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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Anti-violence centre"
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Lubrano Lavadera, Anna, Ludovica Iesu e Anna Lisa Micci. "La rilevazione della IPV in diversi contesti clinici". MALTRATTAMENTO E ABUSO ALL'INFANZIA, n.º 1 (maio de 2009): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mal2009-001003.
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- The studies, conducted on the phenomenon of the Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), report the necessity to use a multidimensional approach which foresees the analysis of the risk and protection factors implicated. The present study is focused on the analysis of the formalities in which the phenomenon of the violence is investigated in different clinical contexts (social services, orders of family leaving, expert legal consultation, Department Alcoholics of the Policlinico Umberto I°, spanish anti-violence centre). For the data collection has been used a Scheme of analysis of histories of violent couples, built ad hoc. The results underline notable discrepancies in the typology of gathered information in the cases of IPV in the different clinical contexts, probably associated to a different formation of the operators and to specific protocols to the objectives of the service. Such discrepancy has solicited the necessity to structure protocols of work that allow a complete and uniform collection of information in different contexts, with the purpose to deepen the understanding of the phenomenon of the IPV. Key words: intimate partner violence; multidimensional approach; protection and risk factors; clinical context.
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Kloos, David. "Dis/connection: Violence, Religion, and Geographic Imaginings in Aceh and Colonial Indonesia, 1890s–1920s". Itinerario 45, n.º 3 (23 de novembro de 2021): 389–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000255.
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This article draws attention to the case of Aceh to analyse the mechanisms through which ideologically driven geographic imaginings obscured the role of place and class in colonial and anti-colonial violence in Indonesia. Its main perspective is the region's West Coast. In the course of the long and brutal Dutch-Acehnese war (1873–1942), the West Coast of Sumatra was transformed from a dynamic centre of trade, commerce, and religious renewal into a colonial frontier. Violent resistance persisted in this area as the Dutch involved themselves in and exacerbated local contestations for authority and resources. Colonial discourse worked to conceal these complexities, foregrounding an image of the West Coast as a remote, backwards, and inherently dangerous place, prone to a violent Muslim millenarianism.
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Deawuo, Leticia Ama, e Michael Classens. "Confronting Anti-Black, Anti-Indigenous, and Anti-Asian Racisms in Food Systems in Canada". Canadian Food Studies / La Revue canadienne des études sur l'alimentation 10, n.º 1 (13 de março de 2023): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cfs-rcea.v10i1.631.
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The impetus for this themed section came out of the broader reckoning that touched off in the summer of 2020 in the wake of the murder of Geroge Floyd. The Canadian Association for Food Studies board, like so many organizations struggling to respond to such brazen violence, released a statement on racialized police violence and systemic racism. In the statement the CAFS board commits to more deliberately centering the work of anti-racism in our association̶ —and this included two shorter-term projects. Curating and publishing an open access resource list on food and racism in so-called Canada, and publishing a themed section on racism in the food system. The CFP for the special issue was released the following May, 2021, and read in part “As we reckon with the ways white supremacy, capitalism, patriarchy and colonization has shaped food systems, we must also reflect on and redress dominant modes of thought and approaches that reproduce inequity within the academy (e.g., research and teaching) and society at large. As such, we welcome submissions that centre diverse ways of knowing and methods of knowledge production.” Over the past nearly two years, we (the special issue guest editor, Ama, and collaboration assistant, Michael) have met virtually many times to discuss the CFP, the process, the articles, and the broader backdrop of white supremacy, colonialism, and capitalism. And as we reflected on how we wanted to write this editorial, it occurred to us that our own approach to collaboration on this project has been relational, conversational. So, rather than writing a conventional editorial, we once again met virtually to reflect on some key themes that (re)emerged over the past couple of years. What follows is part of that conversation, edited for clarity and brevity. We hope this special issue contributes to keeping the conversations (and action) focused on structural change going.
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Magogodi, Kgafela Oa. "Refiguring the Body: Performance of Identity in Mapantsula and Fools". Theatre Research International 27, n.º 3 (outubro de 2002): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883302000329.
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Two South African films, Oliver Schmitz's 1988 Mapantsula and Ramadan Suleman's 1997 Fools, drawing from the revolutionary fervour of Third Cinema, developed a radical consciousness against a backdrop of Anglo-Afrikaner cinema in South Africa. Set in Soweto during the 1980s, both films, in their representation of blackness, address issues of the body, identity and agency. With their anti-heroes at the centre, they explore questions of African identity by imaging the black body differently, and free it from the grip of the apartheid imaginary. Meanwhile, the white body in the films is ‘shot’ as a homogenized symbol of apartheid violence and oppression, thus ‘fixing’ white identity as a strategy for political truth claiming.
