Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Korea (North) – Politics and government"

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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Korea (North) – Politics and government"

1

Seonwoo, Yoo-Yeong, and Choong-Young Lee. "Preparing a Plan for Inter-Korean Taekwondo Exchange to Establish Peace and Unification on the Korean Peninsula." World Society of Taekwondo Culture 14, no. 2 (2023): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18789/jwstc.2023.39.67.

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The main purpose of this study is to prepare a plan for inter-Korean Taekwondo exchange to establish peace and unification on the Korean Peninsula, which will be of practical help in promoting the government's North Korea policy and sports exchange. This study aims to review the importance of factors that were left out in the study of “A Study on the Taekwondo Exchange Revitalization Plans to Mitigate tensions between South and North Korea”. The factors to be reviewed are four factors each in the government and in the Taekwondo federation and private areas. Government areas include supporting for education and research on Taekwondo exchanges between the two Korea, signing an inter-Korean agreement separating politics and sports exchanges, promoting the creation of a second Taekwondo park in the Kaesong Industrial Complex, and providing Taekwondo supplies and equipment to North Korea on a humanitarian basis. In the federation and the private areas, four factors are to promote integration or merger of the World Taekwondo and the International Taekwondo Federation, to hold an annual seminars and conferences about inter-Korean Taekwondo or sports exchanges, to establish an international non-governmental organization (NGO) for inter-Korean sports exchanges and cooperation, and to support North Korean Taekwondo athletes for participation in Paris 2024 Olympics.
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Muliawati, Esty Fidhela, Widya Setiabudi, and Wawan Darmawan. "Trust-politik Korea Selatan kepada Korea Utara dalam Konteks Reunifikasi Korea Pada Pemerintahan Park Geun-hye." Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) 4, no. 2 (2021): 809–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34007/jehss.v4i2.749.

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The reunification of Korea is something that has been continuously discussed in every government of the presidents of South Korea. The concept of foreign policy of the 11th President of South Korea, Park Geun-hye, is known as Trust-Politics Policy. Trust-politics is President Park's overarching political philosophy. It is a vision and a policy tool applied to domestic politics and international relations. At its heart lies the concept of trust. Trust-Political Policy, influenced by internal and external factors. This politics seeks to build mutually binding expectations based on global norms. The purpose of the problem in this research is to find out the idea of reunification of South and North Korea during President Park and to explain South Korea's Trust-Political Policy to North Korea in the context of Korean Reunification. Researchers used qualitative research methods with literature study techniques in the process of collecting data. Based on the results of discussion and data analysis, reunification can be carried out using three Korean reunification scenarios, namely unification through evolution and adaptation systems, unification through collapse and absorption, and unification through conflict. As well as the idiosyncratic factors that influence Park in politics are factors of leadership, belief, culture, and the political system.
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Carothers, Christopher. "The Rise and Fall of Anti-Corruption in North Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 22, no. 1 (2022): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.38.

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Abstract North Korea is widely seen as having among the most corrupt governments in the world. However, the Kim family regime has not always been so accepting of government wrongdoing. Drawing on archival evidence, this study shows that Kim Il-sung saw corruption as a threat to economic development and launched campaigns to curb it throughout the 1950s. I find that these campaigns were at least somewhat successful, and they contributed to post-Korean War reconstruction and rapid development afterwards. So when and why did the regime shift from combating corruption to embracing it? I argue that changes in the country's economic system following the crisis of the 1990s, especially de facto marketization, made corruption more beneficial to the regime both as a source of revenue and as an escape valve for public discontent. This study's findings contribute to our understanding of the politics of corruption control in authoritarian regimes.
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4

Lee, Dalgon. "Negotiation Strategy between the Two Koreas: With Emphasis on Politico-Military Affairs." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 5 (December 31, 1990): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps05002.

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Global detente seems to be a trend in the near future. The exorbitant German reunification, expecially, has instigated South Korea's expectation for Korean integration. However, North Korea reportedly decided to return to their backward policy and took measures to forbid softening of their socio-political system: that is, they remain one of the world's most closed society. Although there is a hint of forward change, the behavior of the North Korean elites cast a gloom over the future of the lives of all Koreans. In the southern part of the peninsula, changes are occuring in the military section. The U. S. government has set plans to withdraw some portion of the U. S. Forces stationed in Korea. Implementation of the plan will be dependent on the strategic situation of the Far East. Besides the reduction of the U. S. forces in Korea, the Korean government began to seriously consider arms control. Such a change of attitude was signaled by the speech of President Rho in the U. N. General Assembly last year.
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Hong, Suk-Hoon, and Yun-Young Cho. "Consistent pattern of DRPK’s policy on ROK: What shapes North Korea’s foreign policy?" International Area Studies Review 20, no. 1 (2016): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916683602.

