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1

Castlevetere, Teresa. "Democracia, minshushugi, democracy." Japanese Studies 10, no. 1 (1990): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10371399008522019.

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Chou, M. "Democrats against Democracy." Cultural Politics an International Journal 10, no. 2 (2014): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-2651756.

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Martino, Antonio A. "Crisis de la democracia representativa: alternativas participativas o democracia directa con medios electrónicos = Crisis of representative democracy: participatory alternatives or direct democracy with electronic media." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 14 (March 19, 2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4153.

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Resumen: El artículo analiza la actual crisis de la democracia representativa criticando la tesis según la cual aquel país que instauraba una democracia y mantenía mínimos índices de solidez económica y social aseguraba su mantenimiento. A tal fin, inicia la explicación de la crisis de la democracia tout court y, después, va analizando las alternativas que se ofrecen a la democracia representativa. Así, aborda directamente la democracia directa para mostrar alguno de sus elementos más relevantes, sobre todo con medios electrónicos, y muestra posteriormente su reforzamiento.Palabras clave: Demo
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Oliveira, Joedson De Santana. "Uma concepção bidimensional de democracia como salvaguarda da liberdade/A two-dimensional design of democracy as a safeguard for freedom." Pensando - Revista de Filosofia 4, no. 8 (2014): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.26694/pensando.v4i8.1843.

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Este trabalho tem o propósito de apresentar uma concepção republicana de democracia que não é uma democracia participativista nos moldes de Rousseau, que defendeu uma democracia direta, tampouco é uma democracia liberal que resume a participação ao sufrágio. Iremos argumentar que a democracia defendida dentro do republicanismo de Philip Pettit, entendida como democracia bidimensional, por ser ao mesmo tempo eleitoral e contestatória, é não só compatível com a defesa da liberdade, mas, também e, sobretudo, guardiã da mesma.Abstract: This paper aims to present a republican conception of democrac
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Albuquerque, Newton De Menezes, and Guilherme Dourado Aragão Sá Araújo. "A democracia contemporânea e a crítica aos limites entre público e privado: por uma nova teoria da cidadania / The contemporary democracy and the critics of the limits between public and private: for a new theory of citizenship." Revista Brasileira de Direito 13, no. 3 (2017): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.18256/2238-0604.2017.v13i3.1175.

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Resumo: Sob a óptica do problema da legitimidade das decisões democráticas, este trabalho expõe a necessidade de reversão da tendência publicista em prol de maior reconhecimento do poder deliberativo voluntário individual ou comunitário. Demonstrou-se o surgimento da democracia direta na Grécia antiga e as implicações modernas que levaram ao desenvolvimento das formas representativas, bem como seus problemas inerentes. Utilizando-se de pesquisa bibliográfica, o ensaio expõe que os mecanismos de verificação da legitimidade democrática não se mostraram suficientes para garantir a verdadeira demo
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Uscanga Barradas, Abril. "Democracia republicana = Republican Democracy." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad 13 (September 29, 2017): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2017.3816.

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Resumen: Este trabajo pretende explicar los orígenes e importancia del republicanismo como teoría aplicable a la democracia, así como su posible aplicación como una válvula de escape a la crisis democrática actual, pues últimamente se presentan numerosas y constantes críticas al sistema democrático imperante en nuestros días, lo que nos hace pensar en la existencia de una serie de deficiencias tanto políticas como sociales que, quizás, podrían ser subsanadas replanteando el modelo o visualizándolo desde otra perspectiva más acorde a los fines y necesidades de la sociedad contemporánea.Palabras
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Denzin, Norman K. "Homegrown Democracy, Homegrown Democrats." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 5, no. 1 (2005): 126–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708604271530.

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Przeworski, Adam. "FREEDOM TO CHOOSE AND DEMOCRACY." Economics and Philosophy 19, no. 2 (2003): 265–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267103001159.

