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Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Jews and Gentiles"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 25 de julho de 2024

Última modificação: 31 de julho de 2024

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1

Rodríguez, Rafael. "The Ἰουδαῖος in Romans: First to the Gentile-Become-Jew, Then Also to the Gentile-as-Gentile". Catholic Biblical Quarterly 86, № 1 (2024): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cbq.2024.a918373.

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Abstract: Pauline scholars have read ὁ Ἰουδαῖος in Romans as a native-born Jew who stands over and against τὰ ἔθνη ("the nations," or "gentiles"). The ethnonym Ἰουδαῖος, however, applied also to proselytes, to non-Jews who became Jews. Paul lived in a world in which Ἰουδαῖος applied to people Paul did not accept as Ἰουδαῖοι. In Paul's view, being a Ἰουδαῖος is an immutable, genealogical identity unavailable to anyone not born a Ἰουδαῖος. In some cases, the Ἰουδαῖος in Romans 1–3 is a so-called (or self-styled) "Jew." Paul demonstrates how gentiles' efforts at becoming a Jew ( sans scare quotes

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Cohen, Shaye J. D. "Crossing the Boundary and Becoming a Jew." Harvard Theological Review 82, no. 1 (1989): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600001600x.

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Who was a Jew in antiquity? How was “Jewishness” defined? How did a non-Jew become a Jew, and how did a Jew become a non-Jew? In their minds and actions the Jews erected a boundary between themselves and the rest of humanity, the gentiles, but the boundary was always crossable and not always clearly marked. A gentile might associate with Jews and observe Jewish practices, or might “convert” to Judaism and become a proselyte. A Jew might avoid contact with Jews and cease to observe Jewish practices, or might deny Judaism outright and become an “apostate.” Or the boundary could be blurred throug

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3

Na, Kang-Yup. "The Conversion of Izates and Galatians 2:11-14." Horizons in Biblical Theology 27, no. 1 (2005): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122005x00103.

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AbstractBut when Cephas came to Antioch, I opposed him to his face because he stood self-condemned. For before certain people came from James, he used to eat with the Gentiles. After they came, however, he drew back and kept himself separate for fear of the circumcision faction. And the other Jews joined him in this hypocrisy, so that even Barnabas was led astray by their hypocrisy. But when I saw that they were not acting consistently with the truth of the gospel, I said to Cephas in front of all of them, "If you, a Jew, live like a Gentile and not like a Jew, how is it that you force the Gen

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TAYLOR, JUSTIN. "The Jerusalem Decrees (Acts 15.20, 29 and 21.25) and the Incident at Antioch (Gal 2.11–14)." New Testament Studies 47, no. 3 (2001): 372–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688501000224.

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The ‘Jerusalem decrees’ of Acts 15.20, 29 and 21.25 can be interpreted both as ‘Noachide commandments’, implicitly keeping the separation between Jews and Gentiles, and as analogous to the decrees for resident aliens in Lev 17–18 and elsewhere, implicitly allowing Gentiles to associate with Jews under certain conditions. What is at stake is the status to be assigned to Gentiles by the community of Jewish believers in Jesus. These interpretations correspond to the attitudes towards Gentile believers at Antioch manifested, according to Gal 2.11–14, respectively by James and by Cephas.

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Cohen, Yitshak. "Rabbi Meir Simcha of Dvinsk and His Attitude toward Gentiles." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 17, no. 2 (2014): 218–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341269.

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This article examines various issues in R. Meir Simha Hacohen’s (rms) halakhic approach toward gentiles. His approach demonstrates innovation, and it attests mostly to moderation and an effort to reach a compromise with gentiles. We see that his halakhic and judicial approach does not advocate a complete detachment between Jews and gentiles; on the contrary, it encourages increased relations between them. On all the issues examined here, where the Halakhah could be interpreted in a strict manner or leniently, rms follows the approach that facilitates relations between Jews and gentiles. His po

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6

Oliver, Isaac W. "Forming Jewish Identity by Formulating Legislation for Gentiles." Journal of Ancient Judaism 4, no. 1 (2013): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00401005.

