Teses / dissertações: "EU CFSP"

1

Hadvabova, Jana. "Contentious Issues of Foreign Policy in EU Negotiations. : Merging Liberal Intergovernmentalism and Negotiation Theory". Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-5499.

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An elementary precondition for the EU Member States to act coherently in the field of foreign policy is to reach a common standpoint on particular issues of the CFSP. Due to the intergovernmental character of decision-making in the sphere of the CFSP, the Member States reach a common position primarily through negotiations. In this regard the thesis focuses on an analysis of the EC/U Member States negotiations about two politically highly controversial foreign policy issues – the Yugoslav recognition crisis of 1991 and the Iraqi crisis of 2002/2003.

Developing a theoretical model of analysis based on merging Moravcsik’s liberal intergovernmentalism and negotiation analysis the author seeks to examine and explain the outcomes of these negotiations, while emphasising the necessity to view negotiation as a process throughout which a variation in certain factors can occur and hence influence the outcomes of negotiation in a decisive way.

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2

Nilsson, Viktoria. "EU Counterterrorist Sanctions and Individual Rights : An Examination of the Potential Difference in Level of Protection within the AFSJ and CFSP". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-250278.

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The AFSJ is an area of law developed through the purpose of creating and withholding internal security and justice. This area is of vast importance due to both the realization of an internal market and a Union without internal borders. The CFSP is an area dealing with foreign policy, thus focusing on the security, defense and diplomatic action relating to third countries. There are extensive constitutional differences between the two areas of law. In terms of individual protection, the AFSJ has as one of the main purposes to provide the Union with an effective judicial system, where the right for a fair trial has a central role. In the CFSP, on the other hand, the original premise is that there is no protection for the individual. The main idea is that political aims concerning security and other relations to third countries governs the CFSP and triumph other aspects such as individual rights. Thus, individual rights have had a different development within the two areas. The protection has, however, developed in both of the areas, especially since the introduction of the Lisbon Treaty. The Kadi I case have had a vast impact on this development and showed that there used to be a lack of a clear legal basis for the adoption of counterterrorist sanctions and also noted the lack of judicial protection for the individuals. The case showed that the EU did not satisfy fundamental human rights. The Lisbon Treaty introduced two explicit legal bases in Articles 75 and 215 TFEU. This work shows, that the pre-existing problems concerning the legal basis still exist due to the unclear scope of application for the two articles. This renders problems of constitutional character and harms the effectiveness of the counterterrorist policy. The Bamba case shows, that there is a difference in level of protection within Article 215 TFEU. The case did not concern counterterrorism measures but still has an impact on the overall impression of the level of the protection within the CFSP. This case further shows that counterterrorism is a field that is highly influenced by the AFSJ. The seemingly strong emphasis of individual rights within this area could, thus, in connection to the strong link between the AFSJ and the CFSP in terms of terrorism, have lead to a higher level of rights that otherwise don’t exists within the CFSP. To conclude, even if there is no stated difference in level of protection, it has been shown that a practical difference in level of protection does in fact exist.
Området för frihet, säkerhet och rättvisa (AFSJ) har utvecklats utifrån syftet att skapa och upprätthålla intern säkerhet och rättvisa. Detta område är således betydelsefullt för skapandet av en fungerande inre marknad och av en Union utan inre gränser. Området för en gemensam utrikes- och säkerhetspolitik (GUSP) är ett område som hanterar EUs externa relationer, med fokus på säkerhet och diplomatiska förbindelser. Det råder stora konstitutionella skillnader områdena emellan. I fråga om individers rättigheter, så utgör dessa, inom ramen för en straffrättslig kontext, ett utav AFSJs mest grundläggande syften. Inom GUSP däremot, har utgångspunkten varit att det inte finns något rättsligt skydd för individen. Det övergripande syftet inom GUSP uppnås i huvudsak genom politiska mål gällande relationerna till tredje länder, där skyddet för individen prioriteras bort. Individens rättigheter har således haft en olik utgångspunkt inom de respektive områdena. Skyddet för individen har dock utvecklats inom såväl AFSJ som inom GUSP, framförallt sedan Lissabonfördragets ikraftträdande. Kadi I-fallet har haft stor betydelse för utvecklingen av individens skydd i terroristsammanhang och visade på avsaknaden av en tydlig rättslig grund som fanns inom EU, samt det bristfälliga individskydd som rådde. Fallet visade att EU inte upprätthöll grundläggande skydd för individen. Lissabonfördraget introducerade två uttryckliga rättsliga grunder för antagandet av anti-terroristsanktioner: artiklarna 75 och 215 TFEU. Detta arbete visar att de problem som fanns gällande de rättsliga grunderna innan Lissabonfördragets ikraftträdande, fortfarande i viss mån lever kvar, då artiklarna har ett vagt tillämpningsområde. Detta skapar konstitutionella problem och motverkar effektiviteten av anti-terroristarbetet. Bamba-fallet visar att det råder en skillnad i nivån av individens rättigheter inom artikel 215 TFEU. Fallet rör inte anti-terroristsanktioner, men kan likväl påverka helhetssynen av individens skydd inom GUSP. Vidare belyser fallet AFSJs höga grad av påverkan av anti-terroristarbetet, vilket tyder på att AFSJ har en inverkan även på nivån av individskyddet inom GUSP. Även om det inte finns en uttrycklig nivåskillnad så kan en skillnad utrönas i praktiken.

