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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „United States Foreign relations Japan”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021

Data aktualizacji: 29 lipca 2024

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1

Kawasaki, Tsuyoshi. "Review: United States Foreign Policy: Japan Challenges America." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 1 (March 1993): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800114.

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Huang, Wentao. "Research on China-Japan Bilateral Relations——A Stable and Fragile Bilateral Relationship." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 35 (June 16, 2024): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ve1pwf70.

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After the end of World War II, since the surrender of the Japanese militarist Empire, Japan had political reform with the help of the United States. It was the beginning of Japan's diplomatic normalization after the end of militaristic diplomacy. Since the new century, from the “Follow America and give priority to economic development” to the “New capitalism and realism diplomacy in the new era” foreign policy with domestic and foreign coordination, Japan's diplomatic strategy towards China has handled resoundingly on the delicate relationship of competition between China and the United States

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3

Podoba, Z., and V. Gorshkov. "“Path-Dependency” Effect in Japan-U.S. Trade." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-31-39.

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The paper addresses current issues in Japan-U.S. foreign trade following the signing of the Japan-U.S. Trade Agreement and the Japan-U.S. Agreement on Digital Trade in October 2019. By providing an overview of Japan-U.S. trade relations, analyzing current trends in bilateral foreign trade and outlining basic terms of new bilateral agreements, the authors conclude that “path-dependency” in Japan-U.S. contemporary foreign trade persists and trade relations between the two countries are to a greater extent influenced by the U.S. trade policy which aims to assure a broader access of American compa

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4

Timoshenko, Valery N., and Natalia V. Kurkova. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE JAPANESE-AMERICAN MILITARY-POLITICAL ALLIANCE DURING 1990–1996." HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE FAR EAST 20, no. 2 (2023): 199–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.31079/1992-2868-2023-20-2-199-205.

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The end of the Cold War and the subsequent collapse of the bipolar international political system forced all participants in international relations to begin the process of reforming the usual tools of foreign policy communication. The moderator of the new collective security conjuncture was the United Nations under the auspices of the United States. Japan, as an ally of the United States and a direct member of the UN, needed to adapt the principles of its foreign policy to effectively integrate into the new system of international relations. Military conflicts around the world have challenged

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5

Aruga, Tadashi. "Foreign Policy and Social Change: Japan and the United States." Tocqueville Review 16, no. 2 (January 1995): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.16.2.79.

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In the second half of the nineteenth century, Japan moved from isolation and pacifism towards a militarized foreign policy. It relumed to pacifism after its defeat in World War II. The United States discarded its pacifist stance as it entered World War II and reaffirmed its commitment to a militarized foreign policy at the onset of the Cold War. Because both Japan and the United States had been outside or at the periphery of international relations for such a long time, these shifts tended to be far more dramatic than those experienced by European nations, accustomed as they were to an interna

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6

SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 1 (March 14, 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.

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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the

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7

GORE, Lance L. P. "A Watershed Year: Chinese Foreign Policy in 2018." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (January 2019): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000047.

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The year 2018 is a watershed year in China’s foreign relations, marked by rapid deterioration of the external environment. The trade war with the United States is fought simultaneously at business, geopolitical and ideological levels. The two were in a struggle to redefine their bilateral relations, which also affected China’s dealings with other states, including the two Koreas, Taiwan and Japan. A more cautious foreign policy is expected from China in 2019.

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8

Korniyuk, M. V. "THE ROLE OF THE JAPAN-AMERICAN ALLIANCE IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF MODERN JAPAN." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 24, no. 2 (2024): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2024-2-24-33.

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An analysis of the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy and defense strategies in the last decade is presented. Key changes in security legislation, economic agreements are studied. Economic agreements and the dynamics of relations between Japan and the United States in recent years are considered.

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9

Yukawa, Hayato. "U.S.–Japan Economic Contention in Manchukuo: What did Manchukuo’s Economic Control Bring to the U.S.–Japan Relationship?" Journal of American-East Asian Relations 30, no. 1 (March 29, 2023): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30010005.

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Abstract This article examines the impact of Japan’s economic control of Manchukuo on U.S.-Japan relations. From 1933 to 1935, ties between the two countries came to a temporary standstill. However, during these years, Washington and Tokyo waged a diplomatic war in the background over Japan’s control of Manchukuo’s economy. Although the United States accused Japan of violating the Nine Power Treaty it had signed endorsing the Open Door Policy, Japan established several special companies in Manchukuo, and some American firms withdrew from Manchuria. What kind of diplomatic negotiations develope

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10

Katada, Saori N. "Japan's Foreign Aid after the San Francisco Peace Treaty." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 3-4 (2000): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645886.

