Artigos de revistas: "EU CFSP"

1

Missiroli, Antonio. "EU Enlargement and CFSP/ESDP". Journal of European Integration 25, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2003): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0703633031000077190.

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Sertan, AKBABA. "Measuring EU actorness through CFSP and ESDP: civilian power EU". Ankara Avrupa Calismalari Dergisi 8, n.º 2 (2009): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/avraras_0000000245.

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Crowe, Brian. "Towards a European Foreign Policy". Hague Journal of Diplomacy 1, n.º 1 (2006): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119006x101843.

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AbstractThe Balkans have been the crucible of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). In the 1990s the appointment of David (Lord) Owen as a strong representative to manage the EU's Bosnian policy, the sidelining of the EU itself by the Contact Group, and American dominance at Dayton (what price 'this is the hour of Europe'?) and over Kosovo were important precursors to the important European Council decisions in June 1999 to appoint a high-profile international statesman as High Representative for the CFSP and to create the EU's own military capability in European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The Constitutional Treaty's further provisions, notably replacing the Presidency in external relations, will be sorely missed and will need to be brought back.ESDP is developing well, if modestly, and making a genuine contribution, mostly with a strong civ-mil component, in several parts of the world. The CFSP itself seems to be managing quite well. But the EU is not yet set up for serious 'events' or crisis management. Experience shows, and greater recognition is needed, that the EU (probably even with an EU Foreign Minister) needs to be represented by member states that carry conviction to outside interlocutors: some member states are inevitably more equal and carry greater weight than others, even if all have an equal voice. Since EU foreign policy is in large measure inescapably a function of US foreign policy, member states need to have a better common understanding among themselves about the nature of the transatlantic relationship. It will take confidence in the efficacy of the CFSP, to which all must give greater priority, before those member states that have alternatives will accept being bound to conducting their foreign policy (or being represented in the UN Security Council) through Brussels. at will take time and effort.

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Zelyova, Nadia. "Restrictive measures - sanctions compliance, implementation and judicial review challenges in the common foreign and security policy of the European Union". ERA Forum 22, n.º 1 (31 de março de 2021): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12027-021-00658-6.

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AbstractThis article provides a comprehensive overview of EU restrictive measures applicable within the EU, the competences and legal evolution which lead to the implementation of Common Foreign and Security Policy restrictive measures (CFSP sanctions), and considers procedural issues, developments in the latest case law, and the challenges of securing compliance with EU sanctions, which reach beyond the territory of the EU.

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Pomorska, Karolina. "The Impact of Enlargement: Europeanization of Polish Foreign Policy? Tracking Adaptation and Change in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs". Hague Journal of Diplomacy 2, n.º 1 (2007): 25–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119007x180467.

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AbstractThis article analyses the process of adaptation of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) to EU membership and participation in CFSP, both before and after EU accession. It addresses changes in organizational structure, but also in institutional culture and everyday practices. Despite the initial ambiguity, Polish decision-makers tend to perceive CFSP as an opportunity rather than a constraint on national foreign policy. It is argued that the turning point of the Europeanization process took place in 2003, when Poland became an active observer to the EU and its diplomats were allowed to attend meetings inside the Council. The article also identifies and analyses the gaps in experience and knowledge between the diplomats posted to Brussels and those that stayed in Warsaw. Finally, it examines the various challenges that EU membership held for the MFA and how they have been dealt with so far.

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Wessel, Ramses A. "The Dynamics of the European Union Legal Order: An Increasingly Coherent Framework of Action and Interpretation". European Constitutional Law Review 5, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 2009): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019609001175.

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Institutional and normative convergence – Common Foreign and Security Policy – Pillar Structure – External Relations – Role of the Court – Normative Consistency – EU Legal Order – Legal Nature CFSP – Treaty of Lisbon – Legal Instruments – Decision-Making

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Oleksiy, Kresin. "Institutional mechanism of EU peacekeeping". Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, n.º 31 (2020): 397–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2020-31-397-407.