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Should democracts value the freedom to choose? Do people value facing distinct choices when they make collective decisions? ‘Autonomy’ – the ability to participate in the making of collective decisions – is a paltry notion of freedom. True, democrats must be prepared that their preferences may not be realized as the outcome of the collective choice. Yet democracy is impoverished when many people cannot even vote for what they most want.‘The point is not to be free, but to act freely.’ Rosa Luxemburg
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Belfrage, Claes. "The unintended consequences of financialisation: Social democracy hamstrung? The pensions dilemma." Economic and Industrial Democracy 38, no. 4 (2015): 701–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15586070.

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At the end of the Third Way and no sense of its future, social democrats look to Sweden for inspiration. However, Swedish social democracy is in no better condition. Scholarship is starting to grasp the broad outlines of the movement’s difficulties. Providing greater depth, this article employs the Social Systems of Innovation and Production approach to analyse Swedish social democracy’s current condition by historicising its current policy dilemmas in relation to the public pension system, once the jewel in the crown of the Rehn–Meidner model and the push for economic and industrial democracy
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Pinelli, Cesare. "The Populist Challenge to Constitutional Democracy." European Constitutional Law Review 7, no. 1 (2011): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019611100024.

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Populism and time – Democracy and representation – The open mandate and party democracy – Democracy and non-majoritarian institutions – Populist challenge as symptom of constitutional democracy's malaise
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Chasukwa, Michael. "Multiple Faces of Democrats: Satisfaction with Democracy and Support for Democracy in Malawi." Insight on Africa 11, no. 1 (2018): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087818814913.

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Matters of satisfaction with and support for democracy have been at the centre of discussion regarding the survival and quality of democracy in Africa since the early 1990s. While the dominant discourse claims that support for democracy keeps on increasing with time, African countries have somewhat deviated from this path. Thus, African countries have had decreasing levels of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy since the third democratisation wave of the early 1990s. This article takes interest in the trends of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy with the ob
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O’Dwyer, Shaun. "Confucian Democrats, Not Confucian Democracy." Dao 19, no. 2 (2020): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11712-020-09719-y.

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Bermeo, Nancy. "Reflections: Can American Democracy Still Be Saved?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (2018): 228–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218818083.

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This article reflects on whether the erosion of democracy in the contemporary United States can be halted. Using the cases and conclusions from McCoy and Somer’s eleven country collective project, it argues that democracy’s decline is not inevitable. A case for cautious optimism emerges from analyzing the coalitions around democracy’s disassemblers and democracy’s defenders. The actors disassembling democracy have activated cleavages and adopted a style of rule that exacerbates fault-lines on the Right. The actors defending democracy have thus far done what’s needed to eventually build the sor
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Shaveko, N. A. "The Epistemic Theory of Democracy." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 14, no. 5 (2025): 56–63. https://doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2024-14-5-56-63.

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At the beginning of the 21st century, some Western political theorists tried to justify democracy in an epistemic way. They wanted to prove that democracy leads to the most correct political decisions. Consequently, it is reasonable to say that a new normative theory of democracy has emerged — the epistemic theory. The article demonstrates that the existing epistemic justifications of democracy are presented in the forms of rational/moderate epistemic proceduralism (D. Estlund et al.), pure epistemic proceduralism (F. Peter), as well as in other forms, for example reliability democracy (S. Pri
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Kaminski, Ricardo S. "DEMOCRACIA RADICAL E PODER NA TEIA GLOBAL DOS INDIGNADOS: horizontes de uma nova cultura política no século XXI." Revista Políticas Públicas 18 (August 5, 2014): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v18nep241-255.

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Constituindo uma teia transnacional de movimentos antissistêmicos, desde 2011 novos atores sociais colocam na pauta contemporânea a discussão sobre o poder e a democracia. Ao questionarem a democracia liberal representativa, propõem um igualitarismo democrático radical que interpela sobre as possibilidades da reinvenção da democracia a partir de novas gramáticas sociais. Tais movimentos desenvolvem dimensões simbólicas e práticas características da cibercultura, em espaços ainda não consolidados no âmbito das instituições contemporâneas. Assim, este artigo apresenta, como eixo central, a cultu
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Gagnon, Jean-Paul. "2,234 Descriptions of Democracy." Democratic Theory 5, no. 1 (2018): 92–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2018.050107.