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Ahmed, Zahid Shahab. "National Identity Formation in Pakistan: Analysis of the Anti-Secular Narrative". Journal of Citizenship and Globalisation Studies 1, n.º 1 (11 de outubro de 2017): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcgs-2017-0006.
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AbstractSoon after its declaration as an Islamic Republic in 1956, Islamists have experienced numerous ups and downs in Pakistan. Islamists not only try to maintain the status quo of the Islamic state but also endeavour to expand the scope ofsharia. Despite insignificant achievements in elections, Islamists have mostly been able to dictate civilian and military governments in matters of national identity. One of the greatest challenges for the promotion of pluralism is the Islamists’ anti-secular narrative, which holds significant backing from both the civil and the military elites. The goal of this paper is to analyse such narrative with reference to Pakistan’s continuous struggle for national identity. ‘The analyses propose that anti-secular voices are occupying centre stage in Pakistan, leaving little room for diverse opinions. Anti-secular groups use violence as a tool to silence any opposition against their ideology for Pakistan, which is evident by regular attacks on not only the religious minorities but also the moderate or liberal Muslim thinkers. The conflict over national identity between extremists and moderates is also one of the main causes of rising violent extremism in Pakistan.
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Taliani, Simona. "COERCION, FETISHES AND SUFFERING IN THE DAILY LIVES OF YOUNG NIGERIAN WOMEN IN ITALY". Africa 82, n.º 4 (novembro de 2012): 579–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000514.
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ABSTRACTIn the aftermath of social conflicts and urban violence between autochthons and migrants in Italy in recent years, the question of how to control the growing number of illegal immigrants is increasingly discussed in the language of zero-tolerance anti-crime campaigns. Traffic in women has been a ‘structural’ social reality in the Italian migration landscape over the last 15 years, and is a prominent aspect of illegal female migration. These women are qualified as ‘victims of human trafficking’ when they denounce their pimps. Most of their suffering – involving psychological or psychiatric symptoms and requiring psychosocial support – is expressed through an emic vocabulary that talks about fetishes, spirit possession, witchcraft, sacrifice, debts, and spiritual and moral deliverance. This study – based on extensive field research in Turin into an Ethno-Psychiatric Service (provided by the Frantz Fanon Centre) in which 50 Nigerian women participated – addresses the following anthropological issues: the relationship between emic vocabulary (so called ‘voodoo’ or ‘juju’), migration, and moral economies of violence; and the intersection between symbolic violence and coercion, as experienced through sexual abuse and/or ritual violence (occurring both in Nigeria and Italy, and also during the migration itself in different countries such as Benin, Mali and Libya). In the conclusion of this article, I underline the limits of psychiatric and psychological therapeutical methodsvis-à-visthe symptoms and traumatic experiences that ‘mark’ these female bodies; and I discuss in particular the emergence of new forms of post-colonial disorders affecting subjects who are at the mercy ofcompromiseddesires.
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Ahmed, Zahid Shahab. "National Identity Formation in Pakistan". Journal of Citizenship and Globalisation Studies 1, n.º 1 (31 de março de 2021): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/jcgs2017vol1no1art1066.
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Soon after its declaration as an Islamic Republic in 1956, Islamists have experienced numerous ups and downs in Pakistan. Islamists not only try to maintain the status quo of the Islamic state but also endeavour to expand the scope of sharia. Despite insignificant achievements in elections, Islamists have mostly been able to dictate civilian and military governments in matters of national identity. One of the greatest challenges for the promotion of pluralism is the Islamists’ anti-secular narrative, which holds significant backing from both the civil and the military elites. The goal of this paper is to analyse such narrative with reference to Pakistan’s continuous struggle for national identity. ‘The analyses propose that anti-secular voices are occupying centre stage in Pakistan, leaving little room for diverse opinions. Anti-secular groups use violence as a tool to silence any opposition against their ideology for Pakistan, which is evident by regular attacks on not only the religious minorities but also the moderate or liberal Muslim thinkers. The conflict over national identity between extremists and moderates is also one of the main causes of rising violent extremism in Pakistan.