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3

Bohatová, Martina. "Neutralita Švédska jako členského státu EU". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-74716.

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Sweden is currently viewed as a small country of North Europe. However, it can be proud of a long historical tradition with a number of political successes -- the fact that there has not been a war for more than two hundred years due to neutrality can be considered as the biggest one. The neutrality is perceived as a politico-security conception. The thesis tries to sum up the perception of Swedish neutrality, to chart its changes in time and to measure its compatibility with the EU membership through the observation of the Swedish foreign policy, the participation in Common Foreign and Security Policy, Common Security and Defence Policy and the preparation of the EU Council Presidency. The aim is to confirm the hypothesis that Sweden is due to changes in the perception of neutrality concept the full member of the European Union also in such complex things as Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Common Security and Defence Policy.

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4

Petersson, Emmy. "The EU Foreign Policy". Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Social and Health Sciences (HOS), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-1015.

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This dissertations aims to examine the EU Foreign Policy, and more precisely map the High Representative (HR) and his impact on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in the EU. Using two theoretical frameworks, leadership theory and institutional theory, the study tests the explanatory power of these theories to explain the HR and his impact on the CFSP. The study is limited to a period of time, from November 2002 until December 2003, when several different events took place within the framework of the CFSP. The conclusion indicates that both leadership theory and institutional theory can help explain the development and outcomes of the CFSP.

Keywords: EU foreign policy, Common Foreign and Security Policy, High Representative of the CFSP, European Security and Defence Policy, Iraq war, European Security Strategy

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5

Lerer, Iotam Andrea. "Providing Arms and Weapons to Parties Involved in Civil Wars: The Legal Framework for EU Member States". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/273793.

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At a time when the majority of conflicts are non-international, providing arms to the legitimate government or to the opposition forces may influence and even determine the outcome of a civil war. It is, therefore, not surprising that such a provision is subject to a web of rules. This dissertation focuses on those applicable to the EU Member States, which arise from international, European, and domestic law. Sanctions regimes are an integral part of this legal framework. Of primary importance are, naturally, sanctions adopted by the Security Council under Chapter VII, but also the more controversial EU restrictive measures are accounted for. The dissertation aims to clarify to whom EU Member States can legally provide arms and weapons during a civil war. This investigation is justified also in light of the positions adopted by individual EU Member States vis-a-vis the conflicts in Libya, Syria, and Yemen, three conflicts particularly relevant in political and economic terms for the EU and its Member States. By analysing these three case studies and putting the whole legal framework to the test the dissertation sheds light on how EU Member States justify their intervention. The adoption of these specific case studies allows for the assessment of their positions both when they provide arms to parties that intervene on request of the legitimate government and when they provide support to opposition forces. Despite being EU Member States subject to common European rules on arms exports and being all party to the Arms Trade Treaty, their practice is far from uniform. The result of these differences is far-reaching and has an impact not only on the civil war where the arms are provided but also on the EU.

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6

Jonshult, Patrick. "LEGAL BASIS CONFLICTS REGARDING EU EXTERNAL ACTIONS : Upholding the key properties of the CFSP and the AFSJ provisions when negotiating and concluding international agreements". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-266941.

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Since the competence provided in the CFSP and the AFSJ areas in certain situation can overlap, issues have arisen in the recent case law and literature concerning the choice of legal basis. The provisions of the two policy areas concern important international areas and the institutional balance, which is based on what legal basis is chosen, leads to a number of institutional consequences such as division of power between the Member states and the Union’s institutions. The idea behind this paper is to display an ample and just picture of a complicated situation in order to highlight the issues at hand that have arisen due to the complexness of the legal framework. If one of the policy areas are chosen as the correct legal basis, different rules in the treaty applies, which leads to different distribution of power since different institutions in EU play different roles depending on legal basis. The purpose of this work is therefore to analyse the external dimension of the AFSJ and the CFSP rules and examine how the correct legal basis can be determined by the legislator at the same time as the Member States and the EU’s ability to fulfil their objectives and goals is not undermined.