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The following paper explores the formulation of universal commandments for non-Jews within the book of Jubilees and compares it with rabbinic traditions that also deal with Gentiles and law observance. The discussion concerning commandments incumbent upon all of humanity in Jubilees betrays a remarkable preoccupation with promoting the observance of particular laws (e. g., Sabbath and circumcision) for Jews alone—universal law becomes a means for highlighting Israel’s special covenantal status. The bitter opposition expressed in Jubilees against Gentiles is best understood as a polemical respo

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Crane, Jonathan. "Jews Burying Gentiles." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 10, no. 2 (2007): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007007783121731.

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Schaser, Nicholas J. "Unlawful for a Jew? Acts 10:28 and the Lukan View of Jewish-Gentile Relations." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 48, no. 4 (2018): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146107918801512.

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Most scholars read Peter's claim that it is unlawful for Jews to associate with Gentiles (Acts 10:28a) as an accurate statement on Jewish-Gentile relations according to Luke. However, Luke problematizes this view by showing Peter to be unaware of Jewish-Gentile interactions that preceded him, both in Israel's Scriptures and Luke–Acts. Rather than reflecting the exclusionary state of pre-Christian Judaism, Acts 10:28a constitutes a fallacy that Luke invalidates via intertextual references to ethnic inclusivity throughout biblical history. Peter's misunderstanding provides Luke with the theologi

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Jung, Gi Moon. "The Role of Paul in the Mission to Gentiles of Early Christianity." Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 87 (August 31, 2023): 141–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2023.87.141.

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I tried to investigate to what extent Paul contributed to the gentile mission of early Christianity in this paper. The gentile mission didn't originate with Paul. Judaism, the mother religion of Christianity encouraged Jews to propagate Judaism to the gentiles in some degrees. It is unclear how the ‘law free mission’ that did not enforce the law on gentiles began. A few Jewish leaders explored the possibility, but Jewish leaders generally opposed it. The Acts of the Apostles vaguely described this. Philip's mission to the Ethiopian eunuch and Peter's mission to Cornelius may have led to

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Moessner, David P. "Paul in Acts: Preacher of Eschatological Repentance to Israel." New Testament Studies 34, no. 1 (1988): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022232.

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The ‘enigmatic ending’ of Acts continues to baffle the exegetes. Not the least of its difficulties is the status of ‘the Jews’ after Paul's peculiarly solemn pronouncement of Isa 6. 9–10 against a ‘closed’ and ‘hardened’ people (Acts 28. 26–27). Coming as it does as a climax to the equally ponderous pronouncements of judgment in Acts 13. 46 and 18. 6, for many scholars the cumulative, three-fold impact of this indictment resounds a note of finality, of foreclosure upon Israel which consequently consummates an era and looks ahead almost exclusively to a Gentile church. The two leading clusters

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Hacham, Noah. "Bigthan and Teresh and the Reason Gentiles Hate Jews." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 3 (2012): 318–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853312x645263.

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Abstract The account of Bigthan’s and Teresh’s conspiracy against the king (Esth 2:21-23) was transposed in the Septuagint to Addition A, which opens the book, while an additional story regarding a conspiracy to kill the king was introduced, in its stead, at the end of chapter 2 of this translation. These moves are part of Greek Esther’s reworking of the story in order to depict Mordechai as faithful to the king, and Haman as the king’s adversary who seeks his downfall, and to suggest that this contrast explains Haman’s animosity toward Mordechai, and the Jews, who are loyal to the throne. Thi

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Donaldson, Terence L. "“Gentile Christianity” as a Category in the Study of Christian Origins." Harvard Theological Review 106, no. 4 (2013): 433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816013000230.