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Fukushima, Annie. "Witnessing in a Time of Homeland Futurities". Anti-Trafficking Review, n.º 14 (27 de abril de 2020): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220145.
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Current US rhetorical strategies of imagining a future of the homeland have led to the creation and utilisation of new technologies to contain and manage the border. These responses to the US border and immigration impact anti-trafficking efforts, sustaining a ‘homeland futurity’. Homeland futurity draws on and extends discourses of emergency that solidify borders as dangerous and risky. This article traces how homeland futurities emerged in US anti-trafficking efforts. Drawing upon interviews and focus group discussions with service providers and survivors of violence in San Francisco, the article demonstrates how migrant labourers are impacted by a discourse of threat and containment of the border. However, migrant labourers and their allies are innovating to secure a life that mitigates risk through migrant labourers’ use of technology. This article illustrates through the example of Contratados.org how technology may facilitate opportunities of future visioning by migrant labourers beyond a homeland futurity, to enact practices that bring to the centre migrants and their experiences through social networking and information sharing on job prospects.
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Jasen, Patricia. "Breast Cancer and the Politics of Abortion in the United States". Medical History 49, n.º 4 (1 de outubro de 2005): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300009145.
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Epidemiology, like any branch of medical science, functions within a social and historical context. That context influences what questions are asked, how they are investigated, and how their conclusions are interpreted, both by researchers and by the public. The international debate over whether abortion increases breast cancer risk, which has been the subject of many studies and much heated controversy in recent decades, became so intensely politicized in the United States that it serves as a particularly stark illustration of how elusive the quest for scientific certainty can be. Although a growing interest in reproductive factors and breast cancer risk developed after the Second World War, it was not until the early 1980s, after induced abortion had been legalized in many countries, that studies began to focus on this specific factor. In the US these were the years following Roe v Wade, when anti-abortionists mounted their counterattack and pro-choice forces were on the defensive. As a result, epidemiologists found themselves at the centre of a debate which had come to symbolize a deepening divide in American culture. This paper traces the history of the scientific investigation of the alleged abortion-breast cancer link, against the backdrop of what was increasingly termed an “epidemic” of breast cancer in the US. That history, in turn, is closely intertwined with the anti-abortion movement's efforts, following the violence of the early 1990s, to regain respectability through changing its tactics and rhetoric, which included the adoption of the “ABC link” as part of its new “women-centred” strategy.
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Junaid Ghauri, Muhammad. "‘Political Parallelism’ and the Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Australian Press: A Critical Discourse Analysis". International Journal of Crisis Communication 2, n.º 2 (31 de dezembro de 2018): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31907/2617-121x.2018.02.02.01.
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Recent studies have evidenced that the coverage of Islam and Muslims is widely influenced by the ideological leanings of the newspapers. This paper is set to explore whether the ideological differences of the Australian newspapers are reflected in the coverage of Islam and Muslims during January 1, 2016 to March 31, 2017. Employing Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square and lexicalization approaches within the CDA paradigm this study examined editorials from two leading Australian newspapers. The findings have validated the existence of the ‘political parallelism’ phenomenon in the editorial contents of the selected newspapers representing Islam and Muslims. The findings showed that The Australian, which is a ‘rightist/conservative’ newspaper, toed the line of ‘right-wing’ political parties and politicians such as Ms. Pauline and Mr. Turnbull, portrayed Islam and Muslims in an overwhelmingly negative way, appreciated anti-immigration policies, criticized those who support accepting refugees, highlighted violence in Muslims countries, and collectivized Muslims while commenting on terrorist attacks in the West. On the other hand, The Age, which is a ‘leftist’/‘centre-left’ newspaper, criticized the ‘far-rights’ for appreciating and supporting the ‘rightist/conservative’ policies against Muslims, advocated the ‘leftist/progressive/liberal’ stance, portrayed Islam and Muslims in a positive, supportive and balanced way, and advocated ‘understanding’, ‘harmony’ and ‘cohesion’ in Australia. Keywords: Political parallelism, Representation, Islam, Muslims, Critical discourse analysis, ideological square, lexicalization.
Teses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Anti-violence centre"
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Morrow, Marina Helen. "Feminist anti-violence activism, the struggle towards multi-centred politics". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27701.pdf.
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Thegg, Sherrich Monsher. "Staff Member Perceptions of Bullying in an Afterschool Center". ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/3639.
