Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Clube Climalit"

The article is devoted to the current project of physical culture, sports and health activities development in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). The article presents the main trends in the development of physical culture, sports and health activities in the country and in the conditions of living in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). The authors show the dynamics of growth in the number of regularly engaged in physical culture and sports, indicators of children’s and youth sports development. The authors created an actual register of physical culture and sports clubs in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). The majority of sports and health clubs and associations operating on the territory of the Republic do not have state registration and founders’ documents. In municipalities, there is a shortage of qualified specialists-organizers of physical culture movement and the need for awareness-raising and advisory work among the mature and elderly population. The climatic and geographical features of the Northern region, the duration of the cold season, and the lack of appropriate sports infrastructure cause to build a system of measures for wider involvement of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) population in systematic physical exercises through the organization of physical culture and sports clubs on the ground.

Abstract It is vital for security experts to learn from the historical records of global climate change as to how the human society has been impacted by its consequences in the “new” Anthropocene Epoch. Some of these consequences of global climate change include the perishing of several human settlements in different parts of the globe at different times, e.g., in 1700 B.C., prolonged drought contributed to the demise of Harappan civilization in northwest India. In 1200 B.C., under a similar climatic extremity, the Mycenaean civilization in present-day Greece (as well as the Mill Creek culture of the northwestern part of the present-day US state of Iowa) perished. Why did some societies under such climatic events perish while others survived? Lack of preparedness of one society and its failure to anticipate and adapt to the extreme climatic events might have attributed to their extinction. The authors will also analyze the extinction of one European Norse society in Greenland during the Little Ice Age (about 600 years ago), as compared to the still-surviving Inuit society in the northern segment of Greenland, which faced even harsher climatic conditions during the Little Ice Age than the extinct Norsemen. This is how the adaptability and “expectation of the worst” matter for the survival of a particular community against climatic “black swan” events (Taleb, 2007). Similar impacts in terms of sea-level rise expected by the year 2100 whereby major human populations of many parts of the world are expected to lose their environmental evolutionary “niche” will be discussed. Rising temperature will not only complicate human health issues, but also will it take its toll on the staple food producing agricultural belts in some latitudinal expanse. It will also worsen the living condition of the populace living in areas where climate is marginal. Through the Socio-Economic Systems Model provided by Vadineanu (2001), the authors will next consider the effect of extant policy-making “prisms” responding to climate change (such as the “Club of Rome” versus the “Club for Growth” visions) as concerns the ongoing process of globalization and survival of the nation-state.

ObjectiveTo compare injury rates among professional men’s football teams that have a winter break in their league season schedule with corresponding rates in teams that do not.Methods56 football teams from 15 European countries were prospectively followed for seven seasons (2010/2011–2016/2017)—a total of 155 team-seasons. Individual training, match exposure and time-loss injuries were registered. Four different injury rates were analysed over four periods within the season, and linear regression was performed on team-level data to analyse the effect of winter break on each of the injury rates. Crude analyses and analyses adjusted for climatic region were performed.Results9660 injuries were reported during 1 447 011 exposure hours. English teams had no winter break scheduled in the season calendar: the other European teams had a mean winter break scheduled for 10.0 days. Teams without a winter break lost on average 303 days more per season due to injuries than teams with a winter break during the whole season (p<0.001). The results were similar across the three periods August–December (p=0.013), January–March (p<0.001) and April–May (p=0.050). Teams without a winter break also had a higher incidence of severe injuries than teams with a winter break during the whole season (2.1 severe injuries more per season for teams without a winter break, p=0.002), as well as during the period January–March (p=0.003). A winter break was not associated with higher team training attendance or team match availability. Climatic region was also associated with injury rates.ConclusionsThe absence of a scheduled winter break was associated with a higher injury burden, both before and during the two periods following the time that many European teams take a winter break. Teams without a winter break (English clubs) had a higher incidence of severe injuries following the time of the year that other teams (other European clubs) had their scheduled break.

EFEITO DA FERTIRRIGAÇÃO DE NITROGÊNIO NA MASSA E NO TEOR DE ÓLEO EM GIRASSOL* MARCONI SEABRA FILHO1; MILENA ALVES DOS SANTOS2; JAMES DO NASCIMENTO COSTA2; CICERO LIMA DE ALMEIDA3 E LUÍS GONZAGA PINHEIRO NETO1 * Artigo extraído da tese do primeiro autor 1Professor, Eixo de Recursos Naturais, Instituto Federal do Ceará/Campus Sobral, Av. Doutor Guarani 317 - Derby Clube, Sobral - CE, 62040-730, marconi@ifce.edu.br; luis.neto@ifce.edu.br 2Estudante, Eixo de Recursos Naturais, Instituto Federal do Ceará/Campus Sobral, Av. Doutor Guarani 317 - Derby Clube, Sobral - CE, 62040-730, milenaalvessanto@outlook.com; jamesnascimento07@gmail.com 3Tecnico Laboratório, Eixo de Recursos Naturais, Instituto Federal do Ceará/Campus Sobral, Av. Doutor Guarani 317 - Derby Clube, Sobral - CE, 62040-730, cicero.almeida@ifce.edu.br 1 RESUMO O girassol (Helianthus annuus L.) apresenta-se como uma cultura resistente, adaptando-se às mais diversas condições de clima e solo. O presente trabalho teve como objetivo avaliar os efeitos do parcelamento da fertirrigação de nitrogênio, na cultura do girasol sobre a massa de 1000 sementes (M1000S) e o teor de óleo (TOS). O ensaio foi conduzido na área experimental da Estação Meteorológica da Universidade Federal do Ceará. O delineamento utilizado foi o de blocos ao acaso, com cinco tratamentos (FN2 – duas aplicações; FN4 - quatro aplicações; FN8 - oito aplicações; FN16 - dezesseis aplicações; FN32 - trinta e duas aplicações de nitrogênio) e cinco repetições. Os resultados mostram que quanto maior o fracionamento da aplicação de N, maior foi a M1000S e o TOS. Conclui-se que o parcelamento da adubação de nitrogênio aumentou linearmente as variaveis analisadas dentro do limite analisado que foi de 32 aplicações. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Frequência de aplicações, Fracionamento da adubação, Helianthus annuus L SEABRA FILHO, M.; SANTOS, M. A.; COSTA, J. N.; ALMEIDA, C. L; PINHEIRO NETO, L. G. EFFECT OF NITROGEN FERTIRRIGATION ON THE MASS AND OIL CONTENT ON SUNFLOWER 2 ABSTRACT The sunflower (Helianthus annuus L.) presents itself as a resistant crop, adapting to the most diverse climatic and soil conditions. The objective of this work was to evaluate the effects of nitrogen fertilization in the sunflower crop on the mass of 1000 seeds (M1000S) and the oil content (TOS). The experiment was conducted in the experimental area of the Meteorological Station of the Federal University of Ceará. A randomized block design with five treatments (FN2 - two applications, FN4 - four applications, FN8 - eight applications, FN16 - sixteen applications, FN32 - thirty two applications of nitrogen) and five replications were used. The results show that the higher the fractionation of the application of N, the greater the M1000S and the TOS. It was concluded that the nitrogen fertilization scheme increased linearly the variables analyzed within the limit of 32 applications. Keywords: Frequency of applications, Fertilization fractionation, Helianthus annuus L.

Abstract A method is proposed to retrieve raindrop shape–size relations from the radar measurements of reflectivity factor Zh, differential reflectivity Zdr, and specific differential phase Kdp at S band. This procedure is obtained using a domain defined by the two variables Kdp/Zh and Zdr where the drop size distribution (DSD) variability is collapsed onto a line and any variation is essentially due to the drop shape variability. To obtain information on the raindrop shape–size relation underlying a set of radar observations, this domain is studied in conjunction with another domain describing the relation between the drop axial ratio (or shape) and its equivolumetric diameter. Using an initial drop shape and choosing a set of DSDs described by a normalized gamma model, polarimetric radar measurements are produced by simulation. An averaged curve of Kdp/Zh versus Zdr is obtained and compared with the same curve obtained from the radar data. By changing the initial axial ratio relation, a procedure of minimization between the two curves is developed to derive the underlying drop shape–size relation governing the radar measurements under consideration. Three sets of radar data collected in different climatic regions are analyzed to evaluate whether there is a unique shape–size relation.