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7

Fält, Lovina. "EU:s kamp mot terrorism : En kvalitativ textanalys om unionens samordning av RIF och GUSP till följd av terror". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-96085.

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This essay examines the institutional coherence between the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the field of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA), in order to combat jihadist terrorism. Coordinated instruments between the two policy areas are vital in order to maintain internal security within the European Union (EU) in its war against terrorism. However, as a result of several terrorist attacks in 2015, discussions surrounding the disintegration of the union have increased. This is paradoxical when looking at the strengthening of CFSP, an intergovernmental policy area, after 2015. By analysing the measures taken by the EU to counter terrorism in the wake of the terror attacks in Paris and Brussels in 2015 and 2016, it shows that CFSP-actors are becoming increasingly important in developing EU’s anti-terror policy. The result mainly concerns intelligence sharing and formal diplomacy, which blurs the boundaries between internal and external security. The result was achieved through a qualitative theory-consuming case study using neo-functionalism as a theory. The following research questions were asked: ‘’Has the CFSP, together with the JHA, been coordinated in a supranational manner to counter future terrorism in the wake of the terror attacks in Paris and Brussels 2015-2016?’’ and ‘’What driving forces can be identified for, or against, a supranational policy between the JHA and CFSP, from a neo-functional perspective?’’

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8

Nilsson, Simone. "Ömsesidighet som skapande av inflytande i EU? : En idéanalytisk fallstudie om småstaters inflytande över beslutsprocessen i GUSP". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-64940.

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This thesis studies the impact of small states in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in EU. The organisation of EU contains an interdependent power relationship between all countries. The aim of this study is to examine how this interdependence affect the influence of small states. Two theoretical framework are used. The first by Robert Keohane och Joseph Nye that developed the theoretical definition of interdependence, while the second one by Søren Christensen and his definition of direct and indirect power. The analytical model contains four hypothesis concerning asymmetrical and vulnerable interdependence, as well as direct- and indirect power. Through a case study of Sweden and Finland the conclusion is that small states have influence in CFSP, but it is limited due to bigger states with much more resources and the geographical position of the countries that creats asymmetrical interdependence. However, Sweden and Finland have influence in the decision-making in CFSP through vulnerable interdependence because of their many international defence cooperations with different organizations that strengthen their national position in the international political system. Also, the formal process of decision-making in CFSP enable direct and indirect power of small states. Therefore, the final conclusion is that small states have influence in CFSP even though is its limited in some aspects.

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9

Gross, Eva. "The Europeanization of foreign policy? : the role of the EU CFSP/ESDP in crisis decision-making in Macedonia and Afghanistan". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2934/.

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10

Gair, Jonathan Mark. "Evaluating EU-Russian Relations: The Intersection of Variable Geometry and Power Pragmatism". Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1240442669.

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11

Tetřev, Matti. "Nástroje vnější reprezentace EU: Evropská politika sousedství". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264531.

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The main topic of this master thesis is instruments of the EU external representation specifically in case of the European Neighborhood Policy. As the theoretical part this thesis uses forming the external united position of the European countries after the World War II through the key documents adopted in the framework of the European integration, ending with the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty that creates the contemporary instruments for the external representation of the EU. The research question of this thesis is whether in the context of the European Neighborhood Policy is the united position of the EU Member States. The case study of the European Neighborhood Policy combines elements of both quantitative and qualitative research.

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12

Bak, Agata. "Sweden's Ascending Normative Role in EU? Sweden’s endeavours towards European Conflict Prevention Programme". Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Social and Health Sciences (HOS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-2560.

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13

Walldén, Dean, e Martin Woxö. "Militariseringen av EU : Varför valde Sverige att ingå i Pesco?" Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för ekonomi, teknik och naturvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-39842.