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At least since the time of Ferdinand Christian Baur in the mid-nineteenth century, the concepts of “Jewish Christianity” and “Gentile Christianity,” together with related binary pairs (Jewish Christian / Gentile Christian, Jews / Gentiles), have functioned as basic categories in the critical investigation of Christian origins. Adopting the voice of his hero Paul, Baur speaks of “my Gospel of Gentile Christianity, as opposed to Jewish Christianity,” the English terms renderingHeidenchristentumsandJudenchristentums, respectively. Speaking of Paul's success in establishing “a Gentile Christianity

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Cofnas, Nathan. "The Anti-Jewish Narrative." Philosophia 49, no. 4 (2021): 1329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11406-021-00322-w.

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AbstractAccording to the mainstream narrative about race, all groups have the same innate dispositions and potential, and all disparities—at least those favoring whites—are due to past or present racism. Some people who reject this narrative gravitate toward an alternative, anti-Jewish narrative, which sees recent history in terms of a Jewish/gentile conflict. The most sophisticated promoter of the anti-Jewish narrative is the evolutionary psychologist Kevin MacDonald. MacDonald argues that Jews have a suite of genetic adaptations—including high intelligence and ethnocentrism—and cultural prac

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Hedner Zetterholm, Karin. "A Reception of Pauline Ideas Shaped by a Jewish Milieu: The Case of the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies." Religions 15, no. 8 (2024): 903. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15080903.

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This essay focuses on the reception of Pauline ideas in the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies, commonly dated to the early fourth century. At first, the claim that the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies contain Pauline ideas may seem surprising, since the Homilies are commonly considered “Jewish Christian” and thus anti-Pauline. However, new readings of Paul generated by the “Paul within Judaism” perspective, along with new insights on the Homilies, reveal that the latter work seems to contain Pauline ideas not preserved in other receptions of Paul. The Homilies share with Paul the following traits and ideas

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15

Jeong, Mark. "Obedient Gentiles and Jealous Jews: A Fresh Interpretation of Paul’s Aim in Romans 11.11-14." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 41, no. 2 (2018): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x18804434.

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Scholars have long been perplexed by Paul’s statement in Rom. 11.11-14 that he magniﬁes his ministry to make Jews jealous and thus save some of them. After all, why would law-observant Jews be jealous of the salvation of supposedly law-free Gentiles? The problem is accentuated when we recognize that ‘jealousy’ (παραζήλωσις) and its cognate ‘zeal’ (ζῆλος) were connected with law-observance in Second Temple Judaism. To solve this problem, I consider how two contemporaries of Paul – Philo and Josephus – describe Gentiles’ attraction to Judaism through the Jews’ careful obedience to the Law. I arg

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Olson, Jon C. "Pauline Gentiles Praying among Jews." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 20, no. 4 (2011): 411–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385121102000409.

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Johnston, Robert. "Preaching to Jews and Gentiles." Journal of Adventist Mission Studies 4, no. 2 (2008): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.32597/jams/vol4/iss2/8/.

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18

Lavender, Jordan. "Nomos and the Dispute in Galatians 2: A Case of Conflicting By-Laws." Religions 14, no. 12 (2023): 1449. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14121449.

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This research explores the interpretation of nomos in Galatians 2:11–21 within the light of Greco-Roman associations and Palestinian chavurot. As such, it proposes a reading of the text and conflict as a localized issue of conflicting association by-laws between Jews and Gentiles. The members of Jacob’s association in Jerusalem demonstrated Pharisaic behavior in requiring circumcision for membership in the association and requiring the additional observance of purity and tithing regulations as interpreted by the association as crucial elements of its by-laws. Paul chastises Peter for breaking

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Ney, Savannah. "Faith in Romans." Heretic 2021, no. 1 (2023): 21–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15664/th.v2021i1.2555.