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AbstractThe year 2001 marks the fifty-year anniversary of the San Francisco Peace Conference that concluded the U.S. occupation of Japan, and defined the future course of Japan's foreign relations with the rest of the world, particularly with Asia. During these fifty years, Japan transformed itself from a war-devastated nation of poverty and instability to the second richest economy of the world after the United States. Japan's foreign relations with Asia remains of critical importance, and Japan's foreign aid, the largest of the world in the past decade, contributed significantly in shaping t

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11

OTHMAN, Suha Adel. "NOBUSUKE KISHI AND HIS ROLE IN JAPANESE POLITICS (1957- 1960)." Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.15.4.

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The study touched on an important topic in Japan, which is (Prime Minister of Japan Nobusuke Kishi from 1957-1960) and he also had an "important political role because of his great importance to Japan, where in this year (1957) he became the Prime Minister of Japan and had a great role in his proximity It was also characterized by a policy of establishing good relations with European countries for joint cooperation in order to establish friendly relations and establish security agreements, especially with the United States of America. Nobusuke Kishi was the great statesman, especially in the f

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12

Moldicz, Csaba. "Geopolitical Tensions in East Asia and the Effects on Japanese and Hungarian Economic Relations." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 1 (2021): 76–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.1.76-97.

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The paper places a strong focus on the increasing geopolitical tensions in the world and the geopolitical and geoeconomic adjustment process of both Japan and Hungary to the new environment. After the introductory part (Chapter 1), which discusses the changes in the global political and economic environment, the next chapter (Chapter 2) analyses the geopolitical changes for both countries, focusing on foreign and trade policies. Chapter 3 focuses on how political and economic relations with the two major powers, the United States and Japan, have changed. This chapter also provides an overview

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13

SINGH, Bhubhindar. "Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia." East Asian Policy 13, no. 03 (July 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.

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Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.

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14

Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.

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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwa

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15

DE CASTRO, Renato Cruz. "The Marcos Administration’s Foreign Policy towards the Great Powers: Seeking the Elusive Balance in Dealing a Changing Indo-Pacific Region." East Asian Policy 15, no. 04 (December 2023): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930523000314.

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This article examines the Marcos administration’s efforts to seek the elusive balance in managing its relations with the United States, China and Japan. At the beginning of his term, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr planned a balanced foreign policy marked by China providing the investments and market for the Philippines while the United States extended its security guarantee. In conclusion, the article argues that Marcos Jr’s foreign policy reflects the Philippines’ acumen in practising ASEAN’s age-old and proven statecraft in dealing with the significant powers that require the small

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16

Hasegawa, Tsuyoshi. "The Soviet Factor in U.S.-Japanese Defense Cooperation, 1978–1985." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 2 (April 2013): 72–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00338.

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In the crucial period from 1978 to 1975, Japan jettisoned its “omnidirectional” foreign policy and embraced a closer and more integrated defense alliance with the United States. Concern about the Soviet threat was the chief motive for this shift. The deployment of Soviet troops in the Northern Territories (Southern Kuriles), the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the deployment of Soviet Backfire bombers and SS-20 nuclear missiles in the Far East all provided impetus toward closer U.S.-Japanese defense cooperation. As Japan closely aligned its defense policy with the United States, Soviet-Jap

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17

Poplavska, Myroslava. "Main Directions of Cultural Diplomacy of the USA and Japan." Socio-Cultural Management Journal 5, no. 2 (November 22, 2022): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31866/2709-846x.2.2022.267520.

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Introduction. The relevance of the research is determined by the growing role of culture and cultural diplomacy as a tool of special (“soft”) power in foreign policy and economic relations between countries in the conditions of globalization, virtualization and digitalization of society. Purpose and methods. The purpose of the article is to identify the features of international exchanges and the spread of popular culture as the main directions of cultural diplomacy in the United States and Japan, in historical retrospect and at the present stage. The methodological basis of the study is a dia

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18

Nishizaki, Sumiyo. "The United Arab Emirates and Japan: Diversifying Bilateral Relationships and Challenges in the Context of Japan’s New Foreign Policy Focus and US-Japan Relation." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 269–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.269.