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Med anledning av den förändrade säkerhetsmiljön i Europa startade en process som syftade till att öka samarbetet inom säkerhets- och försvarsområdet inom EU. Detta försvarssamarbete kallas det Permanenta strukturerade samarbetet (Pesco) och innebär ett mer upptrappat och konkret militärt samarbete än tidigare inom EU. Genom ett medlemskap i Pesco förbinder sig medlemmarna till att mer intensivt utveckla sin egen försvarskapacitet inom forskning och anskaffning av försvarsmateriel, men även att uppbringa och bibehålla en stark försvarsbudget. Vidare ska även medlemstater bidra med stridsgrupper i beredskap för insatser inom EU:s ram. Hur kan vi förstå logiken i att Sverige ingår med i ett mer bindande försvarssamarbete som Pesco. Syftet med denna studie är att identifiera bakomliggande drivkrafter för att förstå varför Sverige beslutade att ingå i Pesco. Denna fallstudie har nyttjat ett teoretiskt perspektiv som utgått ifrån Graham Allisons konceptuella modeller för att identifiera dessa bakomliggande drivkrafter. Genom en kvalitativ textanalys studeras materialet i denna fallstudie bestående av regeringens proposition gällande deltagande i Pesco, Försvarsutskottets betänkande gällande Pesco och förvarspolitisk inriktning 2016-2020. För att komplettera textmaterialet har även mailintervjuer genomförts med strategiskt utvalda informanter i form av riksdagsledamöter och stabsofficerare i Försvarsmakten. Studiens slutsatser påvisar att de bakomliggande drivkrafterna för beslutet var flera. Den främsta drivkraften var att Sverige sedan tidigare ratificerat EU:s solidaritetsklausul och uttalat en solidaritetsförklaring gentemot övriga medlemstater i EU. Genom att ingå i Pesco förväntas det öka Sveriges trovärdighet som medlemsstat i EU. En ytterligare drivkraft var att ingå i Pesco i ett tidigt skede i syfte att forma samarbetet och ha inflytande i den riktning som Sverige anser var förenliga med militär alliansfrihet, samt att fortsatt driva den mellanstatliga prägel som samarbetet nu innehar. En drivkraft var också att bygga upp det nationella försvaret, öka den operativa förmågan och stärka totalförsvaret genom försvarssamarbetet. En majoritet av Riksdagens partier var överens om Sveriges ingående i Pesco, detta på grund av tidigare beslutad Försvarsinriktningsperiod 2016-2020 som också var en bärande drivkraft till varför Sverige valde att ingå i Pesco.
In response to the changing security environment in Europe a process started aimed at increasing cooperation in the security and defence area within the EU. This defence cooperation is called the Permanent structured cooperation (Pesco) and means a more gradual and substantial military cooperation than before in the EU. Through a membership in Pesco, the members commit to more intensively develop of its own defence capabilities in research and acquisition of defence equipment, but also to obtain and maintain a strong defence budget. In addition, the member states should also contribute with battle groups ready for military missions within the framework of the EU. How can we understand the logic of Sweden joining more binding defence cooperation like Pesco. The purpose of this study is to identify the underlying driving forces to understand why Sweden decided to join Pesco. This case study uses a theoretical perspective based on Graham Allison's conceptual models to achieve this purpose. Through a qualitative text analysis, the data that is studied in this case study consisting of Swedish government proposition and Defence committee report regarding Pesco and Defence bill 2016-2020. In order to widen the study, mail interviews were conducted with strategically selected informants. Those were members of the Swedish parliament and staff officers in the Swedish Armed Forces. The study concludes that the underlying driving forces for the decision were several. The main driving force was that Sweden previously ratified the EU solidarity clause and stated a declaration of solidarity in relation to other member states of the EU. By joining Pesco is also expected to boost Sweden's credibility as a member state of the EU. An additional driving force was to join Pesco at an early stage in order to forge cooperation and have influence in the direction in which Sweden considers compatible with own military nonalignment, and also to continue to drive the intergovernmental nature that Pesco now holds. An additional driving force was also building up the national defence, increase the operational capacity and strengthen the armed forces through the defence cooperation. A majority of the parliamentary parties agreed on joining Pesco because of the previously decided defence bill 2016-2020, which also considers as a driving force for why Sweden chose to join Pesco.

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14

Rogers, Lauren. "(Re)Writing History: How Germany and France Create and Project EU Narratives Abroad". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-360375.

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‘Narrative’ has become such a pervasive term in media and political jargon that its theoretical backbone has become harder to trace. With this in mind, this thesis seeks to contribute to the theoretical understanding of narratives in international relations research, with a focus on the European Union. This thesis begins with a discussion on narratives in the international system, what kinds of power they exert, and how they provide structure. This will lead into the conceptual debate of narratives as tools vs narratives as identity, which will in turn raise questions about how actors use narratives to maintain ontological security. Within the context of the EU, these questions are of particular relevance, as the struggle to create a narrative for the EU is well documented. Moreover, there remains a struggle to convince member states of the importance of an EU narrative identity. This thesis will examine the area of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) through the lens of narrative analysis. The case study of the formation and projection of the EU narrative on the Iran Nuclear Deal has been selected to determine whether or not member states in the EU are faithful to EU foreign policy narratives. An analytical framework has been developed based on strategic narrative theory and will be used to test narrative output from the EU, Germany, and France on the subject of the Iran Nuclear Deal. The results of this analysis will be considered using a reflexive approach. The goal of this research is not to implicate EU member states or to imply a lack of commitment to EU CFSP. Rather, this thesis seeks to demonstrate how deep-seated narratives affect even the closest of alliances. This thesis also seeks to encourage policy makers and scholars to consider the importance of narrative integration in EU research.

