’s agents, of the sub-unit was separated. In the summer of 1941, the development of the OUN(M) security bodies network had begun on the territory of Western Ukraine. They resembled the OUN intelligence of the 1930-s by their structure. They reached the greatest development in southern Volyn. In the autumn of 1941, Melnyk security bodies extended their influence on Ukrainian lands to the east of Zbruch. Faced with German repression, they did not dare to confront the armed resistance, considering it was hopeless. Melnyk’s security bodies had high hopes for achieving strong positions in the occupation administration. They primarily focused on the Ukrainian Auxiliary Police. The development of the OUN(M) cells was slow even in the Western Ukraine. It mostly occured in the towns controlled by Germans. The article clarified that Melnyk’s counterintelligence forces sometimes managed to identify and even eliminate individual Bandera agents. However, they could not effectively resist the much stronger OUN (Bandera) Security Service. In the summer of 1943, Melnykivtsi were finally defeated in that confrontation. Banderites surrounded a few armed formations of the OUN(M) and attached them to the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. After those events the Melnyk movement started to decline. The last OUN(M) security service boivka operated until the autumn of 1944 in the Drohobych region.

Ma recherche doctorale porte sur les activités de sauvetage, les méthodes, les motivations et la psychologie morale des sauveteurs ukrainiens des victimes juives de la Shoah en Ukraine occupée, avec une importance particulière portée au Reichskommissariat Ukraine et à la Galicie orientale (le district sud-est de la Pologne occupée par les nazis), bien que les cas provenant de l'administration militaire, du gouvernorat de Transnistrie (sous occupation roumaine) et de la Ruthénie subcarpathique (sous occupation hongroise) soient également étudiés ainsi que - à titre de comparaison - des cas d'autres régions d'Europe. Mettant en lumière les actes d'altruisme héroïque, mon projet est une enquête sur la question de « comment ? » le sauvetage s'effectuait, plus précisément sur a) les méthodes choisies par les sauveteurs, b) la manière dont les sauveteurs utilisaient des structures et des outils naturels et artificiels à leur disposition, c) la manière dont les sauveteurs utilisaient des ressources familiales et communautaires et d) l'influence des facteurs socioéconomiques, politiques, religieux et géographiques sur le succès et l'éthique du sauvetage. J'aborde également la question de savoir pourquoi, dans le cadre d'une occupation durant laquelle le sauvetage était puni de mort, certains témoins ont pu devenir des sauveteurs, alors que d'autres, parmi lesquels des personnes morales et sans préjugés, ne le furent pas. S'inscrivant dans le cadre d'une exploration du comportement des Ukrainiens en temps de guerre - de la collaboration à la complaisance en passant par la résistance à la création d'un empire nazi - cette recherche vise à saisir toute la complexité de la vie sous l'occupation, les réalités divergentes de la Shoah en Ukraine et les nuances de gris dans l'histoire<br>My doctoral research is a study of the rescue activities, methods, motivations, and moral psychology of Ukrainian rescuers of Jewish victims of the Holocaust, with a particular focus on Nazi-occupied Reichskommissariat Ukraine and neighboring Eastern Galicia (the southeastern district of Nazi-occupied Poland), though stories from the military administration, the Transnistrian Governorate (under Romanian occupation), and Carpathian Ruthenia (under Hungarian occupation) are also evaluated, as - for the sake of comparison - are stories from other landscapes across Europe. In spotlighting acts of heroic altruism, my project is an enquiry into the nitty-gritty of “how” people rescued and the various questions that emerge from that understanding, i.e. a) what methods rescuers enacted, b) what considerations they made (whether consciously or not), c) how they interacted with the naturally-occurring and manmade structures and tools at their disposal, d) how they relied on familial and/or communal resources, and e) how the success and the ethicality of any given rescue could be affected by socioeconomic, political, and religious factors. My research also addresses the question of “why,” under an occupation where rescuing was punishable by death, some bystanders were able to become rescuers, while others, amongst them even ethical, non-prejudiced people, were not. Set against the background of a broader exploration of Ukrainian wartime behavior - from collaboration to complaisance to resistance to Nazi empire-building - this research aims to encapsulate the full complexity of life under occupation, the divergent realities of the Holocaust in Ukraine, and the shades of grey in the historical record

