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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Association of Universalist Women of New York State"
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Rosenberg, Rachel. "“Women Teachers’ Lobby”: Justice, Gender, and Politics in the Equal Pay Fight of the New York City Interborough Association of Women Teachers, 1906-1911". History of Education Quarterly 64, n.º 1 (26 de janeiro de 2024): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2023.49.
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AbstractThis paper explores the movement of the New York City Interborough Association of Women Teachers (IAWT) for “equal pay for equal work” in teaching salaries, which it won in 1911. The IAWT’s success sheds light on the possibilities and limits of women teachers advocating for change within a feminized profession. Leading the movement were of a group of women teachers, organizing before woman’s suffrage and in an era of sex-differentiated work and pay, who convinced the city’s public and state’s legislators that they deserved pay equal to what men teachers received. They did so by strategic maneuvering in city and state politics and making equal pay look reasonable. And they did so by narrowly defining their goals and leaning on their identities as women to push a theoretically sex-neutral claim of justice. Their success, though limited, was nonetheless a victory in shifting ideas about women’s societal and professional status in New York City and the state.
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Vena, John E., Germaine M. Buck, Paul Kostyniak, Pauline Mendola, Edward Fitzgerald, Lowell Sever, JO Freudenheim et al. "The New York Angler Cohort Study: Exposure Characterization and Reproductive and Developmental Health". Toxicology and Industrial Health 12, n.º 3-4 (maio de 1996): 327–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/074823379601200305.
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The New York State Angler Study will evaluate the association between past and current consumption of contaminated fish from Lake Ontario and both short- and long-term health effects in a population-based cohort. It will measure fish consumption and reproductive and developmental health among 10,518 male anglers and 6,651 of their wives or partners, as well as among 913 female anglers. To characterize exposure among subgroups of the cohort, further analytical methods were developed and implemented to measure specific polychlorinated biphenyls (PCB) congeners, methylmercury, and other substances in biological samples. Exposure assessment has been completed for a stratified random sample of 321 anglers. In addition, analyses for 79 congeners of PCBs are complete for 177 anglers. A special study of duck andturtle consumers currently is underway. Telephone interviews have been completed with 2,454 of the 2,999 women who planned a pregnancy between 1991 and 1994. The entire cohort of male anglers, partners of male anglers, and female anglers has been submitted for matching with the New York State live birth and fetal death registries to obtain lifetime reproductive histories. A medical record abstraction study will assess perinatal and developmental outcomes among the 3,442 births that occurred between 1986 and 1991. Finally, a study of breast milk from currently lactating women is underway, and 215 breast milk samples have been collected from the planned pregnancy subcohort. Progress on each of the study components is discussed herein.
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Yoh, Katherine, Matthew Prest, Yongmei Huang, June Y. Hou, Caryn M. St Clair, Tarah Pua, Alexander Buckley et al. "Association Among Individual Race, Hospital Racial Composition, and Access to Minimally Invasive Hysterectomy for Patients With Uterine Leiomyomas". O&G Open 1, n.º 2 (junho de 2024): 015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/og9.0000000000000015.
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OBJECTIVE: To assess the relative associations of individual race and hospital racial composition on the likelihood of undergoing minimally invasive hysterectomy for the treatment of uterine leiomyomas in New York State. METHODS: We performed a retrospective cohort study that used the New York SPARCS (Statewide Planning and Research Cooperative System) database to identify women with uterine leiomyomas who underwent hysterectomy from 2000 to 2018. Hospitals were grouped by racial composition into quartiles based on the proportion of non-Hispanic Black (Black) patients, with quartile 1 corresponding to the lowest proportion of Black patients and quartile 4 corresponding to the greatest proportion of Black patients. Surgical route was characterized as minimally invasive (laparoscopic, vaginal, or robot-assisted) or abdominal hysterectomy. The contributions of individual race and hospital racial composition on route of hysterectomy were assessed with a series of logistic regression models accounting for patient and hospital characteristics. RESULTS: A total of 259,161 women with leiomyomas who underwent hysterectomies at 215 hospitals were identified. The rate of minimally invasive hysterectomy increased from 20.2% in 2000 to 65.7% in 2018. From 2000 to 2009, 29.6% of White patients underwent minimally invasive hysterectomy compared with 12.3% of Black women (P<.001). Minimally invasive hysterectomy was performed in 34.4% of patients in hospitals that served the lowest percentage of Black patients, compared with 15.9% in centers serving the highest percentage of Black patients (P<.001). Similar trends were noted for the 2010–2018 time period. In a series of models, both individual race (odds ratio [OR] 0.52; 95% CI, 0.48–0.56) and hospital racial quartile (OR 0.43; 95% CI, 0.32–0.58) remained associated with performance of minimally invasive hysterectomy. CONCLUSION: Black women and women who receive care at hospitals that serve a greater proportion of Black patients are less likely to receive minimally invasive surgery when undergoing definitive surgical management for uterine leiomyomas. These disparities are worsening.