Currently no universal approach exists to estimate regional site-level maximum carrying capacity in terms of stand densityindex (SDIMAX) of mixed species stands across contrasting forest ecosystems. Regional research efforts that account forinfluential stand-level variables and species traits are needed to reliably derive SDIMAX under varying environmental conditions and stand characteristics. This study used regionally comprehensive forest inventory data from various permanentsampling efforts to evaluate the effects of contrasting biotic and abiotic stand- and site-level factors on SDIMAX of multiple-species, structurally heterogeneous stands of the climatically diverse Acadian Forest Region of North America. Specifically,we aimed to i) quantify the stand-level maximum size-density line for an array of forest stands found across the study area,irrespective of stand structure; ii) evaluate the relationship between this stand-specific estimate of SDIMAX and various other stand-level attributes; and, iii) develop a generalized SDIMAX prediction model using SDIMAX estimates from objective i) aswell as potential regional drivers of SDIMAX from objective ii). The most influential stand-level factors on SDIMAX were proportion of total stand basal area in hardwood species, basal area weighted mean specific gravity, range in stem diameter, andspecies diversity. Direct climatic variables were not included in our SDIMAX prediction model due to the limited variationexplained, but relationships with elevation and a site quality index based on these climatic variables were. Overall, we con-clude that i) variation in SDIMAX appears to be mostly driven by the softwood to hardwood ratio of the mixed species,structurally complex stands evaluated in our study and ii) the general approach offers a viable framework for estimating sitemaximum carrying capacity at a regional-scale and effectively managing stand density accordingly.

Different medical, social, and environmental regional characteristics were investigated as possible predictors of suicide rates in 60 self-governing communes in Slovenia. The distribution pattern of regional suicide rates for Slovenia shows some similarity to that of the rest of Europe, especially in terms of the substantial variation of suicide density within the country. On the basis of the multivariate analysis, prevalence of alcohol psychosis, percentage of Catholics, and low duration of sunshine appeared to be the most important predictors of regional suicide rates in Slovenia. The rate of murders was proven to be a highly useful clue of suicide potential among younger groups, whereas income per capita of population was associated with suicide risk in old age. The principal component analysis provided three suicide risk patterns: a socio-economic risk pattern (Catholic religion in poor community), a behavioral one (antisocial features, including heavy drinking), and a depression-related risk pattern with a climatic component (lack of sunshine). Different approaches are necessary for the different risk patterns listed above. Psychiatry, especially clinical psychiatry, can only deal with components of two of the patterns, namely, depression and antisocial behavior.

The aim of primary air rescue is to assist the ground-level rescue services by bringing emergency physicians and rescue assistants more quickly to the scene of the accident, and, if necessary, to carry but the swiftest possible and most careful transport of emergency patients to the nearest suitable hospital. Furthermore, the rescue helicopter can substitute for the ambulance car in case of unsuitable terrain, or in certain climatic conditions.Limitations of helicopter services include night, certain weather conditions, cost and distance. Helicopters are centered in Air Rescue Centres which have an operational radius of 30-50 km. Expense permits only one helicopter to be stationed in each center, but if the helicopter is not able to fly, a replacement machine must be available immediately. Secondary rescue operations should be taken over by neighboring centers.In 1983, the Federal Republic of Germany had 36 officially recognized helicopter centers concerned with primary air rescue. They are supported by the Federal Home Office (emergency control) (18 centers), the Army (6), the German Air Rescue (5), the ADAC (German Automobile Club) (4), and other organizations (3). The Swiss Air Rescue in Basel, Switzerland covers Germany's area of South Baden, and the French Air Rescue in Strasbourg covers middle Baden.

Object of research.The aim of this work was the comparative analysis of element composition of groundwater (drip, fracture), water from the interior of the watercourse in a karst cave Proshchal’naya (Khabarovsk Territory) and the surface water of the nearest river Sagdy-Selanka. The great interest was the study of speleothem (dropstones) “moon milk” in the cave Proshchal’naya.Materials and methods.Speleothem “moon milk” was investigated with a scanning electron microscope (EVO-40HV, CarlZeiss, Germany) and silicon-drift x-ray detector X-MAX 80 мм2 . By ICP-MS method a comparative analysis of element composition of groundwater (drip, fracture), water from an internal stream in the cave Proshchal’naya and surface water of the river Sagdy-Selenka were carried out.Results.Maximum concentrations of calcium, iron and manganese was installed in the spring, between drip and fracture water and magnesium – in flowing waters (inland watercourse caves and Sagdy-Selanka R.). It was determined that visually plastic and homogeneous mass of speleothem “moon milk” is heterogeneous and contains various microstructures. Tubular microstructures were represented by richer elemental compo sition (C, O, Ca, Fe, Mn, Si, Al, and S) compared with club-shaped formations (C, O, Ca, and Na). The binding matrix in the composition of the “moon milk” were reticular structures similar to actinomycente mycelium and bacterial films. Findings. The results of studies conducted in a monsoon climate may be interesting for researchers which study karst processes in other climatic zones.

Abstract. As part of the terrestrial branch of the Japan-funded Arctic Climate Change Research Project (GRENE-TEA), which aims to clarify the role and function of the Arctic terrestrial system in the climate system, and assess the influence of its changes on a global scale, this model intercomparison project (GTMIP) is planned and being conducted to (1) enhance communication and understanding between the "minds and hands" (i.e., between the modelling and field scientists) and (2) assess the uncertainty and variations stemming from variability in model implementation/design and in model outputs due to climatic and historical conditions in the Arctic terrestrial regions. This paper provides an overview and the experiment protocol of Stage 1 of the project, site simulations driven by statistically fitted data created using the GRENE-TEA site observations for the last three decades. The target metrics for the model evaluation cover key processes in both physics and biogeochemistry, including energy budgets, snow, permafrost, phenology, and carbon budgets. The preliminary results on four metrics (annual mean latent heat flux, annual maximum snow depth, gross primary production, and net ecosystem production) already demonstrate the range of variations in reproducibility among existing models and sites. Full analysis on annual as well as seasonal time scales, to be conducted upon completion of model outputs submission, will delineate inter-dependence among the key processes, and provide the clue for improving the model performance.

Suitable climatic conditions for peat formation existed during Early–Middle Jurassic times in the Fennoscandian Border Zone. Autochthonous peat and allochthonous organic matter were deposited from north Jylland, south-east through the Kattegat and Øresund area, to Skåne and Bornholm. The increase in coal seam abundance and thickness from north Jylland to Bornholm indicates that the most favourable peat-forming conditions were present towards the south-east. Peat formation and deposition of organic-rich muds in the Early Jurassic coastal mires were mainly controlled by a continuous rise of relative sea level governed by subsidence and an overall eustatic rise. Watertable rise repeatedly outpaced the rate of accumulation of organic matter and terminated peat formation by lacustrine or lagoonal flooding. Organic matter accumulated in open-water mires and in continuously waterlogged, anoxic and periodically marine-influenced mires. The latter conditions resulted in huminite-rich coals containing framboidal pyrite. The investigated Lower Jurassic seams correspond to peat and peaty mud deposits that ranged from 0.5–5.7 m in thickness, but were generally less than 3 m thick. It is estimated that on Bornholm, the mires existed on average for c. 1200 years in the Hettangian–Sinemurian and for c. 2300 years in the Late Pliensbachian; the Early Jurassic (Hettangian–Sinemurian) mires in the Øresund area existed for c. 1850 years. Aalenian uplift of the Ringkøbing–Fyn High and major parts of the Danish Basin caused a significant change in the basin configuration and much reduced subsidence in the Fennoscandian Border Zone during the Middle Jurassic. This resulted in a more inland position for the Middle Jurassic mires which on occasion enabled peat accumulation to keep pace with, or temporarily outpace, watertable rise. Thus, peat formation was sometimes sustained for relatively long periods, and the mires may have existed for up to 7000 years in the Øresund area, and up to 19 000 years on Bornholm. The combination of the inland position of the mires, a seasonal climate, and on occasion a peat surface above groundwater level caused temporary oxidation of the peat surfaces and formation of inertinite-rich coals. The spore and pollen assemblages from coal seams and interbedded siliciclastic deposits indicate that the dominant plant groups in both the Early and Middle Jurassic mires were ferns and gymnosperms. However, significant floral differences are evident. In the Lower Jurassic coals, the palynology testifies to a vegetation rich in cycadophytes and coniferophytes (Taxodiaceae family) whereas club mosses were of lesser importance. Conversely, in the Middle Jurassic coals, the palynology indicates an absence of cycadophytes, a minor proportion of coniferophytes (Taxodiaceae) and a significant proportion of club mosses. These variations are probably related to adaptation by different plants to varying environmental conditions, in particular of hydrological character.