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Most scholars agree that the congregation Paul addresses in his letter to the Romans was composed of a Gentile majority and a Jewish minority, pointing to the letters’ internal evidence and the Jews’ eviction from Rome in c. 49 CE. Scholars suggest that the Roman congregation was therefore predominantly Gentile. In Rom 16:17–19, Paul warns the Romans to be wary of false teachers. Campbell argues that Paul wrote Romans in response to these false teachers who Campbell connects to the false gospel teachers described in Galatians. Paul’s message in Romans is influenced by this other gospel, which

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20

Bühner, Ruben A. "With Whom Is Peter Eating in Antioch? Reading τὰ ἔθνη in Galatians 2:12 as Including Nonbelieving Gentiles". Journal of Biblical Literature 143, № 2 (2024): 339–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1432.2024.9.

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Abstract In his Letter to the Galatians, Paul says that Peter ate with τὰ ἔθνη in Antioch (2:12). In this context, the majority of commentators read the phrase τὰ ἔθνη as a reference to gentiles who believe in Christ, departing from its predominant usage in Paul’s writings. However, this widespread and consequential assumption that Peter ate only with Christ-believing gentiles is not compelling. In fact, such an understanding is mainly based on prior scholarship that assumed that Jews, even in the diaspora, lived in isolated contexts and could not have eaten with non-Jews. In contrast, I argue

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Bodrožić, Ivan, and Maja Rončević. "True Faith and Philosophy as a Way to Overcome Religious Prejudices according to 1st and 2nd Century Christian Sources." History in flux 5, no. 5 (2023): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2023.5.1.

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The authors explore religious prejudices in early Christianity, Judaism, and paganism using 1st and 2nd-century sources. During that era, ethnic and religious biases affected various societal levels. The first section examines biases among Gentiles and Christians toward Jews, followed by biases between Gentiles and Jews toward Christians, and the prejudices of Christians and Jews toward Gentiles. The second section delves into prejudices between Christians and Jews, focusing on how society reacted to Christians’ distinctiveness from Jews, hindering their integration due to pagan religiosity. I

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Wahlen, Clinton. "The Temple in Mark and Contested Authority." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 248–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184883.

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AbstractThe purpose of this study is to demonstrate that Mark's portrayal of Jesus' temple action reinforces a larger narrative aim: to show that the time of messianic fulfillment for both Jews and Gentiles has come. The study consists of three sections. First, it is observed that the unifying theme of Mark 11:12-25 is not the destruction of the temple but prayer. Second, Jesus' activity in the temple occupies a central place not only in this series of pericopae but in the larger structure of Mark 11-15. Mark shows that Jesus fulfils the original design of the temple by making it a place of pr

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Olshanetsky, Haggai, and Yael Escojido. "Different from Others? Jews as Slave Owners and Traders in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods." Sapiens ubique civis 1, no. 1 (2020): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2020.1.97-120.

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The subject of Jews as slave owners and traders throughout history received much greater attention in the last few decades. But there is no research that focuses on the Persian and Hellenistic periods and their relevant findings. This current article hopes to do exactly that. This article shows that Jews owned slaves and even traded them throughout the Persian period and during the Hellenistic period until the rise of the Hasmonean Kingdom. The slaves themselves were not only gentiles but also Jews, who received no special treat-ment from their co-religionists. Regarding the ownership of slave

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Cornthwaite, Christopher J. "Wayward Jews, God-fearing Gentiles, or Curious Pagans? Jewish Normativity and the Sambathions." Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, no. 2 (2017): 277–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340145.

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One of the most influential collections of Jewish material evidence in the last century, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, includes Victor Tcherikover’s well-known work on the Sambathions, based on the common appearance of proper names, groups, and deities with similar, Sambath- roots. At stake was whether these people were Jews and the ways in which diaspora Jews and their host communities influenced one another. This historiographical study draws upon the recent category shift from Jewish to Judaean to argue that Tcherikover focuses on religious observance to test whether people with unknown orig

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Zetterholm, Magnus. "'And Abraham believed'. Paul, James, and the Gentiles." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 24, no. 1-2 (2003): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69602.