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In 2010 Milja Kurki explained that although scholars recognize that democracy is described in a variety of ways, they do not typically engage with its many and diverse descriptions. My aim in this agenda-setting research note is to tackle this quandary by first providing a minimum empirical account of democracy’s descriptions (i.e., a catalogue of 2,234 adjectives that have been used to describe democracy) and secondly by suggesting what democracy studies may gain by compiling this information. I argue that the catalogue of descriptors be applied in four ways: (1) drilling down into the meanin
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Albertus, Michael. "Landowners and Democracy." World Politics 69, no. 2 (2017): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000277.

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Are large landowners, especially those engaged in labor-dependent agriculture, detrimental to democratization and the subsequent survival of democracy? This assumption is at the heart of both canonical and recent influential work on regime transition and durability. Using an original panel data set on the extent of labor-dependent agriculture in countries across the world since 1930, the author finds that labor-dependent agriculture was indeed historically bad for democratic stability and stunted the extension of suffrage, parliamentary independence, and free and fair elections. However, the n
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Silva, Jonadabe Gondim. "A DEMOCRACIA, O LIBERALISMO E A ESQUERDA: perspectivas e contradições." Revista Políticas Públicas 19, no. 2 (2016): 411. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v19n2p411-421.

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Resumo: Este artigo trata das articulações entre a esquerda, a democracia e as diretrizes liberais que têm alcançado hegemonia no Ocidente nas últimas décadas, sendo determinante para o domínio classista burguês e sobre quais as perspectivas para a reconstrução da democracia em bases realmente igualitárias.Palavras-chave: Democracia, liberalismo, esquerda política.DEMOCRACY, LIBERALISM AND THE LEFT: perspectives and contradictionsAbstract: This article deals with the joints between the left, the democracy and the liberal policies that have achieved hegemony in the West in recent decades, being
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De Baets, Antoon. "Democracy and Historical Writing / Democracia y escritura de la historia." Historiografías, no. 9 (December 28, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.201592402.

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In this essay, we try to clarify the relationship between democracy and historical writing. The strategy is first exploring the general relationship between democracy and historical awareness, and then, studying the relationship between democracy and historical writing itself to find out whether democracy is a condition for science in general and for responsible historical writing in particular. We also investigate the reverse relationship by testing four claims: the zero thesis, the mirror thesis, the amplifier thesis, and the midwife thesis. The aim is to discover under which conditions hist
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WAGRANDL, ULRICH. "Transnational militant democracy." Global Constitutionalism 7, no. 2 (2018): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381718000084.

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Abstract:Ordinarily, militant democracy is about restricting the rights of those who threaten to overthrow the very democracy that guarantees these rights. Hence, militant democracy permits the defence of democracy by disarming its opponents. Turkey’s recent constitutional reform, which arguably is a move away from liberal democracy, forces militant democracy to face up to its transnational application. Can we use militant democracy’s tools to defend not our own, but another democracy? Maybe we can and even should. This article examines the two transnational manifestations of militant democrac
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Andrade de Morais, Lucas, and Lucia Santana de Freitas. "Relação democracia e meio ambiente: revisão integrativa da literatura de 1944 a 2019." Revista Jurídica da UFERSA 7, no. 13 (2023): 208–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21708/issn2526-9488.v7.n13.p208-237.2023.

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O objetivo deste artigo é compreender as construções discursivas da relação democracia e meio ambiente na literatura científica, por meio das denominações democracia verde, ecológica, sustentável e ambiental. O método de pesquisa utilizado foi a revisão integrativa, de artigos publicados, disponíveis na íntegra nas bases da Web of Science – WoS (da Clarivate Analytics) e Scopus® (da Elsevier), publicados entre 1944 e 2019, com o emprego dos descritores: environmental democracy, ecological democracy, green democracy e sustainable democracy. Foram encontrados 118 artigos, sendo destes selecionad
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DeCesare, Tony. "Catholic Social Thought and the Capability Approach." Journal of Catholic Social Thought 19, no. 2 (2022): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcathsoc202219216.