BALANÇO HÍDRICO EM FUNÇÃO DE REGIMES PLUVIOMÉTRICOS NA REGIÃO DE PETROLINA-PE IUG LOPES¹; MIGUEL JULIO MACHADO GUIMARÃES¹; JULIANA MARIA MEDRADO DE MELO¹ E CLOVIS MANOEL CARVALHO RAMOS² ¹ Departamento de Engenharia Agrícola, Universidade Federal Rural de Pernambuco, Rua Dom Manoel de Medeiros, Dois Irmão, CEP: 52171-900 – Recife, PE, Brasil. iuglopes@hotmail.com; mjmguimaraes@hotmail.com; medrado.juliana@gmail.com² Colegiado de Engenharia Agrícola e Ambiental, Universidade Federal do Vale do São Francisco – Campus Juazeiro, Av. Antônio Carlos Magalhães, 510 Country Club, CEP: 48.902-300 – Juazeiro, BA, Brasil. clovis.ramos@univasf.edu.br 1 RESUMO O estudo das condições climáticas da região de Petrolina se faz necessário devido sua importância no cenário agrícola nacional. O objetivo do trabalho foi caracterizar os perfis pluviométricos, classificar por meio da utilização de técnica quantílica e a realização de balanço hídrico para diferentes regimes hídricos observados. Foram utilizados da estação meteorológica convencional (OMM: 81991) localizada no município de Petrolina-PE, os dados de precipitação pluvial e temperatura média do ar condensada. Além do uso da técnica de Quantis que classifica os anos de acordo com o índice pluviométrico anual como muito seco, seco, normal, chuvoso e muito chuvoso, foi utilizado o balanço hídrico pelo método de Thornthwaite e Mather. Na caracterização pluviométrica observou-se um quantitativo anual, variando entre 107,20 e 1023,50 mm, com média de 496,83 mm, a cada dois anos é possível observar uma precipitação pluvial igual ou inferior a 462,92 mm. Ao avaliar o balanço hídrico para os distintos regimes pluviométricos obtidos, pode-se verificar que todos os regimes pluviométricos apresentaram uma deficiência que se estende por todo o ano, com exceção para anos chuvoso e muito chuvoso que apresentam reposição nos meses iniciais do ano. Palavras-chave: ciclo hidrológico, climatologia, planejamento agrícola LOPES, I; GUIMARÃES, M. J. M.; MELO, J. M. M.; RAMOS, C. M. C. WATER BALANCE FOR PRECIPITATION REGIMES IN THE PETROLINA, PE REGION 2 ABSTRACT The study of the climatic conditions of the Petrolina region is necessary due to its importance in the national agricultural scenario. The objective of this work was to characterize the rainfall profiles, to classify by means of the use of quantile regression technique and the achievemnt of water balance for different water regimes observed. Data for rainfall and average temperature of the condensed air were provided by the conventional meteorological station (OMM: 81991) located in the city of Petrolina, PE. In addition to the Quantis technique, which classifies years according to the annual rainfall index as very dry, dry, normal, rainy and very rainy, the water balance according to the Thornthwaite & Mather method was used. In the pluviometric characterization, an annual quantitative one, varying between 107.20 mm and 1023.50 mm, with an average of 496.83 mm. Every two years, it is possible to observe a rainfall equal to or less than 462.92 mm. When assessing the water balance for the different pluviometric regimes obtained, it can be verified that all pluviometric regimes have a deficiency that extends throughout the year, except for rainy and very rainy years, which present replacement in the initial months of the year. Keywords: hydrological cycle, climatology, agricultural planning

Huemul (Hippocamelus bisulcus) numbers had already declined drastically by the 1800s. Only ~500 animals remain along 1800 km of the Argentine Andes between 34 and 54°S, without cases of recolonisation or numerical responses. In Chile, at least two populations have increased; the remaining populations have either decreased or are assumed to be stable. During a Chilean–Argentine meeting in 1992 several factors were hypothesised to be important for huemul recovery (cattle, exotic trees, irrational forestry, exotic animals, illegal hunting, diseases, dogs, reduced numbers), but these can be rejected as key explanations for the general lack of recovery. Each factor may play an additive role – alone or in combination – in certain populations, but none of them are likely a primary cause. Our objective is to evaluate alternative factors and several indications warrant us to postulate that nutritional ecology instead plays a central role in the general absence of recovery. A wide range of antler quality is encountered among huemul today, with well developed specimens known primarily from historic times. If antler expression in huemul is homologous to other cervids, it follows that most extant populations are under suboptimal conditions. Another important clue is a high prevalence of age-independent osteopathy among adults. We hypothesised that such generalised secondary chronic alveolar osteomyelitis, osteoarthritis and periodontitis were hypothesised to relate to nutritional ecology. Meagre antler development with frequent asymmetry, high prevalence of osteopathy, and low recruitment rates could all be related to common and limiting nutritional factors known to cause the described phenomena. Initial investigations point to several lines of evidence that support the hypothesis that deficiency in iodine and selenium (Se) might be involved. Among other things, such deficiencies impair bone growth, reproduction, neonatal development, the immune and nervous systems, and cause periodontitis in ruminants. Se deficiency directly affects iodine metabolism. Only decades ago, overt iodine deficiency in humans living in these areas was very common. For free-ranging livestock, overt Se deficiency has been described in Chile: supported by geology, pedology, topography, and climatic patterns. It is well known that valley bottoms, flood plains, and habitats downwind from glacial areas provide higher provision of iodine and Se. The nexus to the nutritional ecology of huemul likely is the inaccessibility of most traditional winter ranges, elimination of migratory traditions, and concomitant elimination of source populations. Se and iodine provisions diminish with altitude, which at the same time increases physiological needs due to hypoxia, and intensified radiations and exercise. Most extant huemul populations occur in remote high-altitude refuges, or inaccessible Pacific coastal areas. Migration, an acquired behaviour, has been eliminated through past overhunting of this population segment; huemul being very vulnerable to human predation were killed by the thousands to feed people, dogs, chicken and pigs, and their skins were used for shelters. Huemul currently dispersing from refuges are generally being killed when entering former source areas now occupied by settlers and their dogs. Other ungulates driven into mountain refuges have been shown to be deficient in these trace minerals and responded well to mitigation of the deficiency. Thus, prevention of reaching traditional winter ranges or valley bottoms might result in inadequate mineral supply to huemul.