L’objet de cette recherche est la situation des Tsiganes de Bessarabie sous trois administrations :tsariste (1812-1918), roumaine (1918-1940, 1941-1944) et soviétique (1940-1941, 1944-156). Au niveau macro, nous nous sommes intéressés plus principalement à la politique des « villages tsiganes » qui est selon nous la plus révélatrice d’une continuité entre les trois administrations. Au niveau micro, nous avons suivi le parcours de quelques villages du centre et du sud de la Bessarabie sous ces trois administrations. <p>En schématisant, on peut affirmer que le régime tsariste a appliqué en Bessarabie une politique de sédentarisation forcée par ségrégation. Nous l’illustrons par le cas des « villages tsiganes » de Kair et Faraonovka. L’administration roumaine pendant la dictature d’Antonescu a appliqué une politique de déportation en dehors des frontières historiques de la Roumanie, même si au départ il était question de créer des « villages tsiganes » dans la région de Baragan dans la partie sud-est du pays. Le régime soviétique a opté pour une politique de ségrégation forcée par assimilation.<p><br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Pour se proteger contre une tentative de debarquement allie alors que l'armee allemande etait occupee en russie, hitler decidait, en decembre 1941, huit jours apres l'entree en guerre des etats-unis, de construire une ligne de fortifications, sur les cotes de l'europe de l'ouest. Diverses weisungen (directives) devaient fixer l'ordre des priorites dans la fortification des cotes ainsi que les differents types d'organisations defensives a implanter sur le rivage. Confiee a l'organisation todt, agence du parti nazi chargee de realiser les projets du gouvernement du reich (reseau autoroutier, ligne siegfried), la construction de l'atlantikwall (mur de l'atlantique), debutait, au milieu de l'annee 1942. Pour mener a bien ce chantier de grande envergure (construction de 15 000 ouvrages betonnes sur 4. 000 km de cotes, entre la frise et la frontiere espagnole), l'ot faisait appel aux plus grandes entreprises de travaux publics du reich et des pays occupes a l'ouest et mettait a leur disposition une abondante main-d'oeuvre composee de requis et de prisonniers de guerre. Pendant que certains oeuvraient pour les allemands, d'autres, au risque de leur vie, s'efforcaient de fournir aux allies des renseignements (carte des defenses cotieres, implantation des aerodromes, des stations radar et des bases de lancement de v1 ou v2, localisation des champs de mines, deplacements de troupes. . . ). Ces precisions devaient utiliement completer les informations tirees de la photographie aerienne, premiere source d'information des allies. Malgre l'importance des travaux defensifs effectues en bordure du littoral europeen le long duquel etaient dissemines pres de 4. 000 canons de divers calibres, le mur de l'atlantique n'a nulle part empeche le debarquement. L'existence du systeme defensif cotier a cependant joue un role appreciable sur le plan strategique. En particulier, en contraignant les allies a des preparatifs considerables, les fortifications cotieres ont differe l'instant ou les anglo-americains ont ete en mesure de debarquer sur le continent. L'atlantikwall a donc joue, dans le deroulement general du second conflit mondial, un role retardateur nullement negligeable<br>In order to guard himself against a possible landing of the allied forces while the wehrmacht was busy fighting on the russian battle front, hitler made a decision in december 1941 (a week after the usa had gone into the war) to have a line of defence works built on the coast line of western europe. Various "weisungen" (directives) were tp schedule fortification building operations as well as the different types of defensive works to be built on the shore. The todt organisation, an agency of the nazi party, which would achieve such schemes of the reich government as road network, the siegfried line, etc. . . Was in charge. The building of the atlantic wall started in mid 1942. To achieve this large scale scheme (consisting of 15,000 concrete works along a 2,500 mls shore line, from friesland to the spanish border) the o. T. Hired the services of major public building firms both in the reich and in occupied western countries, and gave the o. T. The run of a large number either of workers under requisition or p. O. W. S. While some people worked for the germans, others were striving, at the peril of their lives, to provide the allied forces with intelligence (charts of coastal defence works, location or airfields and radar stations, v1 and v2 launching sites, movements of troops. . . ) this information did prove useful in complementing that collected from aerial photographs, the most important source of information the allied forces had then. In spite of the bulk of defensive works actually achieved and the 4,000 pieces of more or less heavy artillery scattered along the coast of europe, nowhere did the atlantic wall really prevent landing. Nevertheless, this coastal defence system as a whole played a considerable part strategically. Particularly, in so far as it obliged the allied forces to make important preparations, the coastal defence works retarded the moment when the anglo-american forces could possibly land on the continent. The atlantic wall thus did play a not in the least negligible part in the course of events in w. W. Ii

Les partisans soviétiques ont formé pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale un des principaux mouvements de résistance armée à l'occupation allemande en Europe, implanté dans les vastes forêts de Biélorussie, du nord de l'Ukraine et de Russie occidentale. En croisant les archives allemandes et soviétiques, les sources institutionnelles, celles des unités de partisans elles-mêmes et des ego-documents, ce travail explore l'expérience et la culture de guerre des partisans soviétiques, en centrant l'analyse autour de la nature, des racines et des effets de la violence politique telle que subie et exercée par les partisans. Il analyse l'impact de la violence d'occupation allemande, l'émergence et la structuration du mouvement partisan, les relations complexes des partisans avec l'Etat-Parti soviétique, leurs conceptions de la patrie soviétique, les relations entre civils et combattants et les dynamiques de radicalisation de la violence en territoire occupé. Il montre que les partisans soviétiques étaient le produit à la fois d'une culture politique spécifique héritée de la Révolution et de la violence d'occupation allemande: ils comprenaient leur action comme un moment essentiel d'une apocalypse révolutionnaire ouverte en 1917, sans que leur mouvement s'inscrive dans la simple continuité des conflits qui avaient marqué l'URSS jusqu'à la guerre.