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The New Testament is basically a collection of Jewish texts written during a period when the Jesus movement was still part of the diverse Judaism of the first century. Therefore we should expect to find examples of rabbinic biblical interpretation in the New Testament. This article suggests that the apostle Paul used midrash to create an interpretation of Gen 15:6 that allowed Gentiles to be included into the covenant without prior conversion to Judaism (Romans 4:1-12). It is argued that James, the brother of Jesus, in his interpretation of the same verse (James 2:14-24) also used midrash in o

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Dahl, Nils Alstrup. "Gentiles, Christians, and Israelites in the Epistle to the Ephesians." Harvard Theological Review 79, no. 1-3 (1986): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000020320.

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Most early Christians perceived the world in which they lived as a world of Jews and Gentiles. Ephesians speaks most impressively about the unity of the two parts in the church, which is the body of Christ. Studies of Ephesians have very often concentrated on the idea of the church and the relationship between ecclesiology, christology, and soteriology. Some scholars have paid special attention to the relationship between the church and Israel, Christians and Jews. Statements about the Gentiles have received much less attention, but for reasons which will become apparent in the course of this

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Setzer, Claudia. "Does Paul Need to Be Saved?" Biblical Interpretation 13, no. 3 (2005): 289–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568515054388191.

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AbstractWhile many liberal Jews have endorsed Jesus as one of their own for at least a century, Paul has often borne the blame for injecting anti-Judaism into early Christianity. The work of these scholars helps overturn these judgments against Paul. Several emphases of their work help us to better appreciate Paul as a pedagogue of multiple identities. 1) Being "in Christ" and being part of Israel are compatible, not contradictory identities for Paul. 2) Paul believes that Gentiles, by being "in Christ" come under the umbrella of Israel, even without circumcision or conversion. 3) Paul's missi

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Power, Patricia A. "Blurring the Boundaries: American Messianic Jews and Gentiles." Nova Religio 15, no. 1 (2011): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2011.15.1.69.

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Messianic Judaism is usually equated with Jews for Jesus, an overtly missionizing form of ethnically Jewish Evangelical Christianity that was born in the American counter-culture revolution of the 1970s. The ensuing and evolving hybrid blend of Judaism and Christianity that it birthed has evoked strong objections from both the American Jewish and mainline Christian communities. What begs an explanation, though, is how a Gentile Protestant missionary project to convert the Jews has become an ethnically Jewish movement to create community, continuity, and perhaps a new form of Judaism. This pape

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Auler, Samuel. "More Than a Gift: Revisiting Paul's Collection for Jerusalem and the Pilgrimage of Gentiles." Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 6, no. 2 (2016): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371744.

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The Danish scholar Johannes Munck proposed a connection between Paul's collection for Jerusalem and prophetic texts that envisage a pilgrimage of Gentiles to Zion in the end times. Nonetheless, Munck's seminal theory on the collection for Jerusalem has been contested in recent times. This article argues that the Pauline Epistles contain some textual evidence of this link between the two events and that the collection and the pilgrimage of Gentiles share many common characteristics in meaning, both pointing to an eschatological time of reconciliation between Jews and Gentiles under the Messiah.

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Auler, Samuel. "More Than a Gift: Revisiting Paul's Collection for Jerusalem and the Pilgrimage of Gentiles." Journal for the Study of Paul and His Letters 6, no. 2 (2016): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jstudpaullett.6.2.0143.

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The Danish scholar Johannes Munck proposed a connection between Paul's collection for Jerusalem and prophetic texts that envisage a pilgrimage of Gentiles to Zion in the end times. Nonetheless, Munck's seminal theory on the collection for Jerusalem has been contested in recent times. This article argues that the Pauline Epistles contain some textual evidence of this link between the two events and that the collection and the pilgrimage of Gentiles share many common characteristics in meaning, both pointing to an eschatological time of reconciliation between Jews and Gentiles under the Messiah.