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Peer-to-peer bullying negatively impacts over 20% of school-aged children annually. While much literature exists on bullying on school premises, peer-to-peer bullying outside of the classroom is still relatively understudied. Despite states' implementation of antibullying legislation, peer-to-peer bullying has continued in schools and other areas such as afterschool centers. The purpose of this qualitative study was to evaluate staff perceptions of peer-to-peer bullying in afterschool centers. It specifically investigated bullying and the hierarchical imbalance of power using Sidanius and Pratto's social dominance theory. The research questions were designed to investigate the staff members' knowledge of bullying at the Boys and Girls Club. A phenomenological approach was used and data were collected through one-on-one interviews of 11 Boys and Girls Club staff members. Data from the interviews were deductively coded and subjected to thematic analysis. Findings indicate that staff members do not have a uniform understanding of bullying behaviors, nor did they have a clear guidance on practices to minimize bullying which leads to continued peer-to-peer bullying at the Boys and Girls Club. Staff also reported that they have been offered little training on dealing with bullying behavior, nor are there clear policies in place to combat bullying behavior from participants in the afterschool program. Positive social change may be achieved by the implementation of recommendations to the Boys and Girls Club including mandatory antibullying training for staff and the creation and implementation of a comprehensive antibullying policy.
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Conway, Judith (Jude). "The Newcastle women’s movement in the 1970s and 1980s through the lens of Josephine Conway’s activism and archives". Thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1430745.
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Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)From the late 1960s, women in the Australian industrial city of Newcastle, New South Wales (NSW), joined women around the world in agitating for a broader role in all areas of society and Josephine Conway was one of those women. Josephine raised awareness of, and campaigned on, many of the feminist causes of the 1970s and 1980s. She was passionate about women’s healthcare, protested against women’s objectification in the media, and lobbied for legislation that offered legal parity for women. She fought never-ending battles for the right to legal and affordable pregnancy terminations; and campaigned for equal employment opportunities and the provision of childcare services. Josephine supported women’s activism in the peace movement and for women’s ordination; and was involved in the blossoming of feminist spirituality and creativity in Newcastle. Using Josephine’s extensive archives as a lens, supplemented with oral histories from campaign allies, the thesis explores their pathways to feminism and shared activism. It dissects the women’s groups which Josephine joined, and the modes of operation and relationships within them, as well as the actions that were carried out in pursuing their feminist causes. The themes that emerge are, first that Josephine’s role in the women’s movement was that of the ‘committed individual’ posited by Gerda Lerner as necessary for social change. Second, the thesis demonstrates the wide range and value of the macro and micro-actions undertaken by Josephine and her cohorts in mounting and maintaining effective campaigns. Third, this study reveals the web of relationships and the flow of ideas, tactics and artefacts along transnational and national feminist pathways, and between the capital cities and the regions, which were essential for bringing about nationwide change. In doing so it reveals an important regional story which has not previously been included in histories of the Australian women’s movement.
Livros sobre o assunto "Anti-violence centre"
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1984, the anti-Sikh violence and after. Noida, Uttar Pradesh: HarperCollins Publishers India, 2015.
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La Caporetto del fascismo: Sarzana, 21 luglio 1921. Milano: Mursia, 2011.
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Bevins, Vincent. The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World. 3a ed. New York: PublicAffairs, 2021.
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Morrow, Marina Helen. Feminist anti-violence activism: The struggle toward multi-centred politics. 1997.
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Injustice Never Leaves You: Anti-Mexican Violence in Texas. Harvard University Press, 2018.
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The Injustice Never Leaves You: Anti-Mexican Violence in Texas. Harvard University Press, 2020.
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Unowsky, Daniel. The Plunder. Stanford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804799829.001.0001.
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This book examines the 1898 anti-Jewish riots in western and central Galicia, the Habsburg province acquired in the eighteenth century partitions of Poland and now divided between Poland and Ukraine. This volume explores how Jewish-Catholic relations functioned; how antisemitic tropes and writings gained traction at local levels even in regions with high rates of illiteracy; how the Habsburg state provided or attempted to provide stability and law and order to its far-flung provinces in the decades before World War I. At the center of interest are the choices made and actions taken on the ground by peasants, townspeople, Jews, local officials, as well as the interpretations imposed on these actions by interested parties farther removed from the scene. This book considers the new forms of political organization and virulent Catholic antisemitism that facilitated the transformation of confrontations between Catholics and Jews into a series of attacks moving from town square to village tavern while drawing ever greater numbers of people as participants in or objects of communal violence. The 1898 anti-Jewish riots and their aftermath—mass arrests, trials, political mobilization, and government and military intervention—did not simply arise from Galician backwardness. This examination of the experience of anti-Jewish violence in this rural corner of the Habsburg Monarchy is a local study of European-wide political, economic, social, and cultural transformation.