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Swanson, Kara W. "Inventing the Woman Voter: Suffrage, Ability, and Patents". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, n.º 4 (7 de agosto de 2020): 559–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000316.
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AbstractIn 1870, the New York State Suffrage Association published a pamphlet titled “Woman as Inventor.” White suffragists distributed this history of female invention to prove women's inventiveness, countering arguments that biological disabilities justified women's legal disabilities. In the United States, inventiveness was linked to the capacity for original thought considered crucial for voters, making female inventiveness relevant to the franchise. As women could and did receive patents, activists used them as government certification of female ability. By publicizing female inventors, counting patents granted to women, and displaying women's inventions, they sought to overturn the common wisdom that women could not invent and prove that they had the ability to vote. Although partially successful, these efforts left undisturbed the equally common assertion that African Americans could not invent. White suffragists kept the contemporary Black woman inventor invisible, relegating the technological creations of women of color to a primitive past. White suffragists created a feminist history of invention, in words and objects, that reinforced white supremacy—another erasure of Black women, whose activism white suffragists were eager to harness, yet whose public presence they sought to minimize in order to keep the woman voter, like the woman inventor, presumptively white.
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Koss, Catherine A., Dana C. Baras, Sandra D. Lane, Richard Aubry, Michele Marcus, Lauri E. Markowitz e Emilia H. Koumans. "Investigation of Metronidazole Use during Pregnancy and Adverse Birth Outcomes". Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy 56, n.º 9 (2 de julho de 2012): 4800–4805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/aac.06477-11.
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ABSTRACTTo assess whether treatment with metronidazole during pregnancy is associated with preterm birth, low birth weight, or major congenital anomalies, we conducted chart reviews and an analysis of electronic data from a cohort of women delivering at an urban New York State hospital. Of 2,829 singleton/mother pairs, 922 (32.6%) mothers were treated with metronidazole for clinical indications, 348 (12.3%) during the first trimester of pregnancy and 553 (19.5%) in the second or third trimester. There were 333 (11.8%) preterm births, 262 (9.3%) infants of low birth weight, and 52 infants (1.8%) with congenital anomalies. In multivariable analysis, no association was found between metronidazole treatment and preterm birth (odds ratio [OR], 1.02 [95% confidence interval [CI], 0.80 to 1.32]), low birth weight (OR, 1.05 [95% CI, 0.77 to 1.43]), or treatment in the first trimester and congenital anomalies (OR, 0.86 [0.30 to 2.45]). We found no association between metronidazole treatment during the first or later trimesters of pregnancy and preterm birth, low birth weight, or congenital anomalies.
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Kavak, Katelyn S., Barbara E. Teter, Jesper Hagemeier, Karen Zakalik, Bianca Weinstock-Guttman, Keith Edwards, Andrew Goodman et al. "Higher weight in adolescence and young adulthood is associated with an earlier age at multiple sclerosis onset". Multiple Sclerosis Journal 21, n.º 7 (12 de novembro de 2014): 858–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1352458514555787.
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Background: Growing evidence suggests an association between adolescent obesity and increased risk of multiple sclerosis (MS). Objective: The objective of this paper is to investigate whether weight or body mass index (BMI) in adolescence and young adulthood was associated with age at MS symptom onset. Methods: Our cohort is comprised of a sub-group of 184 women enrolled in the New York State MS Consortium registry. Individuals were asked to recall their weight at the time of first menstruation and at age 25. BMI was calculated accordingly for age 25. Regression analyses were carried out to investigate the association between weight or BMI and age at onset. Results: Weight at menarche was significantly related to younger age at symptom onset (β = −0.073, p = 0.001). These results were also found at age 25 for weight (β = −0.080, p < 0.001) and BMI (β = −0.448, p = 0.001). Significantly earlier disease onset (26.9 years ±9.9) was observed in individuals who were overweight at 25 compared to those who were not overweight (32.1 years ±9.2, p = 0.006). Conclusions: Women who reported higher weight in adolescence and BMI in early adulthood were younger at MS onset. Future research should investigate whether there is a causal link between body weight and MS, as prevention lifestyle and dietary interventions could be implemented.