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Despite a growing body of literature that engages both Catholic social thought and the Capability Approach, little has been done to explore what these two traditions of thought might offer to a reassessment of the project of global democracy promotion. This essay brings Catholic social thought and the Capability Approach into conversation for this purpose. What emerges is a framework for thinking about and engaging in what the author calls democratic democracy promotion (DDP). DDP is based on a broadened conception of democracy and avoids a dogmatic commitment to the promotion of Western liber
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Saunders, Robert. "Doubtful democrats: Democracy in Britain since 1800." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (2019): 184–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835749.

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Over the ‘long’ 19th century, British politics underwent a quiet revolution: a revolution, not in its governing institutions, but in the ideas that underpinned them. In little more than a century, the idea of ‘democracy’—once a term of abuse, from which even radical politicians sought to disassociate themselves—established itself as the civic religion of British politics: the one authority against which there could be no court of appeal. Like other religions, democracy spawned a variety of sects and denominations, each of which sought to defend it against false democratic creeds: ranging from
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Levine, Daniel H. "Paradigm Lost: Dependence to Democracy." World Politics 40, no. 3 (1988): 377–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010218.

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AbstractAnalysis of transitions to democracy is marked empirically by democracy's own resurgent vigor, and theoretically by shifts away from focus on global political economy to concern with such political variables as organization or leadership, and study of their expression within national arenas. Contributors to Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Prospects for Democracy (edited by Guillermo O'Donnell, Phillippe Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead) explore these issues with special emphasis on how regime transitions begin and on possibilities for social, cultural, and economic democratizatio
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Fariñas Dulce, María José. "Neoliberalismo versus democracia = Neoliberalism versus democracy." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 14 (March 19, 2018): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4174.

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Kelliher, Rebecca. "Defensores de la Democracia (Democracy Fighters)." American Journalism 37, no. 1 (2020): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2020.1715739.

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Shattuck, John, and J. Brian Atwood. "Defending Democracy: Why Democrats Trump Autocrats." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 2 (1998): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048857.

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Asara, Viviana. "The Limits of Liberal Democracy." Democratic Theory 7, no. 1 (2020): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2020.070105.

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This critical commentary discusses Stephan Lessenich’s recent work on democracy. It argues that—to understand the structural boundaries of welfare capitalist democracy—we must critically unearth the limits of liberal democracy. This article first maintains that the absence of an economic democratization dimension is an outcome of liberal democracy’s shrinking of the meaning of the political. It next claims that defining democracy in terms of rights does not duly consider how these unfolded historically and recently, nor clarifies their relation with negative freedom. The article then contends
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Friberg, Anna. "Democracy in the Plural?" Contributions to the History of Concepts 7, no. 1 (2012): 12–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2012.070102.

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The article explores some of the composite concepts of democracy that were used in Sweden, primarily by the Social Democrats during the interwar years. Should these be seen as pluralizations of the collective singular democracy or as something qualitatively new? By showing how these concepts relate to each other and to democracy as a whole, the article argues that they should be considered statements about democracy as one entity, that democracy did not only concern the political sphere, but was generally important throughout the whole of society. The article also examines the Swedish parliame
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Hovey, Craig R. "Democracy beyond Democracy." Theology Today 61, no. 3 (2004): 355–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057360406100307.

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Volk, Steven. "“Democracy” Versus “Democracy”." NACLA Report on the Americas 30, no. 4 (1997): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1997.11722837.

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Schemeil, Yves. "Democracy Before Democracy?" International Political Science Review 21, no. 2 (2000): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512100212001.