Il s'agit ici d'interroger la singularité d'une identité modelée par l'expérience de la Résistance, à travers l'ensemble formé par trois mouvements de résistance non communistes de la zone sud fondés en 1941 (Combat, Libération Sud et Franc-Tireur), regroupés en 1943 dans les Mouvements Unis de Résistance (MUR), puis en 1944 dans le Mouvement de Libération nationale (MLN). Ce cadre d'étude permet la multiplication des angles d'observation, et le choix dune démarche comparative rend compte de la diversité des composantes, des ancrages géographiques, des préoccupations et des vécus. Une place particulière est accordée au parcours d'Alban Vistel : responsable de Libération-Sud à Vienne puis chef régional des MUR, sa personnalité imprègne l'histoire des mouvements unis de la région de Lyon. L'approche par le détour de l'identité rompt avec la vision d'une Résistance conçue comme un bloc et confirme l'idée d'un édifice en construction. Entre 1941 et le début de 1943, c'est par référence à l'entité "mouvements" que s'exprime l'appartenance identitaire. Par la suite, jusqu'à la Libération, cette identité de groupe se transforme en identification totale à l'idée "Résistance". La pluralité des services et des lieux de résistance diversifie les modes d'appropriation de l'expérience et donne à cette identité résistante son caractère multidimensionnel. Quelques grands éléments constitutifs, inégalement mais peu à peu partagés, structurent la singularité de la Résistance : Témoignage, appropriation du temps, dimension légendaire, responsabilité sociale et élitisme, idéal unitaire, identification à la France comme idée, éthique de l'action.

Cette étude, intitulée « Représentations de l’Occupation et le parcours de l’identité féminine dans Η μητέρα του σκύλου de Pavlos Matessis », examine la collaboration sexuelle de la femme avec l’ennemi au cours de l’Occupation italo-allemande, son châtiment à la Libération et sa protestation envers la punition infligée. L’analyse des techniques narratives combinée à celle du contexte historique permettent d’approfondir les représentations de l’Occupation élaborées par ce roman et cernent la question centrale qui concerne la position tenue par ce dernier face à un événement que l’Histoire officielle a considéré comme secondaire après l’avoir frappé d’une condamnation allant de soi. Il s’ensuit de l’analyse que cette fiction au caractère éminemment dramatique combine de façon unique l’histoire à ses modes d’énonciation narrative. Sa particularité est aussi qu’elle s’éloigne sensiblement de la version officielle des événements et articule un discours différent sur un sujet tabou, celui de la collaboration sexuelle des femmes avec l’ennemi qui a été reliée à la prostitution et à la trahison de la patrie. Il fait de cette collaboration l’occasion de l’éveil de la conscience sociale du sujet et de la composition d’une identité sur la base de la libre disposition de soi et de l’auto-détermination, et considère le châtiment public comme un mécanisme de déstructuration du sujet auquel répond le silence comme forme de protestation. Il s’agit d’une œuvre « à l’écoute » de la révolte contre l’injustice de l’Histoire, qui répond dans le présent à la demande insatisfaite de la réhabilitation du sujet et défend des idéaux humanistes qu’elle place au dessus des idéaux nationaux<br>The title of the present doctoral research is “Representations of the Occupation and the evolution of female identity in Η μητέρα του σκύλου [The Mother of the dog] by Pavlos Matesis”. This novel revolves around the “erotic” collaboration of a woman with the enemy during the years of the Italian-German Occupation, the public disgrace that she suffered at the wake of Liberation and her protest for the punishment that was inflicted on her. Through a methodology consisting of a narrative analysis in combination with the historical context, I examine the representations of the Occupation that the novel offers in a period that was crucial for Greek history and society, and also the historical fact of the sexual collaboration, which was judged to be of “secondary” significance by official History which filed it as self-evidently condemnable. The conclusion stemming from this research is that the novel, through a fictional narrative with strong dramatic characteristics, combines the story with its narrative ways of expression in a unique way. Its peculiarity, however, lies in its distinctive differentiation from the given facts of the dominant version and in its articulation of a discourse on a taboo subject, for literature as for Historiography, this of the erotic collaboration of women with the enemy, the official evaluation of which connects them with prostitution and national treason. Through this collaboration, which stands as a pretext for the awakening of the subject’s social conscience and the constitution of an identity on the basis of self-determination and self-designation, it sees punishment as a deconstruction mechanism of the subject but also silence as a reaction to the former. Η Μητέρα του σκύλου is a book that “listens” to the protest for the historical injustice, brings forward to the present the unfulfilled request for the subject’s moral restoration and supports the humanistic ideals, putting them above the national ones