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In this article, I analyze the Japan-Middle East-U.S. triangle relationship. Japan’s Middle East policies, the author contends, have been influenced by its energy needs and relationship with the United States. Fully aware of its status as a country with hardly any energy resources, Japan has engaged in energy diplomacy and investment in oil fields in the Middle East. This article describes how, despite pursuing an energy strategy largely independent of the United States, Japan has constantly needed to take into account its relationship with the Americans, and Japan has slowly shifted toward mo

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19

Verbitsky, Semyon, Tsuyoshi Hasegawa, and Gilbert Rozman. "Misperceptions Between Japan and Russia." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1503 (January 1, 2000): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2000.88.

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The twentieth century has witnessed repeated occasions when Japan and Russia have taken each other's measure and decided on policy accordingly. In the years 1985 to 1999 such mutual testing occuned again amidst adjustments in the direction of each country's global role. As has often been the case, the RussoJapanese relationship was not the main event on the world stage. Both countries placed higher priority on relations with the United States and with China. But to rank this bilateral relationship below two others is not to belittle the stakes involved. For Russia, Tokyo's strategy to look eas

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20

Chemotsky, Harry I. "Trade Adjustment and Foreign Direct Investment: Japan in the United States." Pacific Focus 1, no. 2 (February 13, 2008): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.1986.tb00039.x.

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Chudinova, K. O. "Scale and development of foreign economic interaction between the USA and Japan in 2009–2021." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 12 (November 30, 2022): 902–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2212-06.

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The article analyzes the dynamics of economic cooperation between the US and Japan for the period 2009–2021: bilateral trade, export and import, FDI flows. Particular attention is paid to Japanese FDI and activities of Japanese manufacturing companies in the United States. Bilateral economic relations are a part of the broader context of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific, activities of multinational enterprises and their global production networks. A "triangular" model of trade relations has developed between Japan, China and the United States, with significant part of trade going throu

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22

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges

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Iakimova, E. A. "ISRAEL'S APPROACH TO LIMITATION OF FOREIGN INVESTMENTS ON THE EXAMPLE OF COOPERATION WITH CHINA, JAPAN AND INDIA." International Trade and Trade Policy 10, no. 1 (May 4, 2024): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2024-1-130-143.

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The article focuses on the specifics of the Israeli mechanism of foreign investments control that was created primarily under the influence of the political will of Israel's main global partner, the United States, but not on the basis of the country’s economic interests. The author considers the course of negotiations between the government of B. Netanyahu and the administration of D. Trump on the formation of an advisory committee for foreign investment approval, its goals, objectives and directions of work, as well as the differences from the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United Sta

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24

Paramonov, O. G. "Military-technical cooperation of Japan with foreign countries and the interests of Russia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-2-52-62.

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Nowadays military-technical cooperation is considered by many states as one of the effective tools for ensuring national security, as well as accomplishing a broader range of foreign policy objectives. Under a crisis of regional security environment, the Japanese government also concluded that further refusal to participate in international cooperation in the development and production of weapons begins to negatively affect its own defense capabilities. Nevertheless, Shinzo Abe-led Government’s plans to put an end to Japan’s self-isolation from external arms markets and thus strengthen relatio

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Yuan, Zhengqing, and Qiang Fu. "Narrative Framing and the United States’ Threat Construction of Rivals." Chinese Journal of International Politics 13, no. 3 (2020): 419–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poaa008.

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Abstract Constructing a credible foreign threat is a key activity in the US national security community. By adopting a narrative approach to threat formation, we attempt to delineate the contours of the Soviet Union, Japan, and China in the US threat discourse spectrum. The Soviet threat is constructed through a story of two ideologically opposed rivals competing for world domination and the Japan-bashing narrative is of victimisation due to Japan’s unfair competition. China threat stories, however, are now more complex, conflating a story of US victimhood at the hands of China’s unfair compet

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Volkov, S. V. "Japan in the Russia - U.S. Relations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-35-42.

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The article examines the impact of the crisis in Russia - U. S. relations in connection with the events surrounding Ukraine on the world system and its key component - the Asia-Pacific region where Japan plays a crucial role. The author assumes that the international relations have no common understanding of the rules of engagement between the USA, the Group of Seven, Russia and the BRICS countries. As a result, the leading countries of the world are guided by conflicting scenarios. The article deals with the American scenario in relation to China and the Russian Federation and the Russian one

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27

Sudarman, Suzie. "Can We Reinvent International Studies on Southeast Asia for the Post Western World?" Indonesian Journal of International Relations 1, no. 1 (June 10, 2017): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v1i1.6.