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Wheeler, Deborah L. "MARY ANN TÉTREAULT, Stories of Democracy: Politics and Society in Contemporary Kuwait (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000). Pp. 318. $18.50 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, n.º 4 (novembro de 2001): 661–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801474071.
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In her pivotal work on Kuwaiti politics, Mary Ann Tétreault provides an “insider's guide” to the private and public spaces in which struggles over communal power are pursued by the government, the Parliament, and the people of Kuwait. Tétreault is careful to call her text “Stories of Democracy,” as she realizes the reflexive nature of what democracy means at different periods in history (before oil, after oil, under Iraqi occupation, in post-Liberation Kuwait); for different people in Kuwait (women, the merchants, government officials, tribal leaders, service politicians, opposition leaders); and in different contexts (the mosque, the diwaniyya or men's social club, the civic association, Parliament, the government). With this in mind, she argues that “democracy” is a “concept that ‘moves' depending on one's assumptions” (p. 3). Her basic message is that Kuwaiti politics resembles the politics of the Greek city-state, and she relies on various forms of Aristotelian comparison to explore this concept. Moreover, Tétreault illustrates that much of Kuwaiti politics resembles a high-stakes soap opera. For example, she calls the bad debt crisis “one of the longest running soap operas in Kuwaiti politics” (p. 164). In Chapter 4, she labels Kuwaiti politics “a family romance, whose grip on political actors constrains their choices” (p. 67). Toward the end of her text in chapter 8, Tétreault combines these metaphors when she observes that in the city-state that is Kuwait, politics are “the product of a domestic public life that seems all too often like life in a large and contentious family” (p. 206).
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Karazi-Presler, Tair, Moti Gigi, Luis Roniger, Yossi Harpaz, Oded Adomi Leshem, Meir Elran, Dany Bahar e Yuval Benziman. "Book Reviews". Israel Studies Review 33, n.º 3 (1 de dezembro de 2018): 152–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2018.330310.
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Edna Lomsky-Feder and Orna Sasson-Levy, Women Soldiers and Citizenship in Israel: Gendered Encounters with the State (New York: Routledge, 2017), 178 pp. Hardback, $149.95.Aviva Halamish, Kibbutz: Utopia and Politics. The Life and Times of Meir Yaari, 1897–1987 (Brighton, MA: Academic Studies Press, 2017), 496 pp. Hardback, $119. Paperback, $45.Eliezer Ben-Rafael, Julius H. Schoeps, Yitzhak Sternberg, and Olaf Glöckner, eds., Handbook of Israel: Major Debates (Berlin: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2016), 1,304 pp. Hardback, $165.00. Paperback, $81.00.Uri Ram, Israeli Sociology: Text in Context (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 174 pp. e-Book: $54.99.Herbert C. Kelman, Transforming the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: From Mutual Negation to Reconciliation (London: Routledge, 2018), 248 pp. Hardback, $112.00. eBook, $27.48.Charles D. Freilich, Israeli National Security: A New Strategy for an Era of Change (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018), 496 pp. Hardback, $39.95. Kindle, $14.57.David Rosenberg, Israel’s Technology Economy: Origins and Impact (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 275 pp. Hardback, $84.95. eBook, $64.95.Lee Perlman, But Abu Ibrahim, We’re Family! (Tel Aviv: Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research, 2017), 198 pp. Paperback, $20.00. Shapiro Prize WinnersThis new feature of ISR will present the report of the committee choosing the recipient of the Yonathan Shapiro Prize for the best book in Israel Studies, to be awarded at the annual meeting of the Association for Israel Studies. In 2018, there was a tie, and two books received the prize. The committee members were Raphael Cohen-Almagor, Mikhal Dekel, Tamar Hermann, Sam Lehman-Wilzig, and Ruvi Ziegler.Alona Nitzan-Shiftan, Seizing Jerusalem: The Architecture of Unilateral Unification (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2017), 376 pp. Hardback, $160.00. Paperback, $39.95.Kimmy Caplan, Amram Blau [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem: Yad Ben Zvi and the Ben-Gurion Institute, 2017), 588 pp. Paperback, NIS116.
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Sia, Calvin C. J. "Abraham Jacobi Award Address, April 14, 1992 The Medical Home: Pediatric Practice and Child Advocacy in the 1990s". Pediatrics 90, n.º 3 (1 de setembro de 1992): 419–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.90.3.419.