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Cohen, Richard I., ed. Darius Staliūnas, Enemies for a Day: Antisemitism and Anti-Jewish Violence in Lithuania under the Tsars. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2015. 284 pp. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190912628.003.0019.
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This chapter reviews the book Enemies for a Day: Antisemitism and Anti-Jewish Violence in Lithuania under the Tsars (2015), by Darius Staliūnas. In Enemies for a Day, Staliūnas explores the ethno-religious tensions between Jews and Lithuanians during the long nineteenth century. The book deals with issues of antisemitism and acts of violence committed against Jews in the provinces of Vilna, Kovno, and Suwalki, the northwestern regions of the Russian Empire in which Lithuanians constituted the majority. It provides a detailed analysis of blood libels that occurred in the region during the period and compares anti-Jewish violence in the Lithuanian provinces with the situation in the Belarusian provinces and in Eastern Galicia (of the Habsburg Empire) and with Lithuanian-Polish conflicts regarding the language of supplementary services such as sermons and processions in the churches.
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Trencsényi, Balázs, Michal Kopeček, Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Maria Falina, Mónika Baár e Maciej Janowski. Liberalism on the Defensive. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198737155.003.0002.
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The apparent dominance of liberal-democratic ideas in the 1920s was replaced in the following decade by explicitly anti-liberal and anti-democratic political trends. Nevertheless, liberalism retained some of its intellectual potential: “national liberalism” continued the pre-1918 projects of national emancipation and modernization incorporating also the feminist agenda; “bourgeois liberalism” focused on the defense of the political, social, and economic position of the bourgeoisie; and “economic liberalism” centered on the issue of free markets, while criticizing state involvement. Cultural modernism emerged as an influential intellectual current, and in the 1930s the subculture of “progressivist modernism” also represented liberal values, even though it was ill-disposed toward economic liberalism. The period also saw the reconfiguration of feminism. Lastly, East Central European critiques of totalitarianism developed under the pressure of the proximity of Soviet Russia, fascist Italy, and Nazi Germany. They singled out the dark aspects of the “total state,” dehumanization, and the cult of violence, often in a comparative way.
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Stanley, Eric A. Atmospheres of Violence. Duke University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478021520.
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Advances in LGBTQ rights in the recent past—marriage equality, the repeal of Don't Ask, Don't Tell, and the expansion of hate crimes legislation—have been accompanied by a rise in attacks against trans, queer and/or gender-nonconforming people of color. In Atmospheres of Violence, theorist and organizer Eric A. Stanley shows how this seeming contradiction reveals the central role of racialized and gendered violence in the United States. Rather than suggesting that such violence is evidence of individual phobias, Stanley shows how it is a structuring antagonism in our social world. Drawing on an archive of suicide notes, AIDS activist histories, surveillance tapes, and prison interviews, they offer a theory of anti-trans/queer violence in which inclusion and recognition are forms of harm rather than remedies to it. In calling for trans/queer organizing and worldmaking beyond these forms, Stanley points to abolitionist ways of life that might offer livable futures.
Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Anti-violence centre"
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Ortiz, Isabel, Sara Burke, Mohamed Berrada e Hernán Saenz Cortés. "An Analysis of World Protests 2006–2020". In World Protests, 13–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88513-7_2.
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AbstractThis section of the book “World Protests: A Study of Key Protest Issues in the 21st Century” analyzes in-depth 2809 protests that occurred between 2006 and 2020 in 101 countries covering over 93% of the world population. This section focuses on: (i) major grievances and demands driving world protests, such as the failure of political representation/systems, anti-austerity, and for civil rights and global justice; (ii) who was demonstrating; (iii) what protest methods they used; (iv) who the protestors opposed; (v) what was achieved; and (vi) violence and repression in terms of arrests, injuries, and deaths.
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Davinić, Marko, Eleonor Kristoffersson e Tanasije Marinković. "Gender Equality Aspects of Public Law". In Gender-Competent Legal Education, 305–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14360-1_9.