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Since the end of the Cold War the Asia-Pacific region draws increased attention but there is a gap between the rich comparative and foreign policy scholarship on China, Japan, and the United States with the wider world of international relations theory. Although Pierre Lizee’s work, quoting Stanley Hoffmann, puts forward an argument that international studies as a discipline assumes that it speaks to the nature of politics throughout the entire world,1 it is evident that the study of Southeast Asia in particular, tends to be under-theorized.2 The images, concepts, and theories which underlie i

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Жуков, Олександр. "US FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE FAR EAST IN 1901–1904." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 1 (2021): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2021-01/096-105.

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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the formation of US Far Eastern policy in the early twentieth century. The author identifies the transformation of the country's foreign policy from isolationism to active action as key aspects of the study. Determining the strategic need of the United States to gain a foothold in the Far East reveals the main foreign policy vectors. A special role in this was played by US President Theodore Roosevelt and Secretary of State John Hay, who were the ideologues of the new, "Pacific era" and "open door" policy, particularly in China, which should have

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Gordon, Joy. "Introduction." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.

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It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada

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Fung, Kwong-Chiu, Hitomi Iizaka, and Alan Siu. "United States, Japanese, and Korean FDI and Intra–East Asian Trade." Asian Economic Papers 9, no. 3 (October 2010): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00040.

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This paper documents the growing importance of intra–East Asian trade of parts and components. Our empirical analysis shows that foreign direct investment (FDI) does play an important and independent role in facilitating the trade of parts and components in East Asia. This is true for FDI from all three source countries: the United States, Japan, and South Korea. Furthermore, our empirical studies show that compared with U.S. and Korean FDI, FDI from Japan has a particularly strong influence on trade in parts and components as well as trade in capital goods. One policy implication is that econ

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Guan, Yichen, Dustin Tingley, David Romney, Amaney Jamal, and Robert Keohane. "Chinese views of the United States: evidence from Weibo." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, no. 1 (August 10, 2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcy021.

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Abstract We study Chinese attitudes toward the United States, and secondarily toward Japan, Russia, and Vietnam, by analyzing social media discourse on the Chinese social media site, Weibo. We focus separately on a general analysis of attitudes and on Chinese responses to specific international events involving the United States. In general, we find that Chinese netizens are much more interested in US politics than US society. Their views of the United States are characterized by deep ambivalence; they have remarkably favorable attitudes toward many aspects of US influence, whether economic, p

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Garin, Artyom, and Sophia Pale. "The Place of the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in China's Geopolitical Thinking." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-234-253.

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China’s growing influence has affected the South Pacific, where the small developing island states of Oceania re-directed their foreign policies due to Beijing in order to diversify their external relations. It has caused concerns of Australia, the United States, Japan and New Zealand. In 2019 the leaders of Solomon Islands and Kiribati cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of China, and this raised Beijing's regional influence to a new level and negatively affected Australia's position in its traditional sphere of influence.

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Yi, Kil J. "In Search of a Panacea: Japan-Korea Rapprochement and America's "Far Eastern Problems"." Pacific Historical Review 71, no. 4 (November 1, 2002): 633–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.4.633.

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The United States had three challenges in Asia in the mid-1960s: a hostile China, an assertive Japan, and a faltering South Vietnam. The Johnson administration's solution to these problems was to promote the normalizing of relations between its two vital Asian allies, Japan and South Korea. The two countries had refused to recognize each other diplomatically since the end of Japan's colonial rule over Korea after World War II. The acrimonious relations between Seoul and Tokyo weakened the containment wall in Northeast Asia while depriving Korea of Japanese investments, loans, and markets. Thes

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Rix, Alan, David W. Mabon, Harriet D. Schwar, and John P. Glennon. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954. Volume XIV: China and Japan (into tow parts)." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 2 (1986): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758944.

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Choudhury, Srabani Roy. "Japan and the Middle East: An Overview." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no. 3 (June 19, 2018): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918776711.