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It is with the deepest humility that I accept the Abraham Jacobi Award from the American Medical Association (AMA) and the American Academy of Pediatrics. Dr Jacobi represented the best in pediatrics, a practitioner in New York in 1853, Professor of Diseases of Children at New York Medical College in 1859, Chairman of the AMA Section Council on Pediatrics, founder and president of the American Pediatrics Society, and president of the American Medical Association. He was perhaps best known as a child advocate. Dr Jacobi believed that physicians should take an active interest in public policy. At an early age he was, and remained throughout his life, what would now be termed a "troublemaker." He actively pursued legislation for women and children in Albany, the state capitol, and in Washington, DC. Throughout his long and productive life, he felt comfortable only when championing a good cause.1-4 It is truly an honor to receive an award bearing his name. Before I begin my address, I would like to pay personal tribute to my dear wife Kathie, who has stood by me for 40 years throughout my shortcomings as a husband and father, as I pursued my interest in organized medicine as a child advocate. She has suffered through long waits for late dinners because of my practice or meetings, the yardwork that was never done because of office or hospital emergencies, and cared for our family alone while I attended meetings on the mainland. I would also like to honor my mentor, the late Dr Irvine McQuarrie, who "fathered" me during my first year of pediatrics residency in Hawaii.
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Lindsay, Robert, H. Roger Grant, Marsha L. Frey, John T. Reilly, James F. Marran, Victoria L. Enders, Benjamin Tate et al. "Book Reviews". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 14, n.º 1 (5 de maio de 1989): 36–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.14.1.36-56.
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Martin K. Sorge. The Other Price of Hitler's War. German Military and Civilian Losses Resulting from World War II. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1986. Pp. xx, 175. Cloth, $32.95; M. K. Dziewanowski. War At Any Price: World War II in Europe, 1939-1945. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Pp. xiv, 386. Paper, $25.67. Review by Lawrence S. Rines of Quincy Community College. David Goldfield. Promised Land: The South Since 1945. Arlington Heights, IL: Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1987. Pp. xiii, 262. Cloth, $19.95, Paper, $9.95; Alexander P. Lamis. The Two Party South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1984. Pp. x, 317. Cloth, $25.00; Paper, $8.95. Review by Ann W. Ellis of Kennesaw College. Walter J. Fraser, Jr., R. Frank Saunders, Jr., and Jon L. Wakelyn, eds. The Web of Southern Social Relations: Women, Family, and Education. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1985. Pp. XVII, 257. Paper, $12.95. Review by Thomas F. Armstrong of Georgia College. William H. Pease and Jane H. Pease. The Web of Progress: Private Values and Public Styles in Boston and Charleston, 1828-1842. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. xiv, 334. Paper, $12.95. Review by Peter Gregg Slater of Mercy College. Stephen J. Lee. The European Dictatorships, 1918-1945. London and New York: Methuen, 1987. Pp. xv, 343. Cloth, $47.50; Paper, $15.95. Review by Brian Boland of Lockport Central High School, Lockport, IL. Todd Gitlin. The Sixties: Days of Hope, Days of Rage. New York: Bantam, 1987. Pp. 483. Cloth, $19.95; Maurice Isserman. IF I HAD A HAMMER... : The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left. New York: Basic Books, 1987. Pp. xx, 244. Cloth, $18.95. Review by Charles T. Banner-Haley of Martin Luther King, Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change, Inc. Donald Alexander Downs. Nazis in Skokie: Freedom, Community, and the First Amendment. Notre Dame IN: Notre Dame Press, 1985. Pp. 227. Paper, $9.95. Review by Benjamin Tate of Macon Junior College. Paul Preston, The Triumph of Democracy in Spain. London and New York: Methuen, 1986. Pp. 227. Cloth, $32.00. Review by Victoria L. Enders of Northern Arizona University. Robert B. Downs. Images of America: Travelers from Abroad in the New World. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987. Pp. 232. Cloth, $24.95. Review by James F. Marran of New Trier Township High School, Winnetka, IL. Joel H. Silbey. The Partisan Imperative: The Dynamics of American Politics Before the Civil War. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. viii, 234. Paper, $8.95. Review by John T. Reilly of Mount Saint Mary College. Barbara J. Howe, Dolores A. Fleming, Emory L. Kemp, and Ruth Ann Overbeck. Houses and Homes: Exploring Their History. Nashville: The American Association for State and Local History, 1987. Pp. xii, 168. Paper, $13.95; $11.95 to AASLH members. Review by Marsha L. Frey of Kansas State University. Thomas C. Cochran. Challenges to American Values: Society, Business and Religion. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. 147. Paper, $6.95. Review by H. Roger Grant of University of Akron. M.S. Anderson. Europe in the Eighteenth Century, 1713-1783. London and New York: Longman, 1987. Third Edition. Pp. xii, 539. Cloth, $34.95. Review by Robert Lindsay of the University of Montana.