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AbstractThis chapter portrays the initial appearance of modern public law in late eighteen-century Europe as homocentric, and its gradual profiling, in the centuries to follow, across the globe, as gender-balanced. It also addresses the reforming force of the international instruments in achieving gender-balanced public law on a national level, as well as the inherent limits of those instruments due to the inevitable pluralism of public law approaches to gender equality in areas of reasonable disagreement. Furthermore, authors will analyse structural, institutional, and cultural factors that play a part in the underrepresentation of women at all worldwide governmental levels. However, they emphasise that electing more women in state institutions is only the first step. What is necessary is to ensure that women have a tangible impact on public policies. Thus, they conclude that empowering women is a multi-layered process that is much more complex than choosing an equal number of women in state institutions. Public law aspects on gender-based violence as well as anti-discrimination measures are also included in this chapter.
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Bonnet, Romain, Amerigo Caruso e Alessandro Saluppo. "The First Revolution of the Twentieth Century: Fears of Socialism and Anti-Labour Mobilisation in Europe After the Russian Revolution of 1905". In Rethinking Revolutions from 1905 to 1934, 195–219. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-04465-6_8.
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AbstractIn the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Europe experienced labour conflicts, unprecedented in their character, intensity and scope. From the waves of strikes and social conflicts of the pre-war era, through the ordeal of the First World War, and the extraordinary violence of the post-1917 upheavals, the revolutionary potential of mass strikes never ceased to torment those who were assigned, or self-appointed, to protect the threatened order. The purpose of this article is to analyse the repertoire of actions and ideas of right-wing civil defence leagues, vigilante organisations, private police and yellow unions which emerged at the end of the century, and most noticeably in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1905. This phenomenon is considered in a comparative and transnational perspective, with a particular focus on the most industrialised societies of pre-war Europe: France, Germany and Great Britain. The article provides a systematisation and assessment of the different forms, types and characteristics of this process of relative privatisation and realignment in security roles, outlying trends and shared clusters of ideological beliefs in violent activity across various industries and national contexts. The article shows how the pre-war experience of vigilantism, anti-socialism and nationalism would represent a key incentive to the development of governmental strikebreaking schemes as well as an important situational antecedent for citizens’ militias and right-wing paramilitary organisations in the aftermath of the Great War.
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Afrouz, Rojan, e Beth R. Crisp. "Anti-oppressive Practice in Social Work with Women Wearing Hijab". In Exploring Islamic Social Work, 203–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95880-0_12.
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AbstractReligious beliefs are central to the identity of many people, often signalled by their physical appearance, for example, clothing, hair or jewellery. If prevented from such a form of self-expression, some take action against what they consider a contravention of their human rights. The predominance of this discourse can obscure the possibility that there are others who are forced to signal a religious viewpoint which they may not subscribe to. This chapter explores the wearing of hijab by Afghan women who have lived in Australia less than 10 years. While some choose to wear hijab, there were others who spoke of being forced to wear hijab as a form of domestic violence. Furthermore, whereas for some, not wearing hijab represents a freedom to dress in accordance with their understandings of Australia as a secular society, a few felt that wearing clothes which marked them as Islamic increased the likelihood of attracting xenophobia and discrimination. Hence, for many women, decisions around hijab represented compromise between the demands of their family, the Afghan community and the wider Australian society, rather than a free choice. Consequently, if social workers assume women’s religious beliefs and identity are congruent with their appearance they may inadvertently be contributing to women’s oppression. As such, this chapter explores notions of anti-oppressive practice when working with Muslim women living in non-Muslim majority countries, particularly in respect of dress codes which are associated with Islam.
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Reza-Paul, Sushena, Philip Neil Kumar, Lisa Lazarus, Akram Pasha, Manjula Ramaiah, Manisha Reza Paul, Robert Lorway e Sundar Sundararaman. "From Vulnerability to Resilience: Sex Workers Fight COVID-19". In Health Dimensions of COVID-19 in India and Beyond, 269–85. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7385-6_15.