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Uyangoda, Jayadeva, and Pradeep Peiris. "State of Democracy in Sri Lanka: A Preliminary Report." PCD Journal 1, no. 1-2 (2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25676.

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This paper is a preliminary report on citizens understanding and perceptions of democracy in Sri Lanka, as reflected in a survey carried out in 2004-2005. The survey was a part of a South Asian study covering Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka on the theme "State of Democracy and Human Security in South Asia." The report of the overall study has now been published as State of Democracy in South Asia: A Report (2008).In terms of methodology, the study had four methodological 'pathways'. They are (i) case studies, (ii) dialogues, (iii) qualitative assessments, and (iv) cross-secti
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Saward, Michael. "Enacting Democracy." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (2003): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00418.

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We do not need more ‘models of democracy’, but we do need a fresh view of democratic theory to take full advantage of deliberative, ecological, cosmopolitan and other innovations of recent years. Approaches such as these can be understood in terms of the devices they deploy – deliberative forums and cross-border referendums, for example, as well as more familiar elections and legislatures. Devices enact democratic principles; indeed, it is argued that principles gain their meaning and force through enactment. Devices can also be reordered in different ways; democrats can construct sequences wh
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Saward, Michael. "Agency, design and ‘slow democracy’." Time & Society 26, no. 3 (2015): 362–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x15584254.

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Can democracy be resilient in an increasingly ‘high-speed society’? Social acceleration, some critics argue, poses a serious threat to the idea and practice of democracy. Others invoke but do not develop the idea of ‘slow democracy’ as one important response to this threat. Despite its importance, the critique and response lack analytical depth. In this context, and in an effort to rebuild the debate on a stronger and more fruitful base, the article underscores the potential of political agency to shape democracy’s temporality and reframes ‘slow democracy’ as a challenge of democratic design.
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Ahlstrom-Vij, Kristoffer. "Why We Should Stop Fethishing Democracy." Journal of Philosophical Research 46 (2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jpr20211011179.

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Democracy is in trouble, and it is democracy’s own fault—that is Robert Talisse’s intriguing contention is his recent book, Overdoing Democracy: Why We Must Put Politics in its Place (2019). What gets democracy into trouble, according to Talisse, is the idea that a democratic form of government is intrinsically valuable, which in turn entails a deliberative conception of democracy that, in combination with the social-psychological fact of social sorting, leads to rampant polarization. According to Talisse, we therefore need to put democracy in its place by resisting the expansive view of the s
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Agustino, Leo, Mona Sylviana, and Mutia Kartika Andalus. "Executive Aggrandisement and Democratic Regression in Indonesia’s Jokowi Administration." JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 12, no. 2 (2023): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jispo.v12i2.24613.

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At the end of 2019, COVID-19 Pandemic has been devastated almost whole of human life sector, including politics and nations. COVID-19 Pandemic existence has urged the onset of misuse of power in several countries that have a weak democracy with “emergency policy” or “discretional rules”, as if it become an opportunity for the government to do the agenda-setting towards illiberal polict without having mobilization concern or opositions counter (Schenkkan 2020). This article aim to explore how executive’s power aggrandisement that was happened in the 2th period of Jokowi’s administrative as a co
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Syafriadi, Syafriadi. "Pelaksanaan Demokrasi dalam Sistem Ketatanegaraan Indonesia." UIR Law Review 1, no. 1 (2017): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/ulr.2017.1.01.539.

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Pelaksanaan demokrasi di Indonesia dalam praktiknya menghadapi kendala yang bersifat politis dan ideologis. Sungguhpun demikian demokrasi sudah menjadi pilihan politik yang diyakini sebagai salah satu bentuk sistem politik terbaik untuk mencapai efektivitas penyelenggaraan pemerintahan negara. Akan tetapi setelah merdeka, praktik kehidupan demokrasi masih mengalami pasang surut seiring dengan dinamika perkembangan politik di Indonesia. Secara konseptual pemikiran demokrasi yang berkembang di Indonesia dipengaruhi oleh perkembangan pemikiran demokrasi di luar Indonesia, khususnya pemikiran demo
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CLARKE, KEVIN A., and RANDALL W. STONE. "Democracy and the Logic of Political Survival." American Political Science Review 102, no. 3 (2008): 387–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055408080131.