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Identity is the basis of North Korea’s regime legitimacy. As a divided country, North Korea’s legitimacy is forged in the inter-Korean comparison. This paper starts with the question of what factors influence whether North Korea chooses to implement risky or cooperative policies toward South Korea, as well as what role domestic politics and ideology play in The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (DPRK) formation and enactment of foreign policy. This paper confirmed that the Pyongyang leadership’s policy priority has mostly depended on identity need. Also, we infer that Pyongyang tends to take a hostile stance whenever the South government is willing to infringe Pyongyang’s legitimacy and dignity regardless of the South’s economic assistance. This research attempts to explain how historical and cultural contexts play in the DPRK’s formation of its policy toward the Republic of Korea, and also examines Rodong Sinmun, the official newspaper of the Pyongyang regime, through the lens of content analysis in order to determine the DPRK’s perception and policy preferences toward the The Republic of Korea (ROK).
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Woo, Hee Choul, and Soon Jin Hong. "North Korea’s power structure by period a study(Centered on the party)." Taegu Science University Defense Security Institute 7, no. 2 (2023): 43–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37181/jscs.2023.7.2.043.

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The above paper is a party-centered research and analysis of the power structure of each era in North Korea. North Korea does not seem to maintain its normal state in the North’s special political environment, which actually leads to the third succession of Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un, with the 8th Party congress held in 2021 in the Notth. It can be said that the Kim Il-sung era, when North Korea was founded, was some what close to the socialist state centered on the party, but the importance of the party was recognized due to the military-first politics during the Kim Jong-il era, but its role was very weak. But forming the third-generation hereditary state to Kim Jong-un, whose origins are unknown in any country, the North’s leader is trying to rule the countty today by a system based on a party-state power structure based on patriotism with in the or bit of a normal socialist state. It can be tnought that the 8th Party Congress held in North Korea in 2021 represents that. There fore, this paper predicts the relationship hetween the North Korea in 2021 represents that. There fore, this paper predicts the relationship between the North Korea party, government, and military durint North Korea’s three hereditary governance and how they will change around Rodongdang through review of existing reseaech papers, analysis of recent situation in North Korea, and analysis of nuclear power plant data related to North Korea.
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7

GOEDDE, Patricia. "Human Rights Diffusion in North Korea: The Impact of Transnational Legal Mobilization." Asian Journal of Law and Society 5, no. 1 (2017): 175–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2017.20.

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AbstractThis article asks how legal mechanisms are employed outside of North Korea to achieve human rights diffusion in the country; to what extent these result in human rights diffusion in North Korea; and whether measures beyond accountability can be pursued in tandem for more productive engagement. Specifically, it examines how the North Korean government has interacted with the globalized legal regime of human rights vis-à-vis the UN and details the legal processes and implications of the UN Commission of Inquiry report, including domestic legislation, and evidence collection. While transnational legal mobilization has gathered momentum on the accountability side, it is significantly weaker in terms of achieving human rights protection within North Korea given the government’s perception of current human rights discourse as part of an externally produced war repertoire. Thus, efforts to engage the North Korean population and government require concurrent reframing of human rights discourse into more localized and relatable contexts.
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8

CHOO, Jaewoo. "South Korea’s Politics 2018: Unpredictable External Relations and a Slowing Economy." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (2019): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000096.

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South Korea will face enormous challenges on two fronts for 2019. The country’s economic base will collapse because of the government’s inability to counter the trap it has laid on itself with a dramatic elevation of minimum wage and tax rates on property and housing. The government will be diplomatically isolated for its blind love towards North Korea, and confronted with rising friction with Japan over history issues and China on Terminal High Altitude Area Defence.
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9

Kim, Min-jung, Min-joo Kim, Jyung-soo Kim, and Joon-ho Kim. "An improvement proposal: Protection and resettlement support act for North Korean defectors in order to propel social integration." International Social Work 61, no. 5 (2016): 665–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872816651700.

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The purpose of this study is to critically examine how North Korean defectors adapt to South Korean society and how the South Korean government institutes policies to support their settlement in the perspective of social integration. In particular, economic and psychological support by the South Korean government will be analyzed among the current resettlement support policies. The aim of this study is also to suggest proper remedial actions for North Korean defectors based on empirical research on the actual conditions of North Korean defectors in South Korea.
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10

Yun, Seongyi. "South Korea in 2022." Asian Survey 63, no. 2 (2023): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2023.63.2.225.

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At the presidential and local levels, progressives were replaced by conservatives in 2022. But the National Assembly is still dominated by the opposition Democratic Party, so the government is more divided than ever. As a conservative government came into power in South Korea, North Korea fired the most missiles ever, and inter-Korean relations were very strained. The economy is in serious condition due to inflation, interest rate hikes, and slowing growth.
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