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The aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, which has been going on for more than five years, has led to irreparable losses – the deaths of thousands of our country's defenders and civilians, immensely more people being maimed, tortured and inhumane, deprived of their housing and means of subsistence. The losses of infrastructure, economy and culture of the country are enormous. It is no exaggeration to say that the very existence of Ukraine as a sovereign state has been questioned, and the political, social, economic, psychological trauma already inflicted by Russian aggression will be felt for a very long time – not for years, but for generations. But the biggest challenge for Ukraine is that the algorithm for stopping aggression and restoring the territorial integrity of the state has not yet been invented. The use of international peacekeeping mechanisms is considered by many Ukrainian and foreign experts to be one of the means of achieving this goal. This prompts an appeal to the study of the institutional mechanism of the European Union's peacekeeping activity, as an organization actively involved in counteracting Russian aggression in Ukraine and having significant peacekeeping experience. The paper demonstrates that the institutional structure of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) has evolved for the most part over the last ten years (after the entry into force of the 2007 Lisbon Treaty) and is still partly in the making and cannot be considered as complete. The author argues that the CFSP in general, and in particular the Common Security and Defense Policy, is provided by both intergovernmental and supranational institutions, but decision-making and partly their implementation remain intergovernmental and require consensus on fundamental issues and the achievement of a complex qualified majority in their implementation, while common organs in this area is just of an executive nature.

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Eisenhut, Dominik. "Delimitation of EU-Competences under the First and Second Pillar: A View BetweenECOWASand the Treaty of Lisbon". German Law Journal 10, n.º 5 (1 de maio de 2009): 585–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200001231.

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Since the European Union (EU) agreed upon the extension of its activities to the fields of foreign, security, and criminal policy in the Maastricht Treaty, the question of the delimitation of those new areas of EU competence towards the “classical” policies under the Treaty of the European Community (TEC) has been present. The broad and rather vague scope of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in the so-called second pillar of the EU and the area of political cooperation covered by the third pillar presents several uncertainties. One such uncertainty is the relationship between the supranational legal order under the TEC and the more intergovernmental and diplomacy-based cooperation under the Treaty on the European Union (TEU). Although the EU was organized within a single institutional structure, the substantial differences with regard to voting procedures, competences of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the role of the European Commission rendered a clear separation of competences under the different pillars compulsory: CFSP remains beyond the jurisdiction of the ECJ; the Commission and the European Parliament have only marginal rights of participation; and the legal obligations under the second pillar cannot claim supremacy over national law or direct effect.

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Ruacan, Ipek. "A Study in State Socialization: Turkey’s EU Accession and CFSP". Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 7, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2007): 573–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850701726047.

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Hillion, Christophe. "Adaptation for autonomy? Candidates for EU membership and the CFSP". Global Affairs 3, n.º 3 (27 de maio de 2017): 265–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2017.1415505.

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Baciu, Cornelia-Adriana, e Alexandra M. Friede. "The EU’s CFSP/CSDP in 2030: Towards an alternative vision of power?" New Perspectives 28, n.º 3 (7 de julho de 2020): 398–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x20935245.

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This article argues that the lack of an effective, coherent and progressive EU grand strategy that is able to streamline efforts and produce collective goods, both at home and in the world, is culpable for the EU’s gradual decline until 2030. The lack of European-wide strategic thinking creates the conditions for an existential crisis of the EU. The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy/Common Security and Defence Policy is the most striking example: it fails to manage the EU27 expectations, build up sufficient military and civilian capabilities, deliver tangible results and, consequently, lacks credibility. This has repercussions for the EU’s level of ambition. Until 2030, more and more states drop out of EU initiatives and search for alternative fora to make their voices heard in international politics. The powerlessness of the EU also weakens its most important allies: the United States and NATO. This creates a power vacuum to be filled by more ambitious players, such as China or Russia, which seek to diffuse their view of global (dis)order. To avoid this future, we argue that the EU should (1) embrace an alternative vision of power, (2) strengthen the legitimacy of its internal and external policymaking and (3) engage strategically in global affairs on the basis of a firm commitment to NATO-EU cooperation.

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12

NAKANISHI, Yumiko. "EU competences of external relations and CFSP after the Treaty of Lisbon". EU Studies in Japan 2011, n.º 31 (2011): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5135/eusj.2011.127.

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CARDWELL, Paul James. "The Legalisation of European Union Foreign Policy and the Use of Sanctions". Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 17 (11 de novembro de 2015): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cel.2015.11.