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AbstractThe authors describe the plight of sex workers, a particularly disadvantaged community that is highly marginalized and vulnerable. Sex workers were hard hit by the pandemic. The authors examine the impact of COVID-19 on sex workers’ lives and livelihoods, their response to the crisis, and the strategies that they employed to battle the pandemic.During the lockdown, female sex workers lost their livelihoods which plunged them and their families into extreme poverty. Even when unlock measures were announced, the business of sex work did not return to normal. Sex work, by its very nature, demands physical proximity—not physical distancing. Consequently, sex workers had to innovate to find work to survive. Loss of livelihoods also brought forth hidden mental health problems. Gripped by anxiety and depression due to the uncertainty about when the pandemic would end, sex workers went into despair. Some even attempted suicide. Violence in the family increased significantly. For sex workers living with HIV, there was the added anxiety about the continuation of anti-retroviral therapy (ART). Community-based organizations (CBOs) took on the responsibility of providing drugs to sex workers by developing a unique supply chain. The CBO members collected the drugs from the health centers and deliver them to sex workers at a mutually convenient place, thereby ensuring confidentiality.The authors draw attention to sex workers who are invisible in most discourses. This vulnerable, marginalized community was seriously affected by the pandemic. Sex workers were victims but were also the first responders to the pandemic. Sex worker collectives formed to fight HIV, were by their very nature, well-equipped to fight the COVID-19 pandemic. The government’s announcement to provide rations to the poor was a welcome move, but it was not of much help to sex workers as they did not possess ration cards. The sex worker collectives valiantly fought this battle and won. The Supreme Court of India directed the states to provide sex workers with dry rations without insisting on any proof.The stories of the lives and resilience of sex workers, narrated in this chapter, are inspiring. The authors discuss the plight of female sex workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. The community of sex workers was missing from all government policies and welfare schemes. The sudden lockdown robbed them of their livelihoods. Basic necessities like food and shelter became elusive. The authors relate the stories of the struggles of sex workers from different parts of the country.They discuss how despite uncertainty, stigma, and loss of livelihoods, sex workers emerged strong. The resilient spirit of sex workers should be celebrated. The stories of sex workers have a common thread of resilience, resourcefulness, grit, and determination in the face of unsurmountable challenges.
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Hague, Gill. "Taking on rape and sexual violence, as well as domestic abuse". In History and Memories of the Domestic Violence Movement, 81–96. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356325.003.0005.
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While the book is focused on domestic violence and abuse, this chapter looks at the equally important issues around wider sexual violence and rape. The rape crisis movement evolved at the same time as, and in close collaboration with, the domestic abuse movement, building, similarly, on consciousness raising and collective working. It resulted in a pioneering network of women’s rape crisis phone lines and centres. The chapter outlines the development and challenges of the rape crisis movement, with some examples referencing the original London Rape Crisis Centre. It also addresses WAVAW (Women Against Violence Against Women) and the Reclaim the Night movement. It brings the discussions of sexual violence services up-to-date with a look at Sexual Abuse Referral Centres (SARCs) and anti-rape campaigns.
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Liekis, Sarunas, Lidia Miliakova e Antony Polonsky. "Three Documents on Anti-Jewish Violence in the Eastern Kresy during the Polish–Soviet Conflict". In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 14, 116–49. Liverpool University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774693.003.0008.
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This chapter presents three documents describing the anti-Jewish violence in Lida and in Vilna in April 1919. The documents on Lida come from the collection of the supreme command of the Polish army in the holdings of the Tsentr khraneniia istoriko-dokumentalnykh kollektsii (Moscow Centre for the Preservation of Historical and Document Collections). Lida was a small town about 60 miles south of Vilna, with which it was linked by rail. In 1919, its population was about 5,500, of whom the majority were Jews (67.7 per cent according to the census of 1897). Disputes arose almost immediately after the town was recaptured by Polish forces in April 1919, on the scale and reasons for the anti-Jewish violence which followed the establishment of Polish control. On 18 April 1919, the report of the Polish central headquarters covering the military developments in Lida claimed that ‘the Jewish population assisted the Bolsheviks by shooting Polish troops’.
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Fu, Mengzhu. "TEN The Virus and the Violence: Reflections on ‘Anti-Asian’ Hate and Racist Maskaphobia 1". In The Deadly Intersections of COVID-19, 162–77. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529224665.003.0010.
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Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, we have witnessed a surge in overt and covert racist violence targeting East and Southeast Asian diasporic communities transnationally. This has taken a range of forms, from assaults on elders, to the shooting of Asian massage parlour workers, to maskaphobia – a term coined by Yinxuan Huang (Young, 2020) describing public assaults against masked Asians. The dominant framing of such events has been ‘hate crimes’, illustrated in the popular hashtag #StopAsianHate. This chapter analyses the reporting of ‘anti-Asian’ racism focusing in the Greater Toronto Area in conversation with international events and social media discourses. Weaving personal memories, storytelling, histories of anti-Asian racism on Canada-occupied Turtle Island, and academic/activist analysis, this chapter critically engages with maskaphobia and responses to ‘anti-Asian’ racism. Drawing on Haritaworn’s (2015) argument that ‘hate’ and ‘crime’ individualize and pathologize systemic violence, Thobani’s (2007) analysis of Canadian citizenship, and Lawrence and Dua’s (2005) articulation of settler of colour complicity, this chapter argues that carceral solutions and settler colonial nationalism inevitably empower white supremacist systems and centre settler colonial modes of belonging. Instead, Asian alignment and solidarity with movements for prison abolition and Indigenous decolonization are offered as alternative methods of seeking safety and collective liberation.