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Although democracy is a key concept in political science, debate continues over definitions and mechanisms. Bueno de Mesquita, Smith, Siverson, & Morrow (2003) make the important claim that most of democracy's effects are in fact due to something conceptually simpler and empirically easier to measure than democracy: the size of the minimum winning coalition that selects the leader. The argument is intuitively appealing and supported by extensive data analysis. Unfortunately, the statistical technique they use induces omitted variable bias into their results. They argue that they need to co
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Būmeistere, Anete, and Kristaps Zariņš. "The development of early social democracy as an ideological and political alternative to Marxism from the perspective of rights and social justice." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 1, no. 31 (2025): 30–39. https://doi.org/10.25143/socr.31.2025.1.30-39.

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This article explores the rise of early social democracy in 19th-century England as an ideological and political alternative to Marxism, with a focus on rights and social justice. While Marxism emphasized class struggle and revolution, early social democrats sought gradual, legal reforms to improve working-class conditions. Scholars have often overlooked the legal and institutional contributions of early social democracy to the foundations of modern welfare states. This study fills that gap by examining how early social democrats conceptualized justice, equality, and reform through democratic
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BROWN, DAVID S., and AHMED MUSHFIQ MOBARAK. "The Transforming Power of Democracy: Regime Type and the Distribution of Electricity." American Political Science Review 103, no. 2 (2009): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409090200.

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Theory on democracy and its consequences turns on how democracy influences behavior among politicians and the citizenry. Ultimately, the literature seeks to determine who benefits under democratic rules. This is our concern, posed in a context that allows us to address a classic question: does democracy favor large but diffuse segments of society over small but concentrated interests? We employ sectoral electricity consumption data for a panel of 733 country-years to examine democracy's impact on the distribution of electricity across three sectors that represent distinct political interests:
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Bulman-Pozen, Jessica, and Miriam Seifter. "The Democracy Principle in State Constitutions." Michigan Law Review, no. 119.5 (2021): 859. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.119.5.democracy.

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In recent years, antidemocratic behavior has rippled across the nation. Lame-duck state legislatures have stripped popularly elected governors of their powers; extreme partisan gerrymanders have warped representative institutions; state officials have nullified popularly adopted initiatives. The federal Constitution offers few resources to address these problems, and ballot-box solutions cannot work when antidemocratic actions undermine elections themselves. Commentators increasingly decry the rule of the many by the few. This Article argues that a vital response has been neglected. State cons
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Brooks, Thom. "A Defence of Sceptical Authoritarianism." Politics 22, no. 3 (2002): 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00170.

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Vittorio Bufacchi argued in this journal that democracy was under threat from two extreme philosophical positions: totalitarianism and nihilism. Sandwiched between these polarities is liberal democracy. Bufacchi believes that one of liberal democracy's distinctive properties is an endorsement of scepticism, which he then attempts to illuminate. In contrast, this article will argue that an authoritarian government bound by a constitution permitting civil liberties might also adopt political scepticism. This removes the aforementioned distinctiveness of liberal democracy in this regard and, in a
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Pierson, Christopher. "Democracy, Markets and Capital: Are there Necessary Economic Limits to Democracy?" Political Studies 40, no. 1_suppl (1992): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb01814.x.

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This article reviews the neo-liberal case for economic limits to democracy, assesses the counterposed argument of socialists and social democrats and considers why the latters' practical experience in ‘democratizing economic life’ has been so unsatisfactory. The second half of the paper considers the claim that some form of market socialism can overcome these limitations. While the market socialists have some success in undermining the claims of the neo-liberals, there are acute difficulties in transforming their agenda for economic democracy into a practicable politics. At the same time, it i
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Gonzalez, Maria Gabriela. "Democracia y trabajo social: Una sociedad insoslayable." Debate Público 14, no. 28 (2024): 12. https://doi.org/10.62174/dpdp.10102.