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AbstractThis article explores the legalisation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU) and its increasing use of sanctions. It argues that the breadth and depth of the numerous sanctions regimes in place shows that EU foreign policy is not merely an aspiration but produces law and legal processes which share similarities with those in the rest of the EU’s legal order. Further, the article examines the extent to which non-EU Member States in Europe have aligned themselves with EU sanctions. The argument is made that this is evidence not only of Europeanisation, but also crucially of alegalisedforeign policy which has allowed Europe-wide, EU-led foreign policy to emerge.

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Ferreira-Pereira, Laura C. "As presidências portuguesas do Conselho da União Europeia: promovendo a "Europa global" em busca de relevância internacional". Relações Internacionais, n.º 68 (dezembro de 2020): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2020.68a04.

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This article examines the legacy of the three Portuguese Presidencies of the Council of the European Union (1992, 2000 and 2007) in the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). It places particular emphasis on the efforts undertaken by the national authorities to promote the EU’s global actorness as part of a strategy aimed at enhancing the country’s European credentials and international relevance. The study confirms the incremental prioritization of the CFSP/ESDP-related issues in the Portuguese EU presidencies’ agendas while concluding that, as a result of such tendency, one has witnessed the growing projection of Portugal’s vision of the European foreign policy.

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Hrubinko, Andrii. "Great Britain in European External and Security Policy: Review of Western Historiography". European Historical Studies, n.º 8 (2017): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.8-38.

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The article analyzes the achievements of Western historical science in research of the problem of Britain’s participation in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author classified scientific publications into three groups: 1) general works on the history of formation the EU’s CFSP; 2) publications on the history of participation the United Kingdom in European integration as a direction of European foreign policy of the state; 3) works, which devoted specifically to the topic of British participation in European foreign and security policy. The results of monitoring the leading foreign scientific publications, the most frequently published materials on European integration and European policy of the United Kingdom are presented. A list of leading scientific centers for the research of the identified issues is also presented. The historical experience of British involvement in the formation and implementation of the EU’s CFSP in Western historiography is mainly covered in general context of the British government’s position on European integration. It was stated that the United Kingdom’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union was included in the list topics of research of European (including British) and American scientists, but remains poorly developed. Major scientific developments by European continental and British researchers are presented. Instead, in American historiography, these issues, especially Britain’s role in the CFSP, haven’t been adequately researched. In British historiography, there is a marked opposition between the “Euro-skeptic” and “Euro-optimistic” (pro-European) paradigms. In the published works the analysis of theoretical and conceptual principles, strategic approaches of British governments to the foreign policy component of European integration prevails at different stages of its development. In all three historiographic groups preference is given to research the history of military-political cooperation within the EU, development of ESDP / CSDP. The issues of British participation in the EU CFSP in the period of D. Cameron’s government (2010-2016), practical foreign policy activities of the Community remain insufficiently researched. The topics of the role of British governments in shaping and developing the Eastern European policy of the EU and the Neighborhood policy remain though basically unexplored.

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Hrubinko, Andrii. "Britain’s Participation in Foreign and Security Policy of The European Union: Review of Russian Historiography". European Historical Studies, n.º 6 (2017): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.25-47.

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The article analyzes the achievements of Russian historical science in examining of scientific problem of the UK’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The author splits the scientific publications of Russian researchers into three groups: 1) general works on the history of the formation CFSP of the EU; 2) those on the history of the country’s participation in European integration as a separate direction of foreign policy; 3) works specifically investigating the participation of Great Britain in CFSP of the EU. In conclusions, a list of leading research academic and university centers of Russia for the research of this problem is given. The conclusions as well comprise a list of scientific issues which often publish articles on European politics of Great Britain. The critical analysis of the illumination of the proposed topic delivered in the publications of Russian historians is presented. It is noted that the issue of participation the UK in Common Foreign and Security Policy as a relatively new and specific direction of the EU development is a part of the research topics of the Russian historians, however, it hasn’t become a priority and remains insufficiently developed. This is evidenced by the absence of any kind of special publications. The historical experience of participation of the UK in developing and implementing the CFSP of the EU in the Russian historiography was mainly covered in the general context position of the British government in relation to the European integration. In the publications avaluable, the analysis of the theoretical-conceptual basics and strategic approaches of the British government to the foreign policy component of the European integration at different stages of its development remains predominant. The issues of participation of the official London in the specific projects of the EU’s foreign policy are insufficiently explored. The history of the country’s Eastern European policy is barely covered as well. The issues of participation of the Royal Armed Forces in the civil and military missions of the EU and military-technical cooperation states of the Union are unexplored either. The issues touching upon the policy of Gordon Brown’s and David Cameron’s governments on the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy are virtually unexplored.