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Ribak, Gil. "“The Jew Usually Left Those Crimes to Esau”: The Jewish Responses to Accusations about Jewish Criminality in New York, 1908–1913." AJS Review 38, no. 1 (2014): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009414000014.

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This article examines how communal activists, leaders, intellectuals, and the Yiddish press understood and reacted to charges regarding purported Jewish criminality, which accusers often linked to the need to curtail immigration to America. The Jewish self-image as a nonviolent people proved to be quite resilient, and one of the ways to reconcile the existence of Jewish criminals with that self-perception was to put the blame on the surrounding (American) influence, or to evoke generalized negative images of gentiles as a foil for applauding Jewish qualities. New York Jews construed their rela

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Sanders, Jack T. "Paul Between Jews and Gentiles in Corinth." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 19, no. 65 (1997): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x9701906504.

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Achtemeier, P. Mark. "Jews and Gentiles in the Divine Economy." CrossCurrents 59, no. 2 (2009): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1939-3881.2009.00067.x.

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Dalton, William. "Once More Paul among Jews and Gentiles." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 4, no. 1 (1991): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9100400104.

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Achtemeier, P. Mark. "Jews and Gentiles in the Divine Economy." CrossCurrents 59, no. 2 (2009): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cro.2009.a782441.

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Cohen, Shaye J. D. "Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According to Josephus." Harvard Theological Review 80, no. 4 (1987): 409–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023762.

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Although conversion to Judaism in antiquity has been studied many times, the subject remains elusive. This essay is not a historical study of either ancient philo-Judaism or the relations between Jews and Gentiles in antiquity, but a historiographical study of one of the major bodies of relevant evidence, the writings of Josephus. I hope to answer two sets of questions. First, how does Josephus understand respect for Judaism by Gentiles? What forms does this respect take and what terminology is used to describe them? Second, what is Josephus's attitude towards respect for Judaism by Gentiles?

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Melczewski, Paweł. "Niewłaściwe postępowanie Piotra w Antiochii (Ga 2, 14)." Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 58, no. 4 (2005): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.602.

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In Ga 2, 14, Paul openly reprimands Peter for his inconsequential behavior. He stands in the midst of the practical problems concerning religious life, while, at the same time, trying to prevent a division in the converted. Christian life is presented as the meeting of theory and practice. Peter’s behavior, despite his intention, was against “Gospel truth”. This behavior inhibited Christian unity. From this point on, Christians would not be able to celebrate the Eucharist, which was connected with the communal meal. In this case, there would be “one Lord, but two tables of the Lord” (S. C. Nie

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Hurd, J. C., and Stephen G. Wilson. "Gentile Judaizers." New Testament Studies 38, no. 4 (1992): 605–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022104.

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In recent years a number of scholars have focused on the phenomenon of Gentiles who, in varying degrees, adopted the lifestyle of the Jews. For John Gager they are important evidence for his generally persuasive argument that in the Graeco-Roman world Judaism, far from being universally mistrusted and vilified, was in both its beliefs and its practices often attractive to non-Jews. Gager, like L. Gaston and others before him, brought this observation to bear on the more specific issue of Jewish-Christian relations in the early centuries. For, so they have argued, Christian Gentiles were among

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Dorothée Lange, Carolin. "After They Left: Looted Jewish Apartments and the Private Perception of the Holocaust." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 3 (2020): 431–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa042.

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Abstract This study of the afterlife of “abandoned” Jewish property in National Socialist Germany analyzes the emotional impact on Jewish families of the loss of personal belongings, and those belongings’ emotional impact on the Gentile families that acquired them. This property could be movable and intimate: jewelry, furniture, porcelain, and the like; as well as immovable: apartments and houses illegitimately wrested from their residents or owners. The author asks how Gentiles’ behavior changed in relation to the escalating Holocaust of the Jews. She argues that the reactions of both ordinar

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Bassler, Jouette M., and Stanley K. Stowers. "A Rereading of Romans: Justice, Jews, and Gentiles." Journal of Biblical Literature 115, no. 2 (1996): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3266881.