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As an introduction to this special issue, this article examines the shaping of Japan’s foreign policy; looking at how Japan has risen to the demand of the international community to assume more responsibility in conflict situations, circumventing a pacifist constitution that it had been dealt with. It then explains relations between Middle East and Japan and shows how the latter has been balancing its national interest in order to conform to its alliance with the United States. With more Asian powers having stake in the Middle East, Japan has become proactive about its role in the region. Howe

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Chaminda K, Wijekoon Herath Mudiyanselage. "SRI LANKA’S STRATEGIC LOCATION AND FOREIGN POLICY RESPONSE TOWARDS INDIA AND US ON CHINESE INVESTMENTS IN SRI LANKA." Jurnal Diplomasi Pertahanan 8, no. 2 (June 6, 2022): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jdp.v8i2.1009.

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Sri Lanka is a small state strategically placed between two powerful States India and China, the island nation is significant for India as its closest maritime neighbor and on the other hand China has become an all-weather friend to Sri Lanka who has not interfered into the internal political issues and a supporting character in international politics. Sri Lanka has been sandwiched between the great power politics of these powerful nations since the U.S. is carrying out its strategy using the strategic alliance of the United States, India, UK, Japan, and Australia to counter the growing influe

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Kim, Young Choul, and Ho Keun Yoo. "Anti-Americanism in East Asia: Analyses of college students’ attitudes in China, Japan, and South Korea." International Area Studies Review 20, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916682390.

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In the last decade, negative attitudes towards the United States have increased throughout the world. Though the United States and East Asian countries have relatively had harmonious relationships, anti-Americanism is still prevalent for various reasons. In spite of China’s increasing economic interdependence with the United States, the country is succeeding to its long history of anti-Americanism. Although Japan and South Korea have been considered pro-United States allies since the Korean War (1950–1953), the countries’ younger generations have often expressed critical opinions of the United

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Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva, and Ryo Takahama. "Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.

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This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the Unite

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Aldrich, Richard. "A Question of Expediency: Britain, the United States and Thailand, 1941–42." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (September 1988): 209–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400000540.

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This passage was written on 27 March 1945 by Major Andrew Gilchrist, a Foreign Office official serving with the Special Operations Executive in Thailand. It neatly demonstrates the manner in which the wartime debate within and between the various Allied bureaucracies responsible for Thailand's post war status appeared to be dominated by the circumstances of Thailand's rapid capitulation to Japan in December 1941. Subsequently, diametrically opposed interpretations of these unhappy events were employed both by Britain to legitimize her wartime plans to re-establish a degree of control over Thai

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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.

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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as

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Magnier-Watanabe, Remy, and James Hoadley. "The motives for Japanese foreign direct investment in the Southeastern United States." Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Administration 11, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 324–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/apjba-04-2019-0087.

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Purpose Whereas the USA is still the largest investment destination for Japanese companies, Japan also accounts as the second largest source of investment in the country. The purpose of this paper is to, empirically, examine the detailed motives of Japanese affiliates when investing in the Southeastern USA, adding to previous research at the national level. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses a qualitative approach based on the interviews of long-term Japanese investors in the manufacturing and wholesale trade industries in the Southeastern USA and applies text analysis to identify the

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Chen, Yu-Hua. "Japan’s Taiwan Policy in the Xi Jinping Era: Moving Toward Strategic Clarity." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 15 (February 15, 2023): 299–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2022.1.18.

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Like the United States, Japan views its relations with Taiwan through a greater China framework. It uses a similar strategic ambiguity toward Taiwan to navigate its relations with China and Taiwan. However, Japan’s recent strong support for Taiwan to counter China’s pressure on the island seems to suggest that Japan’s Taiwan policy is moving away from its old strategic ambiguity toward a new strategic clarity. Why has Japan started to protect Taiwan proactively and directly in recent years? How to explain the transformation of Japan’s policy regarding Taiwan from strategic ambiguity to strateg

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Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. "Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’ Towards India: An Analysis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 1 (February 23, 2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420906248.

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The Moon Jae-in administration in South Korea (hereafter Korea) initiated the ‘New Southern Policy’ in 2017 to foster closer relations with ASEAN and India and bring them at par with the four major powers—the United States of America (USA), China, Russia and Japan, which have traditionally played a dominant role in Korea’s foreign affairs. Korea’s strategy through this new policy has been to diversify its foreign relations and lessen dependence on these four major powers of the Northeast Asian region. In this policy shift India is projected as one of the key partners for Korea. However, there

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Reich, Simon. "Roads to follow: regulating direct foreign investment." International Organization 43, no. 4 (1989): 543–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034445.