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15

Kalkan, Övgu. "Reading the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in terms of the issue of Terrorism : An analysis on the evolution of the CFSP of the EU under the issue of Terrorism". Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2707.

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In the post Cold-War era, world politics was transforming itself through its emerging complex issues such as terrorism and influential and interdependent actors such as the European Union. In this new era, the European Union was developing its Common Foreign and Security Policy pillar both to present a coherent and unified EU policy and to prove its political potent in order to become an influential actor on world politics. On the other side, security environment was also transforming its content through emerging actors and issues. As one of the most prominent actors of the world politics, the EU was influenced by the transformation of security environment, whose economic ‘soft power’ proved necessary but insufficient for being a global power in this emerging security environment. Insufficiency of economic power in solving security problems became more visible with the terrorist attacks of September 11 and March 11 which proved the seriousness of a globalized security threat posed by terrorism. After the events took place, the EU’s security approach and threat assessment have been transformed in which the issue of terrorism occupied more profound place by ‘securitization’ of its context. The Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU began to play more prominent role on EU policies together with incorporating the efforts on the issue of fight against terrorism both to EU’s external relations and to its security dimension. Therefore, in this study, the author analyzes the research question of the development of the CFSP of the EU together with the impact of the issue of terrorism in this transforming security environment. Since examination of such a complex security issue necessitates multidimensional approach, then liberal and realist theories are used as complementary analytical instruments guiding the theoretical framework of the study.

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16

Sevinc, Tugba. "The Eu As A Security Actor In The Post-cold War Era: A Civilian And/or Military (strategic) Actor In Crisis Management?" Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608003/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to analyze whether the EU can be considered as a &lsquo
limited&rsquo
military/strategic actor or as a civilian actor in the Post-Cold War international security architecture. In this framework, the impacts of the September 11 terrorist attacks and the US-led war in Iraq on the EU crisis management capabilities are analyzed more specifically. In this framework, firstly, the historical dynamics of European foreign and security policy from the Post-World War II period to the Post-September 11 period are analyzed. Secondly, the EU&rsquo
s changing role in the international arena together with its crisis management capability is evaluated. Thirdly, the EU&rsquo
s international actorness in the Post-September 11 era is discussed with a special reference to the US-led war in Iraq. In this general framework, following a brief analysis on reactions of the US and the EU against global terrorism, crisis management strategy of the EU during and after US-led war in Iraq is analyzed in detail. The last part allocated to, a critical analysis of the security actorness of the EU is made in order to conceptualize it and to draw a more theoretical framework. Moreover, it is mentioned in this thesis that while having triggering effect on the CFSP and ESDP, the 9/11 events and the US-led war in Iraq provides the emergence of new methods for crisis management and the European Security Strategy. Accordingly, considering the new international security context beginning with the end of Cold War period and transforming to another dimension by means of September 11 attacks, the main argument of this thesis is that the EU still tends to be a civilian actor as it was before and it is envisaged to be so in the foreseeable future despite its latest attempts to develop its common security and defence policies.

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17

Ivanovski, Hristijan. "A common defence for Europe". Israel Defence, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31255.

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One of the major analytical shortcomings regularly made by EU and NATO experts today lies with exclusively seeing the European defence project as a post-World War II (WWII) phenomenon and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as mainly a post-Cold War product. No analyst has so far seriously explored the idea of European defence predating WWII and the 20th century. Instead, since 1999 one frequently reads and hears about the ‘anomalous,’ ‘elusive’ CSDP suddenly complicating transatlantic relations. But the CSDP is hardly an oddity or aberration, and it is certainly not as mysterious as some might suggest. Drawing extensively from primary sources and predicated on an overarching evolutionist approach, this thesis shows that the present CSDP is an ephemeral security and defence concept, only the latest of its kind and full of potential. Drawing its deepest ideational roots from the (pre-)Enlightenment era, the CSDP leads to a pan-European defence almost irreversibly. A common defence for Europe is quite possible and, due to the growing impact of the exogenous (multipolar) momentum, can be realized sooner rather than later even without a full-fledged European federation.
May 2016

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18

Herolf, Gunilla. "France, Germany and the United Kingdom : cooperation in times of turbulence /". Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University [Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet], 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-227.