<p class="Default">Although rural development is the focus of development initiatives in the world, the poverty in rural areas exists as a serious problem today as well. The majority of the poor lives in rural areas worldwide and makes a living by working in such sectors as agriculture, stockbreeding, and forestry. The poor tend to be concentrated in specific areas. This is an essential clue to the success of the policies to be implemented. Each space has unique characteristics, and definition of the characteristics of poor areas is of great value to determine the basic reasons for poverty on the local scale and to produce alternatives to this end.</p><p>In this study, it was aimed to determine the case of rural poverty in Yenice district of Çanakkale province and the geographical elements influencing the distribution of poverty. Within this framework, topographical maps, climatic data, the population data on the village scale, various socio-economic indicators obtained from the public institutions in the district and health statistics constituted the main data which were used in the study. Some of the data utilized in the analysis were obtained from the questionnaires applied in the villages. The Geographic Information Systems were utilized to create the data concerning physical elements such as slope, elevation, and soil properties evaluated in the study and to prepare thematic maps.</p><p>Within the scope of the study, the disposable income was calculated for each settlement considering the data about agricultural production, state aid, and other social transfers. The poor settlements were specified by the help of the obtained disposable income and poverty indices, and the poverty profile of the district was drawn up by evaluating the geographical characteristics of these settlements. To find out the reasons for poverty, the determining elements in the spatial distribution of poverty were detected by using the indicators of rural poverty which were defined by international organizations. As a result of the analyses performed in the study, it was revealed that 79% of the rural population in the district was confronted with the problem of poverty. The chief factors which were effective on poverty were specified as elevation, slope, and the distribution of soils in terms of land use capability classes, the area of the irrigated agricultural lands, the basic economic activity conducted, and the distance from the center of the district. </p><p> </p><p><strong>Özet</strong></p><p class="Default">Kırsal kalkınma, dünyadaki kalkınma girişimlerinin odağında yer almasına karşın, kırsal alanlardaki yoksulluk, önemli bir problem olarak varlığını günümüzde de devam ettirmektedir. Tüm dünyada yoksulların büyük bölümü kırsal alanlarda yaşamakta ve geçimlerini tarım, hayvancılık ve ormancılık gibi sektörlerde çalışarak sağlamaktadırlar. Yoksullar belirli alanlarda yoğunlaşma eğilimindedir. Bu durum uygulanacak politikaların başarısı için önemli bir ipucudur. Her mekânın kendine has özellikleri vardır ve yoksul alanların karakteristiklerinin tanımlanması, yoksulluğun yerel ölçekteki temel sebeplerinin belirlenerek buna yönelik alternatif çözümler üretme açısından büyük değer taşır.</p><p>Bu çalışmada Çanakkale ilinin Yenice ilçesinde kırsal yoksulluğun durumu ve yoksulluğun dağılışında etkili olan coğrafi unsurların belirlenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Bu çerçevede topografya haritaları, iklim verileri, köy ölçeğindeki nüfus verileri, ilçedeki kamu kuruluşlarından sağlanan çeşitli sosyo-ekonomik göstergeler ile sağlık istatistikleri çalışmada kullanılan başlıca verileri oluşturmuştur. Analizde yararlanılan verilerin bir bölümü ise köylerde uygulanan anketlerden sağlanmıştır. Çalışmada değerlendirmeye alınan eğim, yükselti, toprak özellikleri gibi fiziki unsurlara ilişkin verilerin oluşturulmasında ve tematik haritaların hazırlanmasında Coğrafi Bilgi Sistemleri’nden yararlanılmıştır.</p><p>Çalışma kapsamında tarımsal üretim verileri, devlet yardımları ve diğer sosyal transferler dikkate alınarak her yerleşme için kullanılabilir gelir hesaplanmıştır. Elde edilen kullanılabilir gelir ve yoksulluk endeksleri yardımıyla yoksul yerleşmeler belirlenmiş ve bu yerleşmelerin coğrafi özellikleri değerlendirilerek ilçenin yoksulluk profili oluşturulmuştur. Yoksulluğun nedenlerinin belirlenmesine yönelik uluslararası kuruluşlar tarafından tanımlanmış kırsal yoksulluk göstergeleri kullanılarak yoksulluğun mekânsal dağılışındaki belirleyici unsurlar tespit edilmiştir. Çalışmada yapılan analizler sonucunda ilçedeki kırsal nüfusun %79’unun yoksulluk problemiyle karşı karşıya olduğu ortaya konulmuştur. Yoksulluk üzerinde etkili olan başlıca etmenler yükselti, eğim, toprakların arazi kullanım kabiliyet sınıfları bakımından dağılışı, sulamalı tarım alanlarının yüzölçümü, yürütülen temel ekonomik faaliyet ve ilçe merkezine uzaklık olarak belirlenmiştir. </p>

The aim is the daily life of inhabitants of the Dnipropetrovsk (Dnipro) are considered in the conditions of the first post-war years.Research methods: historical and genetic; historical and comparative, system.Main results. The situation in different spheres of city life, state of communal infrastructure, centralized water supply and heating, food supply, priority areas of development of the city economy are shown. The forms and methods of solving the acute problems of the post-war policy and each family, factors of the material and everyday condition of the working people are considered. The ways of restoring the residential area of the city are shown. The restoration of the housing stock was given in two directions: by repairing partially destroyed buildings and, to a lesser extent, by new construction. In the city, due to the lack of material and technical base, mostly one- and two-storey residential buildings were erected. The way out of the situation was the settlement of the incoming families in the apartment of the surviving state houses, as well as the provision of land to those who were ready to solve their housing problems at their own expense. The various spheres of life of the inhabitants of the city in 1944–1947, their social and economic problems are analyzed: the material and communal conditions of their everyday life, social behavior and strategies of survival of different categories of the population of the policy. The social deviations of the deviant character that took place at this time are shown. The situation in the city under conditions of famine of 1946–1947 was studied. The forms and methods of solving problems of specific categories of inhabitants of the city in this difficult period. The attention was paid to such categories as infants, children of nursery, kindergarten and schoolchildren and students of technical schools. The real situation with wages was investigated, it was found that due to the necessity of various types of voluntary and compulsory loans and mandatory taxes, it was low in itself, it could not ensure the proper existence of a person. It is shown that the system of ensuring food and real needs of the population, namely, normalized supply of food and cargoes through the trading network at government prices for cards. It was found that the supply of food and household goods was extremely unsatisfactory, incomparable with a negligible payment of labor, making the price even unattainable, even on the shelves. At the same time different norms were applied for the workers, for the unemployed, the workers of various sectors of the national economy, employees of different institutions and different rank. In parallel, there was state open (commercial) trade with high prices, and also - bazaars at their prices. Many residents of the city were forced to ride in the villages and exchange household items for food. An impoverished day-long menu of many inhabitants of Dnipropetrovsk consisted mainly of vegetable food. Despite the difficult conditions for the restoration of the industrial and residential sectors, the cityʼs social sphere was restored. Understand the destroyed buildings and exported garbage. Every year, thousands of trees were planted on the streets and in parks, new squares were broken, repairs of the pavement, sidewalks, dwelling houses were painted, and markets were adjusted according to sanitary requirements. Works were underway to increase the capacity of urban water supply. Hospitals, various kindergartens were restored. To provide everyday needs of the population, shops were open, workersʼ dining rooms, equipped sports, dance and playgrounds, parks were improved, new baths were renovated and new baths were introduced, working clubs were being built.Main results. It is concluded that the everyday life of the first post-war years of Dnipropetrovsk was characterized by the difficult conditions of the existence of its inhabitants. Despite the ongoing rehabilitation of the city material, domestic and communal conditions of their existence were determined by the complex socio-economic situation, severe socio-demographic consequences of the war, as well as causes of a natural climatic nature. All this determined the strategies of their existence in the difficult conditions in which the majority of the city population, despite the difficulties, continued to fulfill the basic purpose of the person – to live, work, raise and raise children.Practical significance. For the historians of the everyday life of Dnipropetrovsk in post-war times.Originality. On the basis of research materials and memoirs of participants of events, the situation of the city's everyday life was reconstructed.The scientific novelty. The article was first presented in the history of post-war Dnipropetrovsk through the prism of everyday life, the various spheres of the existence of its inhabitants.Type of article: empirical.

A new species of the Andean stag beetle genus Auxicerus Waterhouse, 1883 is described from the humid Tucuman-Bolivian forest in the southern Bolivian Andes. Auxicerus magnipunctatus sp. nov. is distinguished from all congeners by the distinctly larger punctures of the mesosternum; antennomeres 2–6 subquadrate, last two joints of club wider than long; lamellae not widely separated; posterior end of ocular canthus rounded and anterior edge of canthus moderately developed into an obtuse triangle. Auxicerus magnipunctatus sp. nov. is possibly endemic to the Tucuman-Bolivian forest. Along with the presence of other endemic beetle species with tropical congeners, the discovery of A. magnipunctatus sp. nov. supports the idea that the persistence of rather tropical taxa in the subtropical realm is fostered by increased humidity at orographic rain barriers and climatic stability in the Tucuman-Bolivian forest.