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Resumen:El artículo plantea el vínculo entre la democracia como forma de organización política y el trabajo social como disciplina. Se analizan las dificultades que enfrentan, asociadas a los modos de concebir la política, en el caso de la democracia liberal, y de comprender y ejercer la profesión, a partir de obstáculos epistemológicos y pragmáticos que se abordan desde una perspectiva histórica. Se establecen relaciones entre la realidad política e institucional y la deriva del trabajo social y se sugieren desafíos urgentes que, en un todo asociados a los de nuestra democracia, condicionan l
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Moyn, Samuel, and Jean-Paul Gagnon. "Globalizing the Intellectual History of Democracy." Democratic Theory 7, no. 1 (2020): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2020.070107.

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Samuel Moyn provides insight into how the history of democracy can continue its globalization. There is a growing belief that the currently acceptable fund of ideas has not served the recent past well which is why an expansion, a planetary one, of democracy’s ideas is necessary – especially now as we move deeper into the shadow of declining American/Western imperialism and ideology. Deciding which of democracy’s intellectual traditions to privilege is driven by a mix of forced necessity and choice: finding salient ground for democracy is likely only possible in poisoned traditions including Eu
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Jin, Darren Yutang. "Between Political Meritocracy and Participatory Democracy: Toward Realist Confucian Democracy." Culture and Dialogue 8, no. 2 (2020): 251–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683949-12340086.

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Abstract In this article, I examine the textual underpinnings of participatory Confucian democracy and Confucian meritocracy and propose realist Confucian democracy as an alternative following a balanced reading of classic Confucianism. I argue that Confucian plebeian values do not square with the political meritocrats’ (Daniel A. Bell and Tongdong Bai) advocacy for meritocratic rule while Confucian elitist values undermine participatory democrats’ (Sor-hoon Tan and Stephen Angle) ardor for justifications of active democratic participation. A shared difficulty with both groups is that they ten
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Scully, Matthew. "Democratic Aesthetics: Scenes of Political Violence and Anxiety in Nari Ward and Ocean Vuong." American Literature 93, no. 4 (2021): 685–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-9520236.

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Abstract By attending to art and writing that interrogates US citizenship and state violence, this essay foregrounds the structural antagonism between democracy as an instituted form of rule, which depends on inegalitarian hierarchies, and democracy’s egalitarian drive. It argues that the realization of democracy as a form of governance (consensus democracy) occurs by substituting the rule of a part for the whole, which violently forces democracy’s constitutive figures to conform to and negotiate its organizing logics. Nari Ward’s We the People (2011) allegorizes this inherent tension in democ
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Scheffs, Łukasz. "Marketing polityczny w ponowoczesnym świecie Refleksja nad stanem demokracji liberalnej na początku XXI wieku." Świat Idei i Polityki 12, no. 1 (2013): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201309.

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Whether we are incapacitated? Whether active until recently citizens believed that democracy has become a fully democratic. I’m thinking that political marketing give them believed that democracy has become a fully democratic? If citizens believe in this, will be this the end of democracy. Do the citizens of the twenty-first century, ceased to be democrats, and politics has become noisy and color then fair marketing and propaganda. I try answer for this questions in this article.
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Ferrara, Federico. "Thailand: minimally stable, minimally democratic." International Political Science Review 32, no. 5 (2011): 512–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512111418080.

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This article, forming part of this volume’s effort to map the qualities of democracy in Asia, describes Thailand (as of mid-2011) as a formal democracy devoid of each of the ‘qualities’ that promote democracy’s full realization. Aside from offering an overall descriptive assessment, the article seeks to explain the relationship between the various qualities of democracy observed in Thailand over the past decade. While Thaksin Shinawatra’s tenure in office (2001–2006) offers a compelling illustration for the proposition that ‘not all good things go together,’ virtually every dimension of the ‘g
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