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The United States faces a formidable and growing economic challenge from Japan. Over the last decade, the American state has characteristically responded to the loss of domestic market dominance in the manufacturing sector to foreign firms by invoking the principles of free and fair trade in order to delegitimate this foreign competition and legitimate the imposition of trade barriers designed to encourage the investment of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the United States. These tactics have largely succeeded in attracting investment and thus aided domestic employment and the balance of

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Sanders, David, and Geoffrey Edwards. "Consensus and Diversity in Elite Opinion: The Views of the British Foreign Policy Elite in the Early 1990s." Political Studies 42, no. 3 (September 1994): 413–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb01686.x.

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The paper reports the results of a systematic and comprehensive survey of the attitudes of the British foreign policy élite that was conducted under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs in 1990. British élite attitudes towards four major international actors – the United States, the EC, the Soviet Union and Japan – are examined in terms of trade relations, financial relations, political relations and security relations. It is argued that the complex pattern of consensus and dissensus evident in the attitudes displayed by the élite – a pattern that can be broadly charact

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Dubinsky, Volodymyr, та Oleksandr Yuha. "Американський та китайський вектори зовнішньої політики Японії прем’єрства Дзюнітіро Коїдзумі (2001-2006 рр.)". Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 37 (4 жовтня 2022): 144–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2022-37.144-156.

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Th e article defi nes the essence, peculiarities and results of Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro’s foreign policy concept (2001–2006) in the context of Tokyo’s relations with Washington and Beijing at the beginning of the 21st century. Th e methodological bases of the study are the principles of historicism, objectivity and systematicity, as well as diff erent methods. Problem-chronological became the principal method. Th e methods of content analysis, expert assessments were also applied. Th e scientifi c novelty lies in the attempt to comprehensively study the main vectors of the Japanese (A

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Anwar, Syed Tariq. "FDI Regimes, Investment Screening Process, and Institutional Frameworks: China versus Others in Global Business." Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (April 1, 2012): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012008.

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The main purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyse foreign direct investment (FDI) regimes and their screening processes, institutional frameworks, and business environments in world trade. China's FDI regime is specifically compared with that of the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Other countries (France, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, and Switzerland) were also included in the discussion to evaluate their regulatory and investment issues. By using interdisciplinary literature, secondary data, and research surveys and reports from multilateral institutions, the

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Pulipaka, Sanjay, and Libni Garg. "India and Vietnam in the Indo-Pacific." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 2 (May 7, 2021): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211004984.

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The international order today is characterised by power shift and increasing multipolarity. Countries such as India and Vietnam are working to consolidate the evolving multipolarity in the Indo-Pacific. The article maps the convergences in the Indian and Vietnamese foreign policy strategies and in their approaches to the Indo-Pacific. Both countries confront similar security challenges, such as creeping territorial aggression. Further, India and Vietnam are collaborating with the United States and Japan to maintain a favourable balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. While Delhi and Hanoi agree

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Gao, Henry. "Taking Justice into Your Own Hand: The TBI Mechanism in China." Journal of World Trade 44, Issue 3 (June 1, 2010): 633–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2010023.

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To protect the trade interests of their firms in foreign markets, several countries have established various institutional arrangements. For example, the United States has the section 301 procedure, while the EU has the Trade Barrier Regulation (TBR). Learning from their experiences, China also established its own Foreign Trade Barrier Investigation (TBI) mechanism in 2002. This article starts with a discussion on the background for its establishment as well as the substantive and procedural requirements for investigations under TBI. In the next part, the article discusses how TBI has worked i

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Zhang, Cheng Wen, Chong You Wu, and Su Zhen Wang. "Research State of Combine Threshing Unit Monitoring System and Insufficiency and Emphasis in China." Applied Mechanics and Materials 246-247 (December 2012): 1026–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.246-247.1026.

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This article summarizes the development of United States, Japan and other foreign combine threshing part monitoring system. Meanwhile it analyses the research status of China from two aspects of fault diagnostic and the relationship with feed rate. Which is specifically illustrated the present researching status of the fault alarm, fault warning, troubleshooting, and the relationship be-tween feed rate and travel speed, roller torque, the drive pulley oil pressure relations. At last it con-cludes the insufficiency in the present studies and points out the direction of the strengthened re-searc

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