The article explores the evolution and transformation of the concept of «climate policy» in the perspective of modern social and humanitarian discourse. The description of the main prognostic projections and scenarios of the future world order is carried out in the context of global climate changes and large-scale natural disasters of the New Climate Era – numerous natural and man-made disasters, increased areas unsuitable for life as a result of the growth of environmental refugees and climate migrants, mass protests, food shortages and lack of drinking water, epidemics. The necessity of strengthening collective responsibility and the need for recoding existing «green programs» in accordance with the format of the New Global Climate-Ecological Doctrine, based on the value-normative imperative of global environmental awareness, ecological culture and environmental education, was emphasized. Attention is focused on the need for not only the declarative integration of the modern Ukrainian state into the world club of Green Policy and Low-carbon Economy, but also the search for and effective implementation of the latest procedures for the protection and preservation of the environment. In the category of «global challenges of the twenty-first century» – terrorism, war, poverty, unemployment, migrants, etc. – climate change and natural disasters will be the vanguard of world order transformations. The chronological contours of the «New Climatic Era» – as «blurred, uncertain, ghostly», and therefore, it's time to reject politico-ideological, financial-economic, socio-cultural, philosophical and religious differences, get rid of the «pseudo-optimistic view» on the climate and environmental future and synchronize the work of politicians, scientists, activists on the design and implementation of the global New Climate and Environmental Doctrine. Іt should be emphasized that the delay and inaction of politicians in solving climate and environmental problems leads to radicalization of ecological movements, eco activists increase pressure and demands in proportion to the deterioration of the situation with the environment, the rhetoric of peaceful demonstrations and environmental actions is changing to partisan environmental wars, in particular, the organization Deep Ecological Resistance (Deep Green Resistance).

As the science fictional years come upon us -- 1999, 2000, 2001 -- there is a sense that this is the future, and nothing much has changed. Indeed, the future has turned out to be pretty much like the past, but with Tamagotchis and Karaoke. Beyond Darko Suvin's adoption of the term "novum" and the souls sold to the demons of postmodernism, the criticism of science fiction remains more or less the same as it did thirty years ago, except that it is now often written by people who have only read Neuromancer. It is high time that this critical apparatus was shaken up. The various techniques and devices in the arsenal of the contemporary science-fiction writer need to be explored anew. In The Encyclopedia of Fantasy, Clute and Grant introduced a series of terms, such as "polder" and "instauration", which they made use of in their analyses of the fantastic mode1. It is hoped that the terms I introduce gain similar currency. In the limited space I have available, I can only explore the terminology of plot. The key to the popular fictional genres, both visual and literary, is that they are defined by a certain sense of familiarity with the material, a familiar engendered by repetition with difference. Even within this overall scheme of generic recognition, there is a stage further when a plot is borrowed entire from another work. It is clearly easy for a writer to borrow a plot from someone else, as it is known that it already works, has already pleased readers and rations out the degree of originality in a genre which depends upon originality. For example, Dan Simmons's Hyperion has a series of characters telling each other stories to pass the time on a journey: obviously this is Geoffrey Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales. But in addition to that it is a gathering together of disparate characters, who are going to go and visit this wonderful, strange being, to ask for their deepest desires. As I read this, I began to wonder whether one of them wanted a brain and one of them wanted a heart and one of them wanted courage and one of them wanted to go back to Kansas. This is of course the structure of The Wizard of Oz. Hyperion is thus Canterbury Tales meets Wizard of Oz sung to the tune of Keats, and is therefore hailed as being startlingly original. At the end of Hyperion, as the characters go off to see the Wizard, one character bursts into song: 'What's that song you're singing to Rachel?' The scholar forced a grin and scratched his short beard. 'It's from an ancient flat film...' 'But who is the wizard?' asked Colonel Kassad... 'And what is Oz?' asked Lamia. 'And just who is off to see this wizard?' (Hyperion 500-1) In order to avoid charges of plagiarism, Simmons reveals his sources, or, to be more charitable, acknowledges the intertextual borrowing which he has been engaged in. Another plot which gets used again and again is in cyberpunk, where the non-spatial realm of cyberspace stands in for the realm of the dead, the Underworld, and an analogue for Orpheus is sent to rescue a version of Eurydice: a female is kidnapped by a god of the Underworld, and a male hero has to rescue her, only to be trapped behind himself. This is the plot which underlies Vurt, Snow Crash, and one of the less obvious cyberpunk classics, Mythago Wood. The titular wood is a realm whose interior dimensions do not match the exterior's, rather like cyberspace. The main character's entry into the wood to rescue his brother and mother / sister-in-law / lover strikes a suitable note of incest, and the beings encountered there are mythic archetypes. As Pollen was to make clear, the Underworld is the realm of the collective unconscious, the realm of Story, Myth and Archetype2. The great trilogy of the 1990s, Kim Stanley Robinson's Mars Trilogy, borrows the structure of The Lord of the Rings. In Fellowship of the Ring a group of disparate characters come together and set off on a mission, there's a great calamity following a betrayal and they are all scattered. In the next volume, The Two Towers, the scattered characters wander around aimlessly, not really achieving anything, and there's a couple of battles or revolutions. Finally in The Return of the King there are last climatic battles, councils of peace, characters die of old age and there's a sense of loss, that the world has been changed, but for the next generation. Compare this to the structure of Robinson's epic: in Red Mars a group of disparate characters (the First Hundred) come together and set off on a mission to Mars, there's a great calamity following a betrayal and they are all scattered. In Green Mars the scattered characters wander around aimlessly, not really achieving anything, and there's a couple of battles or revolutions. Blue Mars depicts a final climatic battle, councils of peace, characters die of old age -- as does the reader -- and there's a sense of loss, that the world has been changed, but for the next generation. (Curiously Kim Stanley Robinson next work, Antarctica, was a reworking of Blue Mars, but without the Mars, a feature it also shares with Lord of the Rings.) Repetition in narratives happens with entire works, but also within narratives. These are known as Cookie Dough Plots. Home-made cookies are made by using cutters which produce the same shape again and again from dough. In the same way, narratives can be constructed from a series of broadly similar events which are repeated ad infinitum. A recent example of this is Dan Simmons's Endymion (1996), where the entire plot is organised around the two poles of: 'We're being chased' and 'Phew, we've escaped'. This fills up over four hundred pages. The Ping Pong Plot is one where two plotlines interconnect and are told alternatively: two sets of characters are involved in two separate storylines, where the action is occurring simultaneously and the author cuts between the two. William Gibson does this a lot in his fiction, with increasing numbers of character sets. Strangely enough, great science fiction of twenty or thirty years ago was around two hundred pages in length, and great science fiction of today is around the four hundred page mark. It's twice the size of an old novel. Most of these novels use the Ping Pong Plot, with events alternating between two sets of characters who usually, but not always, meet up by page four hundred. They might as well be in separate novels. In fact what we appear to have in today's great science fiction, is two novels. As no-one would pay $50 for a two hundred page novel, they get two for the price of one, shuffled in accordance to the rules of Ping Pong. In Jovah's Angel, by Sharon Shinn, there are two sets of characters: the first plot is an angel looking for her mortal beloved soul mate or perfect man and the second is a man wandering around. And reading it, the reader thinks, 'Ooh, I wonder who her perfect man is going to be? Ooh, there's another 390 pages to find out.' The novel is an example of the Ping Pong Cookie Dough Plot variant, where the chase-escape-chase format is enlivened by switching -- Ping-Ponging -- between the chaser and the chased. In Jovah's Angel, by Sharon Shinn, there are two sets of characters: the first plot is an angel looking for her mortal beloved soul mate or perfect man and the second is a man wandering around. And reading it, the reader thinks, 'Ooh, I wonder who her perfect man is going to be? Ooh, there's another 390 pages to find out.' The novel is an example of the Ping Pong Cookie Dough Plot variant, where the chase-escape-chase format is enlivened by switching -- Ping-Ponging -- between the chaser and the chased. Perhaps the most significant example of this Timeslip Ping Pong in recent years is Mary Doria Russell's The Sparrow (1996), where the action alternates between the account of the preparation for the voyage and the voyage itself and the account of the aftermath of the voyage. There's the before of events and the after of events, moving towards the discovery of the dark secret at the heart of the tale. It doesn't quite keep up the Ping Pong, as some chapters slip into the past or the future, and the Pings are not sufficiently distinguishable from the Pongs. In the past, series of novellas or novels used a variation on the Timeslip Ping Pong Plot, where the events and resolution of one story sets up the problem for the next. Rather than a series of sequels, what often happened was a number of sequels and prequels, until the final, ultimate and closing Prelude. (In a sense this is what Jack Womack is doing in his Dryco sequence). One variation on this should be known -- after E.E. 'Doc' Smith's novels -- as the My-Ultimate-Weapon-Is-More-Ultimate-Than-Yours-Is Sequence. In every Lensman novel there is an Ultimate Weapon, a weapon too dreadful to use, which they use after all, since they have it around, cluttering up the place. Fortunately for the sequence, the UW can be countered by the Ultimate Strategic Defense Initiative (or USDI) which is much more ultimate, and an even more UW. By the time you get to the eighth novel in the sequence, the UW of the first book ought to be renamed the Antipenultimate Antipenultimate Antipenultimate Antipenultimate Antipenultimate Antipenultimate Penultimate Ultimate Weapon. The preceding terminology covers the major versions of narratives used within contemporary science fiction, narratives which it seems likely will dominate the next century of science fiction. Similarly the same sorts of settings, which I hope to explore elsewhere, will dominate: in particular the rainy city, post-holocaust and the next five minutes (although the pre-millennial tension setting is clearly now obsolete). Footnotes A "polder" is a realm which is deliberately maintained as separate and distinct from the outside world (Clute 772-3). "Instauration fantasies" are those where "the real world is transformed" (Clute 501). For cyberpunk and the underworld narrative see Joan Gordon, "Yin and Yang Duke It Out", in Storming the Reality Studio: A Casebook of Postmodern Science Fiction, ed. Larry McCaffery (Durham and London: Duke UP, 1991). For a longer exploration of Mythago Wood see my article in Vector 192 (March/April 1997): 4, and my "Journeys beyond Being: The Cyberpunk-Flavoured Novels of Jeff Noon", Novel Turns: The Novel in Europe Now, ed. by John Gatt-Rutter (forthcoming). The term "cyberpunk-flavoured" is one I coined for a discussion of the works of Jeff Noon: the novels share a number of characteristics of cyberpunk, whilst not necessarily being unproblematically cyberpunk. A tradition of works which have a realm analogous to cyberspace, or a realm which serves a comparative narrative need, could be identified; Borges's use of the term "precursor" might be useful here to characterise such a tradition, although as Mythago Wood is more or less contemporary with Neuromancer it cannot properly be a precursor. The cyberspatial realm of the Vurt feather is something between an interior mental landscape and a computer game; the wood realm of Mythago Wood is somewhere between an interior mental landscape which can be simulated / created / entered with the use of electrical stimulation on the brain and a secondary world. References Clute, John, and John Grant, eds. The Encyclopedia of Fantasy. London: Orbit: 1997 Citation reference for this article MLA style: Andrew M. Butler. "Towards a Language for Science Fiction Studies: Narratives." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.9 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0001/sf.php>. Chicago style: Andrew M. Butler, "Towards a Language for Science Fiction Studies: Narratives," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 9 (2000), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0001/sf.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Andrew M. Butler. (2000) Towards a language for science fiction studies: narratives. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(9). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/0001/sf.php> ([your date of access]).