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19

Doty, Daniel Jonas. "European Union Foreign Policy Construction During the Yugoslav Wars Using the Multiple Autonomous Actors Decision Unit". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1312758521.

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20

Troshani, Taulant. "Effectivité et efficacité du système de protection des droits fondamentaux au sein de l’Union européenne". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOUL0128.

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L'Union européenne repose sur un ferme engagement à promouvoir et à protéger les droits de l'homme, la démocratie et l’État du droit dans le monde. Les droits de l'homme sont au cœur des relations de l'UE avec d'autres pays et régions. Cette thèse examine de manière approfondie les implications fondamentales résultant de la concurrence ou de la coopération entre les juridictions de Strasbourg et de Luxembourg à la lumière des derniers développements concernant le système de protection des droits fondamentaux au sein de l’Union européenne comme l’adhésion de l’Union européenne à la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme. La protection des droits de l'homme reste un sujet de discussion infinie. L’attitude générale à l’égard d’un catalogue plus exhaustif et contraignant des droits de l’homme est essentiellement positive, bien que les problèmes constitutionnels et juridictionnels d’un tel document contraignant ne puissent être ignorés
The European Union is built on a strong commitment to promoting and protecting human rights, democracy and the rule of law in the world. Human rights are at the heart of the EU's relations with other countries and regions. This thesis examines in detail the fundamental implications of competition or cooperation between the courts of Strasbourg and Luxembourg in the light of the latest developments concerning the system for the protection of fundamental rights in the European Union, such as the accession of from the European Union to the European Convention on Human Rights. The protection of human rights remains a subject of infinite discussion. The general attitude towards a more exhaustive and binding catalog of human rights is essentially positive, although the constitutional and jurisdictional problems of such a binding document can not be ignored

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21

Kereselidze, Nino. "Foreign policy of the European Union towards the South Caucasus in 1992-2014". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6824.

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This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.

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Pickwick, Arran, e Jacob Sewelén. "The Impact of ESG Scores on Firm Performance: A Comparison of the European Market Before and After the 2008 Financial Crisis". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-448773.

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This study explores the impact of ESG Scores on firm performance and seeks to establish whether the impact increased since the 2008 financial crisis. This is done by performing regressions on ESG Scores, and the respective pillars of Environmental, Social, and Governance, and firm performance, measured as both accounting-based performance, using ROA, and market-based performance, using Tobin’s Q. The study adopts a quantitative approach, utilising a random-effects model to analyse panel data across two sample periods - a pre-crisis period, from 2003-2006, and a post-crisis period, from 2010-2019. In addition, t-tests were performed to see if the impact changed significantly from the pre-crisis to post-crisis period. The study analyses data from 218 firms from the STOXX Europe 600 index, with four smaller sub-samples. The results indicate that ESG Scores have a positive impact on firm performance, with market-based firm performance being significantly correlated both before and after the crisis. Accounting-based performance, however, was only significantly correlated with ESG Scores before the crisis. In addition, the Environmental pillar was positively correlated with both measures of performance before and after the crisis, and the same was true for the Social pillar, except for with post-crisis accounting-based performance. Interestingly, the Governance pillar was not significantly correlated with performance in any of the regressions. Finally, while the average ESG Score among the observed companies increased in the post-crisis period, the impact of ESG performance on firm performance did not change significantly. The results of this study are supportive of the stakeholder theory perspective over the principal-agent theory, and show that ESG performance does indeed positively impact firm performance. Future research could explore whether other events have played a significant role in the rising importance of ESG, or if the results of the present study can be replicated across different time periods and geographical regions.

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Ku, Mei-Chen, e 古美真. "A Study on German’s Role under the EU“CFSP”Mechanism". Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/62748908522179197601.