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Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel. "Constitutionalization of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union: Implications of the Constitutional Treaty". German Law Journal 6, n.º 11 (1 de novembro de 2005): 1649–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014589.

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Many scholars of European integration have treated the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) as a specific area of the EU. This is due to the fact that CFSP, and before it the European Political Cooperation (which was a nucleus of CFSP), have remained primarily an intergovernmental framework, although other EC pillars evolved to a much higher supranational degree over the years. For some theorists of European integration it was a clear sign that foreign and security policy would always remain the realm of national governments, which occasionally were willing to coordinate their national interests. According to the old dictum of Stanley Hoffmann, this area of state activity belongs to so-called “high politics,” meaning that advanced integration in this field, in the sense of a creation of supranational institutions, will never materialize. This train of thought, called neo-realism in the discipline of International Relations, regards foreign policy as a highly controversial area guarded by national governments. This is so because foreign policy is essential to the survival of states and their citizens.

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Fouwels, Martine. "The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy and Human Rights". Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 15, n.º 3 (setembro de 1997): 291–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092405199701500303.

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The dispute between the European Union (EU) Member States which broke out over the EU resolution on human rights abuses in China during the 1997 session of the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) in Geneva focused attention on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The present article offers a comprehensive review of the functioning of this institution in the field of the promotion and protection of human rights since the coming into force of the Treaty on European Union in November 1993. 1

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MOOSUNG LEE. "The Implications of 2007 Enlargement for the CFSP of the EU". Journal of Korean Political and Diplomatic History 29, n.º 2 (fevereiro de 2008): 185–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.18206/kapdh.29.2.200802.185.

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Whitman, Richard G. "The UK and EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy after Brexit: Integrated, Associated or Detached?" National Institute Economic Review 238 (novembro de 2016): R43—R50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011623800114.

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None of the existing models for the future trade policy relationship between the UK and the EU come with a predetermined foreign and security policy relationship. This article assesses how the future EU-UK foreign and security policy relationship might be organised post-Brexit. It provides evaluation of the current EU-UK interrelationship in the fields of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and assesses the degree to which the UK is presently integrated into EU decision-making and implementation. It highlights that the UK needs to determine the degree to which it wants autonomy or even divergence from existing EU policies. The article concludes by rehearsing the costs and benefits of three possible future relationships between the UK and EU foreign, security and defence policy: integrated, associated or detached.

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21

Ruys, Tom. "The European Union Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime (EUGHRSR)". International Legal Materials 60, n.º 2 (4 de março de 2021): 298–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2021.8.

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On December 7, 2020, the Council of the European Union adopted two legal instruments, Council Decision (CFSP) 2020/1999 and Council Regulation (EU) 2020/1998, which together make up the new EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime (EUGHRSR). Similar to the U.S. “Global Magnitsky Act,” and in contrast with the EU's existing country-specific sanctions regimes, the EUGHRSR seeks to address human rights abuses worldwide, by providing for the imposition of travel bans as well as financial sanctions on individual human rights offenders—state and non-state alike. The list of designated (natural and legal) persons will be reviewed on a periodic basis.

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Plaza Garcia, Paloma. "Accession of the EU to the ECHR: issues raised with regard to EU acts on CFSP matters". ERA Forum 16, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2015): 481–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12027-015-0407-y.

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Koutrakos, Panos. "JUDICIAL REVIEW IN THE EU'S COMMON FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY". International and Comparative Law Quarterly 67, n.º 1 (11 de outubro de 2017): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589317000380.

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AbstractThe EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) was conceived of as an area ill-suited for full judicial review by the Court of Justice of the European Union. The Lisbon Treaty confers on the Court limited jurisdiction which the recent case law has interpreted in broad terms. This article will place this case law in the broader constitutional setting of the EU legal order and will provide a critical analysis of its implications for both the EU's and domestic courts. The analysis is structured on the basis of three main themes. The first is about the position of CFSP in the EU's constitutional architecture: the article will analyse the constitutional ambivalence that characterizes this position and how it is conveyed by the provisions of the Treaty on the European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union governing the Court's jurisdiction. The second theme is about the recent case law, and the integrationist approach that the Court of Justice has adopted to the scope of its jurisdiction. The third theme is about national courts: the article will argue that recent case law has been too quick to dismiss them, and that primary law renders them an essential part of the judicial review system governing CFSP.