There is, in our sense of place, little cognisance of what lies underground. Yet our sense of place, instinctive, unconscious, primeval, has its own underground: the secret spaces which mirror our insides; the world beneath the skin. Our roots lie beneath the ground, with the minerals and the dead. (Hughes 83) The-Home-and-Away-Game Imagine the earth-grounded, “diagrammatological” trajectory of a footballer who as one member of a team is psyching himself up before the start of a game. The siren blasts its trumpet call. The footballer bursts out of the pavilion (where this psyching up has taken place) to engage in the opening bounce or kick of the game. And then: running, leaping, limping after injury, marking, sliding, kicking, and possibly even passing out from concussion. Finally, the elation accompanying the final siren, after which hugs, handshakes and raised fists conclude the actual match on the football oval. This exit from the pavilion, the course the player takes during the game itself, and return to the pavilion, forms a combination of stasis and movement, and a return to exhausted stasis again, that every player engages with regardless of the game code. Examined from a “diagrammatological” perspective, a perspective Rowan Wilken (following in the path of Gilles Deleuze and W. J. T. Mitchell) understands as “a generative process: a ‘metaphor’ or way of thinking — diagrammatic, diagrammatological thinking — which in turn, is linked to poetic thinking” (48), this footballer’s scenario arises out of an aerial perspective that depicts the actual spatial trajectory the player takes during the course of a game. It is a diagram that is digitally encoded via a sensor on the footballer’s body, and being an electronically encoded diagram it can also make available multiple sets of data such as speed, heartbeat, blood pressure, maybe even brain-wave patterns. From this limited point of view there is only one footballer’s playing trajectory to consider; various groupings within the team, the whole team itself, and the diagrammatological depiction of its games with various other teams might also be possible. This singular imagining though is itself an actuality: as a diagram it is encoded as a graphic image by a satellite hovering around the earth with a Global Positioning System (GPS) reading the sensor attached to the footballer which then digitally encodes this diagrammatological trajectory for appraisal later by the player, coach, team and management. In one respect, this practice is another example of a willing self-surveillance critical to explaining the reflexive subject and its attribute of continuous self-improvement. According to Docker, Official Magazine of the Fremantle Football Club, this is a technique the club uses as a part of game/play assessment, a system that can provide a “running map” for each player equipped with such a tracking device during a game. As the Fremantle Club’s Strength and Conditioning Coach Ben Tarbox says of this tactic, “We’re getting a physiological profile that has started to build a really good picture of how individual players react during a game” (21). With a little extra effort (and some sizeable computer processing grunt) this two dimensional linear graphic diagram of a footballer working the football ground could also form the raw material for a three-dimensional animation, maybe a virtual reality game, even a hologram. It could also be used to sideline a non-performing player. Now try another related but different imagining: what if this diagrammatological trajectory could be enlarged a little to include the possibility that this same player’s movements could be mapped out by the idea of home-and-away games; say over the course of a season, maybe even a whole career, for instance? No doubt, a wide range of differing diagrammatological perspectives might suggest themselves. My own particular refinement of this movement/stasis on the footballer’s part suggests my own distinctive comings and goings to and from my own specific piece of home country. And in this incessantly domestic/real world reciprocity, in this diurnally repetitive leaving and coming back to home country, might it be plausible to think of “Home as Capital of the Region”? If, as Walter Benjamin suggests in the prelude to his monumental Arcades Project, “Paris — the Capital of the Nineteenth Century,” could it be that both in and through my comings and goings to and from this selfsame home country, my own burgeoning sense of regionality is constituted in every minute-by-minutiae of lived experience? Could it be that this feeling about home is manifested in my every day-to-night manoeuvre of home-and-away-and-away-and-home-making, of every singular instance of exit, play/engage, and the return home? “Home, Capital of the Region” then examines the idea that my home is that part of the country which is the still-point of eternal return, the bedrock to which I retreat after the daily grind, and the point from which I start out and do it all again the next day. It employs, firstly, this ‘diagrammatological’ perspective to illustrate the point that this stasis/movement across country can make an electronic record of my own psychic self-surveillance and actualisation in-situ. And secondly, the architectural plan of the domestic home (examined through the perspective of critical regionalism) is used as a conduit to illustrate how I am physically embedded in country. Lastly, intermingling these digressive threads is chora, Plato’s notion of embodied place and itself an ancient regional rendering of this eternal return to the beginning, the place where the essential diversity of country decisively enters the soul. Chora: Core of Regionality Kevin Lynch writes that, “Our senses are local, while our experience is regional” (10), a combination that suggests this regional emphasis on home-and-away-making might be a useful frame of reference (simultaneously spatiotemporal, both a visceral and encoded communication) for me to include as a crucial vector in my own life-long learning package. Regionality (as, variously, a sub-generic categorisation and an extension/concentration of nationality, as well as a recently re-emerged friend/antagonist to a global understanding) infuses my world of home with a grounded footing in country, one that is a site of an Eternal Return to the Beginning in the micro-world of the everyday. This is a point John Sallis discusses at length in his analysis of Plato’s Timaeus and its founding notion of regionality: chora. More extended absences away from home-base are of course possible but one’s return to home on most days and for most nights is a given of post/modern, maybe even of ancient everyday experience. Even for the continually shifting nomad, nightfall in some part of the country brings the rest and recreation necessary for the next day’s wanderings. This fundamental question of an Eternal Return to the Beginning arises as a crucial element of the method in Plato’s Timaeus, a seemingly “unstructured” mythic/scientific dialogue about the origins and structure of both the psychically and the physically implaced world. In the Timaeus, “incoherence is especially obvious in the way the natural sequence in which a narrative would usually unfold is interrupted by regressions, corrections, repetitions, and abrupt new beginnings” (Gadamer 160). Right in the middle of the Timaeus, in between its sections on the “Work of Reason” and the “Work of Necessity”, sits chora, both an actual spatial and bodily site where my being intersects with my becoming, and where my lived life criss-crosses the various arts necessary to articulating a recorded version of that life. Every home is a grounded chora-logical timespace harness guiding its occupant’s thoughts, feelings and actions. My own regionally implaced chora (an example of which is the diagrammatological trajectory already outlined above as my various everyday comings and goings, of me acting in and projecting myself into context) could in part be understood as a graphical realisation of the extent of my movements and stationary rests in my own particular timespace trajectory. The shorthand for this process is ‘embedded’. Gregory Ulmer writes of chora that, “While chorography as a term is close to choreography, it duplicates a term that already exists in the discipline of geography, thus establishing a valuable resonance for a rhetoric of invention concerned with the history of ‘place’ in relation to memory” (Heuretics 39, original italics). Chorography is the geographic discipline for the systematic study and analysis of regions. Chora, home, country and regionality thus form an important multi-dimensional zone of interplay in memorialising the game of everyday life. In light of these observations I might even go so far as to suggest that this diagrammatological trajectory (being both digital and GPS originated) is part of the increasingly