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von der Goltz, Anna. "Talking About (My) Generation". In The Other '68ers, 75–108. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849520.003.0003.
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This chapter engages with several major themes that have long animated research on the West German 1960s: protesters’ family backgrounds and wartime childhoods; the meaning of the Nazi past to their activism; and intergenerational relations. Like their student peers on the Left, centre-right activists had been raised in a post-genocidal society. Given that, how did they view and engage with Germany’s recent history of mass violence? The chapter highlights the centrality of anti-totalitarianism to their thinking. It also shows that, inspired by the so-called ‘‘45ers’ and nudged by social scientists who routinely portrayed student protest as a symptom of generational conflict, they began to think of themselves as a distinct generational community in the 1960s.
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Seay-Howard, Ariel Elizabeth. "Anti-Black Violence". In Democracies in America, 94–103. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865698.003.0009.
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Abstract Black abolitionists and freedom fighters such as Ida B. Wells have successfully protected the Black community from violence by using their voices as tools to deconstruct white violence, create better representation of the Black community, and illuminate the shortcomings of the US democratic society. However, recent victims of white violence such as Eric Garner, Sandra Bland, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, and Robert L. Fuller demonstrate the inequities and inequalities that persist in the American democratic society, which is where all citizens are supposedly protected by the law and the judicial system against unjust acts of violence. This chapter exposes the racial violence that the African American community has endured throughout the long nineteenth century and continues to bear today. This chapter also uncovers how American democracy has a dark, bloody, and close relationship with racial violence.
Relatórios de organizações sobre o assunto "Anti-violence centre"
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Idrissa, Rahmane, e Bethany McGann. Mistrust and Imbalance: The Collapse of Intercommunal Relations and the Rise of Armed Community Mobilization on the Niger-Mali Border. RESOLVE Network, abril de 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2021.2.
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The border area of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso is a site of endemic violence. The area is punctuated by anti-state attacks, the targeted killing of traditional chiefs, and attacks on markets and other socioeconomic convening locales that otherwise serve as central mechanisms for the preservation of normalized intercommunal interactions. In addition, foreign military interventions and asymmetric insurgent warfare pit multiple state and non-state actors equipped with heavy weaponry against one another, adding another level of insecurity and threat to local communities. Community-based armed groups (CBAGs) of Fulani and Tuareg ethnicity have aligned themselves with outside actors carrying out operations in the region out of choice, coercion, or in some cases both. Building on other research reports in RESOLVE’s Community-Based Armed Groups Series, this report explores local perceptions regarding the nature and impact of the violence in southwestern Niger. The report provides a summary of understanding of ongoing conflict dynamics from the most impacted communities and an insight on the knowledge and attitudes around actors participating in the violence. It hopes to inform efforts to bring an end to the violence and increase understanding of participating actors.
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Sultan, Sadiqa, Maryam Kanwer e Jaffer Mirza. A Multi-layered Minority: Hazara Shia Women in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), dezembro de 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.011.
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Shia account for approximately 10–15 per cent of the Muslim population in Pakistan, which has a largely Sunni Muslim population. Anti-Shia violence, led by extremist militant groups, dates to 1979 and has resulted in thousands killed and injured in terrorist attacks over the years. Hazara Shia, who are both an ethnic and a religious minority, make an easy target for extremist groups as they are physically distinctive. The majority live in Quetta, the provincial capital of Balochistan in central Pakistan, where they have become largely ghettoised into two areas as result of ongoing attacks. Studies on the Hazara Shia persecution have mostly focused on the killings of Hazara men and paid little attention to the nature and impact of religious persecution of Shias on Hazara women. Poor Hazara women in particular face multi-layered marginalisation, due to the intersection of their gender, religious-ethnic affiliation and class, and face limited opportunities in education and jobs, restricted mobility, mental and psychological health issues, and gender-based discrimination.