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Stavridis, Stelios. "Confederal consociation and foreign policy: The case of the CFSP of the EU". Journal of European Integration 22, n.º 4 (novembro de 2000): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036330008429092.

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Piechowicz, Michal. "Intergovernmental Cooperation and the Idea of Community in the Institutional and Decision-making Sphere of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy". European Review 23, n.º 4 (22 de setembro de 2015): 540–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798715000290.

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The Treaty of Lisbon (TL) altered the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) not only in its institutional structure, but also in its function and decision making processes. These changes affected the competences of member states, other authorities, and their relationships. They also influenced the prospects for intergovernmental cooperation and the evolutionary development of communitisation phenomena within this policy.

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Wojnicz, Luiza. "Theoretical aspects in multi-level security management of the European Union in the framework of Security Sector Reform (SSR)". Przegląd Europejski, n.º 3.20 (1 de setembro de 2020): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.20.3.

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Governance is a way for society to get organised, take and implement decisions by means of mutual understanding, reaching agreements and taking actions. It works at every level and is visible in social, political and economic dimensions. It includes a range of instruments, principles, institutions and practical action. States, governmental and non-governmental entities with some competences in governance aim to boost development level and provide security to their citizens. The concept of multi-level governance (MLG) is a characteristic of the European Union (EU) and its areas, where it is capable of exercising its governance at many levels using sectorial internal and external policies. This article focuses on multi-level security management by the European Union within the concept of Security Sector Reform (SSR), dedicated to two sectorial external policies, i.e. the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CFDP). In this article, the author will attempt to explain what Security Sector Reform actually means for the European Union. For better understanding this analysis author adopted the multi-level governance theory to demonstrate how the SSR concept can be combined with MLG. The author put forward a thesis that, due to many similarities, i.e. in the EU approach to security management in external relations

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Foradori, Paolo, e Paolo Rosa. "Italy and the politics of European defence: playing by the logic of multi-level networks". Modern Italy 9, n.º 2 (novembro de 2004): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353294042000304965.

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SummaryThe article looks at the role of Italy in the decision-making arena of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), analysing the initiatives it put in place to address and influence the construction of a common defence. The article aims to explain the ability or inability of Italy to build up a consensus around its proposals. By studying two initiatives in the field of European defence and security, it seeks to determine the factors which resulted in the differing outcomes of Italian actions at the European level.

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Annen, Niels. "A strong and united Europe in the common foreign and security policy". New Perspectives 28, n.º 3 (31 de julho de 2020): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x20934969.

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We live in a changing and increasingly challenging world. The arc of insecurity around our borders to the south, the ongoing conflict in Syria, Iran’s nuclear ambitions, the Ukraine conflict and also a more assertive Russia to the east pose huge foreign and security policy challenges for the European Union. To address these challenges, we need a united EU foreign and security policy that is fit for purpose. The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) has vast untapped potential – I will address some of the changes we need to make to unlock it.

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Korska, Karolina. "Wpływ traktatu z Lizbony na wspólną politykę zagraniczną i bezpieczeństwa". Politeja 15, n.º 54 (10 de fevereiro de 2019): 361–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.54.25.

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The Impact of the Treaty of Lisbon on the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security PolicyIn this article, the author provides an analysis of the impact that the Lisbon Treaty has had on the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Analysis of legal documents and scientific sources permitted to conclude that undoubtedly above‑mentioned Treaty of Lisbon has extended the competences of the EU in a field of common foreign policy. However, the main purpose of the present paper is to answer the question whether this document has implemented any crucial mechanisms and institutional framework that resulting in increased effectiveness in reaching an agreement in a field of this EU policy among EU member states. The article attempts to show that theoretically, the content of the treaty gives an overall effect of a political desire to achieve a coherent foreign policy after 2009 but on the other hand, maintaining intergovernmental status of CFSP weakens this policy.

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Kaynar, Mete Kaan, e Gökhan AK. "THE EU/CFSP AND NATO: POSSIBILITY OF A CO-EXISTENCE AS BROTHERS-IN-ARMS?" International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 5, n.º 1 (31 de janeiro de 2017): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v5.i1.2017.1728.