electrate condition that guides the production of knowledge in any global/regional context. This last point is a contextual connection usefully examined in Alan J. Scott’s Regions and the World Economy: The Coming Shape of Global Production, Competition, and Political Order and Michael Storper’s The Regional World: Territorial Development in a Global Economy. Their analyses explicitly suggest that the symbiosis between globalisation and regionalisation has been gathering pace since at least the end of World War Two and the Bretton Woods agreement. Our emerging understanding of electracy also happens to be Gregory Ulmer’s part-remedy for shifting the ground under the intense debates surrounding il/literacy in the current era (see, in particular, Internet Invention). And, for Tony Bennett, Michael Emmison and John Frow’s analysis of “Australian Everyday Cultures” (“Media Culture and the Home” 57–86), it is within the home that our un.conscious understanding of electronic media is at its most intense, a pattern that emerges in the longer term through receiving telegrams, compiling photo albums, listening to the radio, home- and video-movies, watching the evening news on television, and logging onto the computer in the home-office, media-room or home-studio. These various generalisations (along with this diagrammatological view of my comings and goings to and from the built space of home), all point indiscriminately to a productive confusion surrounding the sedentary and nomadic opposition/conjunction. If natural spaces are constituted in nouns like oceans, forests, plains, grasslands, steppes, deserts, rivers, tidal interstices, farmland etc. (and each categorisation here relies on the others for its existence and demarcation) then built space is often seen as constituting its human sedentary equivalent. For Deleuze and Guatteri (in A Thousand Plateaus, “1227: Treatise on Nomadology — The War Machine”) these natural spaces help instigate a nomadic movement across localities and regions. From a nomadology perspective, these smooth spaces unsettle a scientific, numerical calculation, sometimes even aesthetic demarcation and order. If they are marked at all, it is by heterogenous and differential forces, energised through constantly oscillating intensities. A Thousand Plateaus is careful though not to elevate these smooth nomadic spaces over the more sedentary spaces of culture and power (372–373). Nonetheless, as Edward S. Casey warns, “In their insistence on becoming and movement, however, the authors of A Thousand Plateaus overlook the placial potential of settled dwelling — of […] ‘built places’” (309, original italics). Sedentary, settled dwelling centred on home country may have a crust of easy legibility and order about it but it also formats a locally/regionally specific nomadic quality, a point underscored above in the diagrammatological perspective. The sedentary tendency also emerges once again in relation to home in the architectural drafting of the domestic domicile. The Real Estate Revolution When Captain Cook planted the British flag in the sand at Botany Bay in 1770 and declared the country it spiked as Crown Land and henceforth will come under the ownership of an English sovereign, it was also the moment when white Australia’s current fascination with real estate was conceived. In the wake of this spiking came the intense anxiety over Native Title that surfaced in late twentieth century Australia when claims of Indigenous land grabs would repossess suburban homes. While easily dismissed as hyperbole, a rhetorical gesture intended to arouse this very anxiety, its emergence is nonetheless an indication of the potential for political and psychic unsettling at the heart of the ownership and control of built place, or ‘settled dwelling’ in the Australian context. And here it would be wise to include not just the gridded, architectural quality of home-building and home-making, but also the home as the site of the family romance, another source of unsettling as much as a peaceful calming. Spreading out from the boundaries of the home are the built spaces of fences, bridges, roads, railways, airport terminals (along with their interconnecting pathways), which of course brings us back to the communications infrastructure which have so often followed alongside the development of transport infrastructure. These and other elements represent this conglomerate of built space, possibly the most significant transformation of natural space that humanity has brought about. For the purposes of this meditation though it is the more personal aspect of built space — my home and regional embeddedness, along with their connections into the global electrosphere — that constitutes the primary concern here. For a sedentary, striated space to settle into an unchallenged existence though requires a repression of the highest order, primarily because of the home’s proximity to everyday life, of the latter’s now fading ability to sometimes leave its presuppositions well enough alone. In settled, regionally experienced space, repressions are more difficult to abstract away, they are lived with on a daily basis, which also helps to explain the extra intensity brought to their sometimes-unsettling quality. Inversely, and encased in this globalised electro-spherical ambience, home cannot merely be a place where one dwells within avoiding those presuppositions, I take them with me when I travel and they come back with me from afar. This is a point obliquely reflected in Pico Iyer’s comment that “Australians have so flexible a sense of home, perhaps, that they can make themselves at home anywhere” (185). While our sense of home may well be, according to J. Douglas Porteous, “the territorial core” of our being, when other arrangements of space and knowledge shift it must inevitably do so as well. In these shifts of spatial affiliation (aided and abetted by regionalisation, globalisation and electronic knowledge), the built place of home can no longer be considered exclusively under the illusion of an autonomous sanctuary wholly guaranteed by capitalist property relations, one of the key factors in its attraction. These shifts in the cultural, economic and psychic relation of home to country are important to a sense of local and regional implacement. The “feeling” of autonomy and security involved in home occupation and/or ownership designates a component of this implacement, a point leading to Eric Leed’s comment that, “By the sixteenth century, literacy had become one of the definitive signs — along with the possession of property and a permanent residence — of an independent social status” (53). Globalising and regionalising forces make this feeling of autonomy and security dynamic, shifting the ground of home, work-place practices and citizenship allegiances in the process. Gathering these wide-ranging forces impacting on psychic and built space together is the emergence of critical regionalism as a branch of architectonics, considered here as a theory of domestic architecture. Critical Regionality Critical regionalism emerged out of the collective thinking of Liane Lefaivre and Alexander Tzonis (Tropical Architecture; Critical Regionalism), and as these authors themselves acknowledge, was itself deeply influenced by the work of Lewis Mumford during the first part of the twentieth century when he was arguing against the authority of the international style in architecture, a style epitomised by the Bauhaus movement. It is Kenneth Frampton’s essay, “Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six Points for an Architecture of Resistance” that deliberately takes this question of critical regionalism and makes it a part of a domestic architectonic project. In many ways the ideas critical regionalism espouses can themselves be a microcosm of this concomitantly emerging global/regional polis. With public examples of built-form the power of the centre is on display by virtue of a building’s enormous size and frequently high-cultural aesthetic power. This is a fact restated again and again from the ancient world’s agora to Australia’s own political bunker — its Houses of Parliament in Canberra. While Frampton discusses a range of aspects dealing with the universal/implaced axis across his discussion, it is points five and six that deserve attention from a domestically implaced perspective. Under the sub-heading, “Culture Versus Nature: Topography, Context, Climate, Light and Tectonic Form” is where he writes that, Here again, one touches in concrete terms this fundamental opposition between universal civilization and autochthonous culture. The bulldozing of an irregular topography into a flat site is clearly a technocratic gesture which aspires to a condition of absolute placelessness, whereas the terracing of the same site to receive the stepped form of a building is an engagement in the act of “cultivating” the