Livros sobre o assunto "Association of Universalist Women of New York State"
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Women's Anti-suffrage Association of the Third Judicial District of the State of New York (Albany, N.Y.), ed. Pamphlets printed and distributed by the Women's Anti-suffrage Association of the Third Judicial District of the State of New York. Littleton, Colo: F.B. Rothman, 1990.
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Angels of mercy: White women and the history of New York's Colored Orphan Asylum. New York: Empire State Editions, 2011.
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Goodier, Susan. Suffragists Win the New York State Campaign, 1915–1917. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0005.
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This chapter focuses on the second campaign for woman suffrage in New York State. Following the advent of the Great War, Alice Hill Chittenden, although continuing to serve as president of the state anti-suffrage association, focused her reform energy on war preparedness and the American Red Cross more than on suffrage. Historians have long posited that women won the right to vote as a reward for their war efforts. However, anti-suffragists, individually and as a group, committed their resources earlier and far more fully to the war effort than did suffragists. The Great War so distracted the anti-suffragists that they essentially dropped out of the battle, allowing the suffragists to win sooner than they otherwise would have. This subtle but important detail has been overshadowed by Tammany's famous reversal on the question in 1917. Once women won suffrage in New York State, the federal amendment would soon enfranchise all women in the United States.
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Goodier, Susan. Using Enfranchisement to Fight Woman Suffrage, 1917–1932. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0006.
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This chapter tells of the expected end of the anti-suffrage movement, highlighting much of the public and residual animosity toward women's enfranchisement. The women antis restructured the New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage as the Women Voters' Anti-Suffrage Party and worked against a federal amendment. The Woman Patriot Publishing Company absorbed the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage. Although New York State anti-suffragists had always been influential in national level work, in 1917, with a change in leadership, they moved the national headquarters to Washington, D.C., and continued their efforts to prevent the passage of the federal amendment. Men increasingly dominated the movement, and the anti-suffrage tone became desperate-sounding and even venomous. The national movement operated in a far different mode from the previous women's anti-suffrage movement under its second president, Alice Hay Wadsworth, and her successor, Mary G. Kilbreth.
Capítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Association of Universalist Women of New York State"
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Goodier, Susan, e Karen Pastorello. "Tenuous Ties". In Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.003.0002.
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This chapter details the development of a woman suffrage movement in New York State as it positions the state in the broad historical context of the national woman suffrage movement. Some rural upstate New Yorkers demanded social and political reforms for women well before the Civil War. As a result of controversy sparked by the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted African American men the right to vote, women founded two national organizations and the New York State Woman Suffrage Association. State leaders dominated the movement in terms of strategy and tactics, and several of them rose to national prominence. By the last decade of the nineteenth century, suffragists had come to recognize the importance of fluidity and pliability in addressing their appeals to the broadest possible audiences. The divergent groups advocating for women's enfranchisement disagreed with each other over specific strategies, tactics, and whom to include, but they unfailingly agreed that women needed the vote.
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Goodier, Susan, e Karen Pastorello. "Persuading the “Male Preserve”". In Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.003.0006.
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This chapter focuses on men, the only empowered contingent of the suffrage movement. While some men had always voiced support for woman suffrage, no sustained men's organization existed in the state until 1908. That year, Anna Howard Shaw, president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, encouraged the founding of the Men's League for Woman Suffrage, which then served as an affiliate of the New York State Woman Suffrage Association. These elite white men, often raised or living in suffrage households, risked embarrassment and censure by publicly displaying their support for woman suffrage. As their participation became routine, the novelty of it wore off. These privileged male champions of woman suffrage inspired men of other classes—including urban immigrants and rural, upstate men—to reconsider their suffrage stance. This unique aspect of the suffrage coalition thereby played a lesser but crucial role in winning the vote for women.
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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "Confrontation and Direct Action". In The Pro-Choice Movement, 43–54. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0004.
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Abstract By 1970, the women’s liberation movement was a national phenomenon. Feminists were attracting media and public attention by staging demonstrations and raising controversial demands. Abortion was a central feminist issue that was dramatized through direct action: In New York in 1969 the feminist Redstockings held “counter-hearings” to protest the biased state legislative hearings on abortion reform. In Detroit in 1970 a “funeral march” was held by women’s liberation activists to protest the deaths of women killed by back-alley abortionists while the legislature debated abortion reform. In Chicago, feminists disrupted the convention of the American Medical Association to protest the AMA’s lack of support for abortion law repeal.