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Wilkes, George R. "Jews and Gentiles in Early America 1654-1800." Journal of Jewish Studies 59, no. 1 (2008): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2788/jjs-2008.

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Giesen, Heinz. "Called from the Jews and from the Gentiles." Biblische Zeitschrift 54, no. 2 (2010): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25890468-054-02-90000015.

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Bauman, Mark K., and William Pencak. "Jews and Gentiles in Early America, 1654-1800." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 4 (2007): 870. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649573.

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Klapper, Melissa R. ":Jews and Gentiles in Early America, 1654–1800." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (2009): 433–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.433.

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Bryk, Andrzej. "The Holocaust – Jews and Gentiles in Memory of the Jews of Pacanów." Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 2, no. 1 (1987): 372–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/polin.1987.2.372.

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Nanos, Mark. "Paul's Reversal of Jews Calling Gentiles 'Dogs' (Philippians 3:2): 1600 Years of an Ideological Tale Wagging an Exegetical Dog?" Biblical Interpretation 17, no. 4 (2009): 448–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851508x329692.

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AbstractThe commentary tradition on Philippians 3:2 (and on Matt. 15 and Mark 7 too) has been claiming at least since Chrysostom that Jews commonly called Gentiles dogs, thereby legitimating a pattern of calling Jews dogs. Contemporary commentaries indicate no awareness of the harmful legacy or the continued implications of the polemic to which it contributes when perpetuating this invective. Moreover, evidence of this supposed common prejudice is often not provided, and when it is, usually consists of sayings attributed to Jesus and the Syro-Phoenician or Canaanite woman—thus available to us

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Jewei, Roberi. "The Law and the Coexistence of Jews and Gentiles in Romans." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 39, no. 4 (1985): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096438503900403.

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The Pauline hope of the unification of all peoples through the gospel of transforming love that produces respect between groups as diverse as the Jews and the Gentiles urgently needs to be placed on our agenda.

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Iverson, Kelly R. "Jews, Gentiles, and the Kingdom of God: The Parable of the Wicked Tenants in Narrative Perspective (Mark 12:1-12)." Biblical Interpretation 20, no. 3 (2012): 305–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851511x595585.

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AbstractThe identification of the “others” in Mark's Parable of the Wicked Tenants is widely disputed and has not been adequately addressed from a narrative perspective. Through a reconsideration of the vineyard and tenants, as well as the wider plot structure of the narrative, this article argues that the anonymous “others” to whom the vineyard is given are the Gentiles. Understood within the context of the Gentile mission, the parable describes Israel's obstinance and the expansion of the kingdom, while at the same time foreshadowing the proclamation of the gospel to the nations, which is to

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Greene-McCreight, Kathryn. "Born of Woman, Born Under the Law: A Theological Exegesis of Galatians 4:4." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 31, no. 1 (2022): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10638512221076356.

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Galatians 4:4 has a rich exegetical career, touching on the eternal decision of the Father in the divine sending of the Son; the pre-existent Christ; Mary's role in Christ's humanity and ethnicity; the one church of Jews and Gentiles.

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WAHLEN, CLINTON. "Peter's Vision and Conflicting Definitions of Purity." New Testament Studies 51, no. 4 (2005): 505–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688505000263.

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Luke depicts the problem of incorporating Gentiles into the Church as rooted in conflicting definitions of purity. Apart from the principal Torah distinction between clean and unclean animals, a third category is mentioned: ‘common’, referring to doubtfully pure food. Parallels to this usage are found in a range of Jewish literature, from the Hasmonaean to the Rabbinic period. The notion of doubtfully pure food can help explain Peter's refusal to slaughter and eat from the mixed group of animals in his vision. Categorizing people like Cornelius as ‘potentially defiled’ may have constituted a h

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