site. (26, original italics) The “totally flat datum” that the universalising tendency sometimes presupposes is, within the critical regionalist perspective, an erroneous assumption. The “cultivation” of a site for the design of a building illustrates the point that built space emerges out of an interaction between parallel phenomena as they contrast and/or converge in a particular set of timespace co-ordinates. These are phenomena that could include (but are not limited to) geomorphic data like soil and rock formations, seismic activity, inclination and declension; climatic considerations in the form of wind patterns, temperature variations, rainfall patterns, available light and dark, humidity and the like; the building context in relation to the cardinal points of north, south, east, and west, along with their intermediary positions. There are also architectural considerations in the form of available building materials and personnel to consider. The social, psychological and cultural requirements of the building’s prospective in-dwellers are intermingled with all these phenomena. This is not so much a question of where to place the air conditioning system but the actuality of the way the building itself is placed on its site, or indeed if that site should be built on at all. A critical regionalist building practice, then, is autochthonous to the degree that a full consideration of this wide range of in-situ interactions is taken into consideration in the development of its design plan. And given this autochthonous quality of the critical regionalist project, it also suggests that the architectural design plan itself (especially when it utilised in conjunction with CAD and virtual reality simulations), might be the better model for designing electrate-centred projects rather than writing or even the script. The proliferation of ‘McMansions’ across many Australian suburbs during the 1990s (generally, oversized domestic buildings designed in the abstract with little or no thought to the above mentioned elements, on bulldozed sites, with powerful air-conditioning systems, and no verandas or roof eves to speak of) demonstrates the continuing influence of a universal, centralising dogma in the realm of built place. As summer temperatures start to climb into the 40°C range all these air-conditioners start to hum in unison, which in turn raises the susceptibility of the supporting infrastructure to collapse under the weight of an overbearing electrical load. The McMansion is a clear example of a built form that is envisioned more so in a drafting room, a space where the architect is remote-sensing the locational specificities. In this envisioning (driven more by a direct line-of-sight idiom dominant in “flat datum” and economic considerations rather than architectural or experiential ones), the tactile is subordinated, which is the subject of Frampton’s sixth point: It is symptomatic of the priority given to sight that we find it necessary to remind ourselves that the tactile is an important dimension in the perception of built form. One has in mind a whole range of complementary sensory perceptions which are registered by the labile body: the intensity of light, darkness, heat and cold; the feeling of humidity; the aroma of material; the almost palpable presence of masonry as the body senses it own confinement; the momentum of an induced gait and the relative inertia of the body as it traverses the floor; the echoing resonance of our own footfall. (28) The point here is clear: in its wider recognition of, and the foregrounding of my body’s full range of sensate capacities in relation to both natural and built space, the critical regionalist approach to built form spreads its meaning-making capacities across a broader range of knowledge modalities. This tactility is further elaborated in more thoroughly personal ways by Margaret Morse in her illuminating essay, “Home: Smell, Taste, Posture, Gleam”. Paradoxically, this synaesthetic, syncretic approach to bodily meaning-making in a built place, regional milieu intensely concentrates the site-centred locus of everyday life, while simultaneously, the electronic knowledge that increasingly underpins it expands both my body’s and its region’s knowledge-making possibilities into a global gestalt, sometimes even a cosmological one. It is a paradoxical transformation that makes us look anew at social, cultural and political givens, even objective and empirical understandings, especially as they are articulated through national frames of reference. Domestic built space then is a kind of micro-version of the multi-function polis where work, pleasure, family, rest, public display and privacy intermingle. So in both this reduction and expansion in the constitution of domestic home life, one that increasingly represents the location of the production of knowledge, built place represents a concentration of energy that forces us to re-imagine border-making, order, and the dynamic interplay of nomadic movement and sedentary return, a point that echoes Nicolas Rothwell’s comment that “every exile has in it a homecoming” (80). Albeit, this is a knowledge-making milieu with an expanded range of modalities incorporated and expressed through a wide range of bodily intensities not simply cognitive ones. Much of the ambiguous discontent manifested in McMansion style domiciles across many Western countries might be traced to the fact that their occupants have had little or no say in the way those domiciles have been designed and/or constructed. In Heidegger’s terms, they have not thought deeply enough about “dwelling” in that building, although with the advent of the media room the question of whether a “building” securely borders both “dwelling” and “thinking” is now open to question. As anxieties over border-making at all scales intensifies, the complexities and un/sureties of natural and built space take ever greater hold of the psyche, sometimes through the advance of a “high level of critical self-consciousness”, a process Frampton describes as a “double mediation” of world culture and local conditions (21). Nearly all commentators warn of a nostalgic, romantic or a sentimental regionalism, the sum total of which is aimed at privileging the local/regional and is sometimes utilised as a means of excluding the global or universal, sometimes even the national (Berry 67). Critical regionalism is itself a mediating factor between these dispositions, working its methods and practices through my own psyche into the local, the regional, the national and the global, rejecting and/or accepting elements of these domains, as my own specific context, in its multiplicity, demands it. If the politico-economic and cultural dimensions of this global/regional world have tended to undermine the process of border-making across a range of scales, we can see in domestic forms of built place the intense residue of both their continuing importance and an increased dependency on this electro-mediated world. This is especially apparent in those domiciles whose media rooms (with their satellite dishes, telephone lines, computers, television sets, games consuls, and music stereos) are connecting them to it in virtuality if not in reality. Indeed, the thought emerges (once again keeping in mind Eric Leed’s remark on the literate-configured sense of autonomy that is further enhanced by a separate physical address and residence) that the intense importance attached to domestically orientated built place by globally/regionally orientated peoples will figure as possibly the most viable means via which this sense of autonomy will transfer to electronic forms of knowledge. If, however, this here domestic habitué turns his gaze away from the screen that transports me into this global/regional milieu and I focus my attention on the physicality of the building in which I dwell, I once again stand in the presence of another beginning. This other beginning is framed diagrammatologically by the building’s architectural plans (usually conceived in either an in-situ, autochthonous, or a universal manner), and is a graphical conception that anchors my body in country long after the architects and builders have packed up their tools and left. This is so regardless of whether a home is built, bought, rented or squatted in. Ihab Hassan writes that, “Home is not where one is pushed into the light, but where one gathers it into oneself to become light” (417), an aphorism that might be rephrased as follows: “Home is not where one is pushed into the country, but where one gathers it into oneself to become country.” For the in-and-out-and-around-and-about domestic dweller of the twenty-first century, then, home is where both regional and global forms of country decisively enter the soul via the conduits of the virtuality of digital flows and the reality of architectural footings. 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