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碩士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
94
The principal reason for originating EU (European Unions) is to make priority benefit of hers members. EU hopes to integrate the opinions and abilities in the members of EU by CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy). Then EU can enhance hers influence in the international community. In geography, Germany located among UK, France and some East Europe countries. After Germany’s unification, she plays an important role by showing hers politic and economy power in EU. In this essay, I will discuss the influence of Germany’s unification to the EU CFSP. In order to investigate Germany’s attitude and position toward the EU CFSP, this essay chooses the Yugoslavia War, Kosovo War, and Iraq Crisis to make case study. According to Germany’s foreign policy during these Wars, it showed Germany’s vacillation in the foreign and security policy after unification, and the influence on EU CFSP. The European integration’s initial capability was to restrict Germany, as time goes by; it became a framework controlled by Germany. Due to Germany’s experience in the war, she knew that only through regional cooperation can achieve her national benefit. Therefore, Germany strived hard to put together EU into “One Voice” to global community. Germany pushed CFSP actively to compensate for the shortage of her foreign ability, and combined EU members’ opinion to strengthen EU’s power in international community. Although this policy was a complementary reform, Germany has evidently undergone a process of foreign policy learning during the 1990s, the upgrading of the European voice and capabilities in regional security issues presents Germany with a new set of priorities and policy choices. The decisions taken by the EU to develop a crisis reaction force were strongly backed by Germany. Hence, Germany has sought to influence EU foreign and security policy in the direction of non-military endeavors. Facing the new challenge in foreign and security cooperation, Germany, to be a great power in EU, must try to make a new image for CFSP, and should be more careful to design the Europe’s foreign and security cooperation in the future. Keyword: Germany’s Foreign Policy, European Integration, Common Foreign and Security Policy, Yugoslavia War, Kosovo War, Iraq Crisis

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Liao, Yung-Hsiang, e 廖詠祥. "A Study on Finland''s Participation in the EU''s CFSP". Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/63424518323373584560.

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碩士
淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
100
When amending neutral foreign policy after the end of the Cold War, Finland participated more actively in various international organizations to deal with regional and international affairs and to promote peace through the international cooperation. Finland is also actively involved in the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), especially by shaping and making substantial development for the Northern Dimension Policy and Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) since became a member of the EU on 1995. The CFSP is an intergovernmental cooperation mechanism; therefore I discuss this topic through the Neoliberal Institutionalism. Firstly, enhancing the national security is one of the main reasons for Finland to join the EU; secondly, the CFSP provides an important platform for Finland to contribute, both of the European Council and the Council of the EU are playing a decisive role in the EU''s foreign policy. Moreover, Finland once held the Presidency of the EU in 1999 and 2006, getting the chance to lead the two decision-making institutions, to influence the EU agenda and to provide impetus to the CFSP, so that Finland could promote the EU’s as well as its own interests. Finally, not only does Finland promote the EU’s and national interests by making good use of the CFSP regime, but the development of the CFSP affects Finnish foreign and defense policy as well. By acting together, Finland assists the EU in expanding its political strength on the one hand; and on the other hand, it not only enhance Finland’s status and prestige on the EU and international stage, but also ensure the security and development of Finland through the diplomatic and security cooperation among the EU Member States.

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Bezáková, Katarína. "Teoretická reflexia inštitucionálneho dizajnu Spoločnej zahraničnej a bezpečnostnej politiky EU po prijatí Lisabonskej zmluvy". Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-327489.

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The topic of this thesis is a theoretical analysis of the institutional design of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) after the adoption of the Lisbon treaty. The main aim of the thesis is to reveal the reasons explaining a development towards centralization of the policy-making process of the CFSP that the Lisbon treaty introduced. Centralization is equated with a delegation of sovereignty from member states to a supranational level - High Representative for the CFSP/European External Action Service. The thesis for this purpose tests three possible explanations built upon three main theories of international relations: the centralisation as a result of the 1.decreasing EU's relative military power (neorealism) 2.deteriorating collaborative problems (neoliberalism) and 3.increasing degree of Europeanization of the nation-state identities and interests of the member states (constructivism) within covered time period from 2001 to 2007. The thesis applies a qualitative method, it is a case study. The conclusion of the thesis is that there are two reasons for the development towards more centralized policy-making process of the CFSP after the Lisbon treaty. Firstly, it is the decreasing EU's relative military power (neorealism) and secondly increasing level of Europeanization of nation-state...

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Haugvic, Radek. "Společná zahraniční a bezpečnostní politika EU - právní aspekty". Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-348702.

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Topic of this diploma work is Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) - legal aspects. CFSP is one of policie sof EU based on intergovermental cooperation in foreign relations and defence policy which includes Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The second part of the diploma work describes history of CFSP from WW 2 to describing of Treaty on European Union (TEU). The third part of diploma work describe CFSP of EU in TEU from 90's to current wording. Main topics are instruments and institutions and voting procedure. Marginally I write something about Common Commercial Policy and Cooperation with Third States in the fourth part of diploma work. The last part of diploma work is about the CSDP and EU millitary and civil missions. The content of the work is about CFSP and related issues, therefore I write the basic information about CFSP below. CFSP (as Europian polical cooperation) was established in 70's in last century by member's states for cooperation in foreign policy. In 1992 CFSP was incorporated in TEU and built as authority of Union in second pillar. CFSP was novelised by Amsterdam Treaty and Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty as last novelisation. Today is cancelled the Three Pillar structure and CFSP is classified in other external action of EU. Treatment of external action is divided between...