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At the outset, Europe needed to develop its defense policy and structure in line with its foreign policy while the Union was evolving in institutional enlargement process during every other 10 years of time. The reason was not behind it, but in the façade of the Union building. Otherwise the Union would not be able to enable Europe to play its full part in world affairs while the ‘security’ was gaining a key-role in the international politics and relations. Since there was a security vacuum in Europe after WW’, the US urged European states to create a sort of defence structure embedded to already-formed NATO or integrated with NATO, but including German Army in both cases. Decades had passed and in the late 1990s the European Security Defence Identity and Policy was formed up as a parallel structure to NATO systems. Eventually in the start of 2000s, the EU system turned into a Common Security and Defence Policy for member states only. This research tries to explore and analyze the effects, paradigms, prospects and coexistence possibilities of this two polar-defence-system in the Europe, that’s to say between NATO and the CFSP.

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Adamides, Constantinos. "The EU as a global security actor: a comprehensive analysis beyond CFSP and JHA". Perspectives on European Politics and Society 15, n.º 4 (17 de julho de 2014): 620–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.940129.

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Ślufińska, Monika, e Agnieszka Nitszke. "Activities of the Visegrad Group in the context of the CFSP of the EU". Historia i Polityka, n.º 22 (29) (21 de dezembro de 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2017.024.

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TATSUMI, Asatsugu. "The Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) and the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)". EU Studies in Japan 1998, n.º 18 (1998): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5135/eusj1997.1998.69.

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Govaere, Inge. "Multi-faceted Single Legal Personality and a Hidden Horizontal Pillar: EU External Relations Post-Lisbon". Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 13 (2011): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712801752906.

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AbstractThe Lisbon Treaty has fundamentally revised the external relations of the EU in pursuit of more visibility, coherence and consistency. The EU is, for instance, given a single legal personality, the pillar structure is (formally) abolished, new functions are created to reinforce its external representation and external policies appear to be streamlined. But is there more to it than meets the eye? A critical legal assessment is given of the major Treaty modifications relating to the EU external relations whilst addressing two underlying issues. First it is questioned whether the Member States have really given up their traditional reluctance to share fully the international scene with the EU. It is argued that the Lisbon Treaty in fact means to redress the balance in favour of intergovernmentalism under CFSP. A second crucial and related issue links to the silent dialogue with the CJEU to be discerned in the Lisbon Treaty. It wavers between the codification of important case law, such as Kadi, and attempts at containing or even reversing case law which was more prejudicial to the Member States’ interests, such as the Ecowas judgment. In so doing the Lisbon Treaty again raises interesting yet complex legal questions which will most likely necessitate further clarification through case law.

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Govaere, Inge. "Multi-faceted Single Legal Personality and a Hidden Horizontal Pillar: EU External Relations Post-Lisbon". Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 13 (2011): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000001981.

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Abstract The Lisbon Treaty has fundamentally revised the external relations of the EU in pursuit of more visibility, coherence and consistency. The EU is, for instance, given a single legal personality, the pillar structure is (formally) abolished, new functions are created to reinforce its external representation and external policies appear to be streamlined. But is there more to it than meets the eye? A critical legal assessment is given of the major Treaty modifications relating to the EU external relations whilst addressing two underlying issues. First it is questioned whether the Member States have really given up their traditional reluctance to share fully the international scene with the EU. It is argued that the Lisbon Treaty in fact means to redress the balance in favour of intergovernmentalism under CFSP. A second crucial and related issue links to the silent dialogue with the CJEU to be discerned in the Lisbon Treaty. It wavers between the codification of important case law, such as Kadi, and attempts at containing or even reversing case law which was more prejudicial to the Member States’ interests, such as the Ecowas judgment. In so doing the Lisbon Treaty again raises interesting yet complex legal questions which will most likely necessitate further clarification through case law.

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TATSUMI, Asatsugu. "The European Union as a Global Actor: through the Development of the CFSP/CSDP". EU Studies in Japan 2013, n.º 33 (2013): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5135/eusj.2013.1.

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Rousseau, Richard. "Turkey’s National Security Concept - A Major Factor Hindering Membership of the European Union". Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 18, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2015): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2015.18.4.55.