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27

Bono, Giovanna. "The European Convention and Common Foreign and Security Policy: more defence, less scrutiny?" 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2333.

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By adopting a multilevel approach to understanding decisions taken in security and defence policies by European member states, the paper argues that the development of the European Security and Defence Policy, the proliferation of ad-hoc coalitions of the willing, and the subcontracting of security tasks from the UN has worsened the challenge of parliamentary accountability in foreign, security and defence policies. The paper evaluates how the European Convention has sought to bridge the parliamentary accountability gap in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and in European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The outcomes of the Convention on the future of Europe are not meeting its initial ambition to put foreign, security and defence policy among the priorities for the European Union¿s constitutional design. CFSP will become more integrated, on an intergovernmental rather than supranational model and under the large states¿ control. The major innovation is the creation of the position of Foreign Affairs Minister whose autonomy remains still uncertain, especially in his/her relationship with the President of the European Council. ESDP¿s operational capabilities and scope are both extended while coalitions of the willing are institutionalised and a defence core group could emerge. The contrast remains between a slower integration of CFSP and a faster progress of ESDP. Given the significance of proposals in ESDP, the new powers proposed by the European Convention to be given to national parliaments and the European Parliament in this policy area are too weak to close the existing parliamentary accountability gap.

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Šaturová, Gabriela. "Analýza legitimity sankcí EÚ". Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-347354.

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Political legitimacy has often been addressed in terms of the legitimacy of actors, while the legitimacy of policies as such is relatively neglected. This thesis argues that an analytical distinction between the categories of the actor and its action is necessary, since an actor's legitimacy does not automatically imply the legitimacy of its behaviour; furthermore, in real social discourse, actions are not exempt from legitimacy judgments. The ambition of the thesis is to make use of this research gap and to examine one of the most important tools of the EU's foreign policy by means of an analytical framework of political legitimacy. The selected cases are the current episode of CFSP sanctions against Russia; "appropriate measures" under the ACP Partnership agreement against Zimbabwe; and the informal arms embargo against China. Sanctions dealt with in the first two cases are deemed legitimate, while the arms embargo on China failed to meet the legitimacy criteria. Apart from the findings on legitimacy, two major conclusions can be drawn from the analysis: The lack of internal coherence is impairing the legitimacy of the EU's political measures; and the imposition of sanctions through an institutionalised political framework enhances their transparency in contrast to informal measures.

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Angers, Kathleen. "Intégration européenne et pratique diplomatique : l’expérience autrichienne (1987-2009)". Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4520.

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Ce mémoire vise à élucider les implications de l’intégration européenne pour les diplomaties nationales. À partir d’une approche sociologique axée sur les pratiques des individus, une étude de cas est menée sur la diplomatie autrichienne, pour la période allant de 1987 à 2009. S’appuyant sur une vingtaine d’entretiens conduits en 2009 à Vienne, cette étude rend compte, d’une part, des changements engendrés par l’intégration européenne de l’Autriche au regard des pratiques et des représentations de ses diplomates concernant la politique de neutralité. D’autre part, nous relatons le processus d’adaptation des diplomates et du ministère des Affaires étrangères autrichiens aux exigences pratiques et aux dynamiques sociales de l’interaction diplomatique au sein de l’Union européenne (UE). En somme, notre étude montre que les diplomates impliqués dans la gestion des affaires (tant internes qu’externes) de l’UE convergent autour d’un certain nombre de règles et de représentations sociales; cette dynamique a des implications substantielles pour les diplomaties nationales intégrées relativement tardivement dans l’UE, comme ce fut le cas pour l’Autriche.
This master’s thesis seeks to analyse the implications of European integration for national diplomacy. Using a sociological approach premised on individuals’ practices, I undertake a case study, spanned between 1987 and 2009, on the Austrian diplomatic corps. This study - which draws upon interview material collected in Vienna in 2009 – recounts the changes brought by European integration for Austrian diplomats’ practices and representations of neutrality, the latter being a core tenet of Austria’s diplomacy during the Cold War. We also concentrate on the adaptation process undergone by Austrian diplomats and their foreign ministry regarding the social dynamics at play in diplomatic interaction within the European Union (EU). Overall, I argue that diplomats involved in the daily management of EU business (either internal or external affairs) converge on a set of rules and social representations; altogether this process amounts to substantial adaptation and change for a diplomatic corps joining the EU in 1995 like Austria’s.

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