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Turkey‟s state-centered and traditional security policy gives priority to “high politics” and attempts to solve problems on the basis of military power. In contrast to the global trend, and particularly in the European Union (EU), Turkey‟s securitization tradition has not changed in the last few decades and its Armed Forces have even enlarged their profile, especially whilst dealing with the Kurdish issue and the rise of political Islam, both of which are threats to the core principles of the Turkish Republic. This article argues that the Turkish security identity is not compatible with the European identity, which is a product of the Europeanization of security. This incompatibility of security identities poses the main impediment to Turkey‟s inclusion into the EU‟s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Turkey should Europeanize its security identity by stressing low-political considerations while dealing with its internal and external threats in order to be a member of the European Club.

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Cortés-Martín, José M. "The Long Walk to Strasbourg: About the Insufficient Judicial Protection in Some Areas of the Common Foreign and Security Policy before the European Union’s Accession to the ECHR". Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 17, n.º 2 (17 de agosto de 2018): 393–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718034-12341386.

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Abstract It is likely that the European Court of Justice’s (ECJ) objection in Opinion 2/13 regarding the absence of judicial remedies in certain Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) areas can hardly be accommodated in a future revised Accession Project to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). This is basically due to obstacles to proceeding with reform of the EU Treaties or establishing an ECHR reservation clause. However, as a matter of fact, the exact dimension of this problem seems to be quite relative. First of all, this is because recent ECJ case-law is gradually eroding the Court’s lack of competence, in particular, after Rosneft. Next, this is because, in those cases where there is still an absence of effective judicial protection, national courts – as EU ordinary courts – could fill this gap. Finally, this gap could also be filled by creating accountability mechanisms in the area of human rights within the framework of Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions.

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Ketvel, Maria-Gisella Garbagnati. "The Jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in Respect of the Common Foreign and Security Policy". International and Comparative Law Quarterly 55, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2006): 77–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei068.

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The purpose of this article is to consider the scope of the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, as set out in the Treaty on European Union. Pursuant to Article 46 TEU, the ECJ has virtually no competence over foreign policy and security matters—although some limited scope for judicial supervision may be derived from the combined effect of this provision with Article 47 TEU, which prevents encroachment by EU law on Community competence, with respect both to reviewing the choice of legal basis and to determining any violations of EC policy-making procedures. It is submitted that the absence of judicial control over the exercise of powers by the Union and its Member States in this area of potentially sensitive action does not guarantee the preservation of the institutional balance established by the EU Treaty. It may also prove incompatible for individuals to have a legal remedy in the event of a breach of directly effective CFSP provisions.

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Hrubinko, Andriy. "British Policy toward the eastern enlargement of the European Union: historical aspects". European Historical Studies, n.º 5 (2016): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.20-32.

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The article describes historical features of shaping and implementation of British policy toward the Eastern enlargement of the European Union, its impact on the implementation of the Сommon Foreign and Security Policy in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The author denotes that the history of participation of the UK in implementing Eastern enlargement of the EU not been sufficiently investigated. According to the author’s vision, the policy of the enlargement of the EU is seen as an integral part of united foreign and security policy and as a factor of its implementation in countries of the nearest periphery. The 31 enlargement process is a part of the EU enlargement policy as a geopolitical phenomenon. The United Kingdom became one of the biggest supporters of further enlargement as a permanent phenomenon in its history among countries of the Community, forming their own specific conceptual approaches and strategy. The factors of shaping active and positive positions of the British governments in connection with the enlargement of the EU toward the East have been analyzed. The author came to the conclusion that the Eastern enlargement had questionable effect for the development of the effective CFSP. The UK as one of the leading powers in the EU came to a forefront in this process. The enlargement of the EU has become an integral part of the country’s leadership strategy in the political integration. However, the confrontational European policy of the David Cameron’s government in 2010–2016 has resulted in a loss of the previous governments’ achievements in developing the cooperation and support for the countries of Eastern and Central Europe and escalated the decrease of the country’s original positions in the region.

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MARTINS, BRUNO OLIVEIRA. "EU External Relations and Systems of Governance: The CFSP, Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and Migration - By P.J. Cardwell". JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 48, n.º 4 (12 de agosto de 2010): 1154. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2010.02105_6.x.

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Crum, Ben. "Parliamentarization of the CFSP through informal institution-making? The fifth European Parliament and the EU high representative". Journal of European Public Policy 13, n.º 3 (abril de 2006): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760600560425.

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Böröcz, Miklós. "TACLING IRREGULAR MIGRATION IN EUROPE". EU IN NATO: VARNOSTNA RAZMERJA/EU AND NATO: SECURITY RELATIONS, VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/2 (15 de junho de 2021): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.2.5.

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Povzetek Nezakonite migracije predstavljajo varnostno tveganje za Evropsko unijo, a se s tveganji zunaj Evrope ne moremo učinkovito spopasti brez izgradnje zmogljivosti na mednarodni ravni. Zaradi tega lahko to področje umestimo v okvir SZVP. To stališče so potrdili tudi val nezakonitih priseljencev, ki je Evropo dosegel leta 2015, ter tveganja in posledice nepripravljenosti držav na ravni zagotavljanja nacionalne varnosti. V študiji predstavljamo tri glavne poti nezakonitih migracij, ki so prizadele Evropo. Predstavljene so tudi države, ki so jih priseljenci prečkali ter ukrepi organov EU. V zaključku članka so predlagane morebitne rešitve za nastalo stanje. Ključne besede nezakonite migracije, varnostno tveganje, vzhodnosredozemska pot migracij, osrednjesredozemska pot migracij, zahodnosredozemska pot migracij. Abstract Irregular migration is a security risk for the EU. This risk from outside Europe cannot be dealt with effectively without capacity building at foreign interfaces, so it could be assessed as an area of the former CFSP. This position was supported by the influx of irregular migrants that reached Europe in 2015, and the risks and consequences of unpreparedness for national security. This study presents the three main routes for irregular migrants which affect Europe, the countries they pass through, and the actions of EU bodies. In addition to the discussion, later in the article potential solutions to the issue will be formulated. Key words irregular migration, security risk, Eastern Mediterranean migration route, Central Mediterranean migration route, Western Mediterranean migration route.

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Lee, Moosung. "The Rise of Lilliputians, Is this a Real Challenge to the Enlarged EU?: The Case of the CFSP". Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 17, n.º 3 (dezembro de 2005): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10163270509464096.

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Machurishvili, Nino. "Prospects of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy and Russia’s Disinformation Campaign in the South Caucasus". Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 25, n.º 1 (12 de abril de 2021): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2021.6.

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This paper aims to provide an empirical analysis of EU policy towards the South Caucasus in the framework of the CFSP and CSDP along with perspectives of further development, taking in to consideration Russia’s military and ideological intervention in this region, and to address the issue of the EU’s role in shaping Common European Security. Methodologically, the research is based on qualitative techniques of analysis, key assumptions are raised through a comprehensive review of existing studies/primary sources and, more specifically, presents a case study of August 2008’s Georgia–Russia military confrontation and creeping occupation. The comprehensive review continues with Russia’s disinformation campaign and series of anti-government protests in Georgia (after the so-called “Gavrilov’s Night”), testing several theoretical explanations such as the democratic peace theory and the Europeanization Conflict concept concerning the EU’s confl ict resolution instruments’ evaluation and offensive realism to explain Russia’s involvement/intervention in South Caucasus territorial conflicts. As for its structure, the paper includes an introduction, with two important stages of model building – conceptualization and operationalization, an interpretation part – an overview of EU Foreign and Security Policy instruments, relationships with other global/regional actors, conflicts in the South Caucasus, specifi cally the, Georgia case, and, finally, a summarizing part, where key findings are highlighted.

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Lee, Jong Sue. "A Study on Reality and Prospect of the Policy-Making Process of CFSP- Focusing on the ESDP of EU-". Journal of international area studies 12, n.º 1 (30 de abril de 2008): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2008.04.12.1.249.

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황기식 e Sun Hwa Park. "Possibility of Change in ‘Dual-executive system’ of the EU after the Lisbon Treaty: A case study of CFSP". Journal of European Union Studies ll, n.º 24 (fevereiro de 2009): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18109/jeus.2009..24.50.

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Graham Butler. "The Interparliamentary Conference on the CFSP/CSDP: A new forum for the Oireachtas in Irish and EU foreign policy?" Irish Studies in International Affairs 26 (2015): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2015.26.4.

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MATSUKUMA, Jun. "Reviewing the Provisions concerning the Structure of EU and the Common Foreign and Security Policy for the Inter-Governmental Conference". EU Studies in Japan 1997, n.º 17 (1997): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5135/eusj1997.1997.76.

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Đukanović, Dragan. "The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis". Croatian International Relations Review 21, n.º 72 (1 de fevereiro de 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0003.

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Abstract This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation

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