Literatura científica selecionada sobre o tema "Merina (peuple de Madagascar)"
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Artigos de revistas sobre o assunto "Merina (peuple de Madagascar)"
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Campbell, Gwyn. "Slavery and Fanompoana: the Structure of Forced Labour in Imerina (Madagascar), 1790–1861". Journal of African History 29, n.º 3 (novembro de 1988): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030589.
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A recent school of historical thought has emerged, centred around the writings of Maurice Bloch, which asserts that the imperial Merina economy from the early nineteenth century became totally dependent upon slave labour. It claims that there was such an influx of slaves into Imerina that slave numbers rose dramatically and all free Merina were relieved from productive work to engage in essentially non-productive occupations, notably the military, imperial administration and commerce. This article, which traces the development of forced labour in Madagascar and examines the structure of labour under autarky, takes issue with this viewpoint. It emphasises not only that the slave population of Imerina in the nineteenth century was lower than asserted, but that Bloch misunderstands the nature offanompoanawhich, from the adoption of autarky in the mid-1820s, formed the organizing principle of most sectors of the imperial Merina economy outside subsistence agriculture. The impoverishment of the Merina economy which was a root cause of autarky led to a great decline in slave-holding amongst peasants who were in consequence largely obliged to work their own ricefields, either alone, or alongside the few slaves they managed to retain. By contrast, the Merina elite increasingly monopolized available labour resources, slave andfanompoana. Fanompoana, traditionally a limited form of prestation to the crown, was radically restructured under autarky between 1825 and 1861. Far from being ‘unproductive’, the imperial army, the largestfanompoanainstitution, constituted a huge and elaborate commercial organization which was used to exploit the empire's resources and channel them to the imperial heartland. At the same time,fanompoanaunits comprising Merina soldiers and colonists established farms and engaged in commerce in the provinces. Finally,fanompoanalabour was widely used on the east coast plantations, and especially in the attempt to forge an industrial revolution in Imerina. In sum, this article argues thatfanompoanarather than slavery formed the basis of the imperial Merina economy under autarky, ad was a major factor contributing to the failure of autarkic policies.
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Berg, Gerald M. "Writing Ideology: Ranavalona, The Ancestral Bureaucrat". History in Africa 22 (janeiro de 1995): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171909.
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In the late eighteenth century, Imerina was checkered with a myriad of tiny principalities, each ruled from hilltop fortresses. In just fifty years from 1780 to 1830, it was unified under a single ruler, drawing Merina into increasingly wider systems of obedience and creating a vast imperium that held sway over most of the Island of Madagascar, a landmass the size of France, Belgium, and Holland combined.And yet, the half century of tumultuous change that characterized the empire's rise brought no revolution in the Merina's own understanding of the world of power, a view which I have termed hasina ideology. Merina saw historical reality not as the product of human agency, but of ancestral beneficence, hasina, which flowed downwards on obedient Merina from long-dead ancestors in a sacred stream that connected all living Merina. For obedient Merina, politics consisted in nothing more nor less than a lifelong quest to position one's self favorably in that sacred stream as close as possible to ancestors and then to reap the benefits of that cherished association. With the passage of time, the hasina stream flowed into new generations and so generated new social relations expressed in terms of kinship. The vast transformation of the Merina political landscape only enhanced Imerina's devotion to ancestral hasina.The origins of hasina ideology are not known, though by the time Andrianampoinimerina began to unify Imerina in the closing decades of the eighteenth century, its character is clearly perceptible. Andrianampoinimerina's son Radama built on his father's legacy. In the 1820s he transformed Imerina from a small and isolated kingdom into an empire capable of projecting its power over the length and breadth of Madagascar.
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Campbell, Gwyn. "The State and Pre-Colonial Demographic History: The Case of Nineteenth-Century Madagascar". Journal of African History 32, n.º 3 (novembro de 1991): 415–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031534.
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This paper analyses the demography of nineteenth-century Madagascar in the light of the debate generated by the demographic transition theory. Both supporters and critics of the theory hold to an intrinsic opposition between human and ‘natural’ factors, such as climate, famine and disease, influencing demography. They also suppose a sharp chronological divide between the pre-colonial and colonial eras, arguing that whereas ‘natural’ demographic influences were of greater importance in the former period, human factors predominated thereafter. This paper argues that in the case of nineteenth-century Madagascar the human factor, in the form of the Merina state, was the predominant demographic influence. However, the impact of the state was felt through natural forces, and it varied over time. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries Merina state policies stimulated agricultural production, which helped to create a larger and healthier population and laid the foundation for Merina military and economic expansion within Madagascar. From the 1820, the cost of such expansionism led the state to increase its exploitation of forced labour at the expense of agricultural production and thus transformed it into a negative demographic force. Infertility and infant mortality, which were probably more significant influences on overall population levels than the adult mortality rate, increased from 1820 due to disease, malnutrition and stress, all of which stemmed from state forced labour policies. Available estimates indicate little if any population growth for Madagascar between 1820 and 1895. The demographic ‘crisis’ in Africa, ascribed by critics of the demographic transition theory to the colonial era, stemmed in Madagascar from the policies of the imperial Merina regime which in this sense formed a link to the French regime of the colonial era. In sum, this paper questions the underlying assumptions governing the debate about historical demography in Africa and suggests that the demographic impact of political forces be re-evaluated in terms of their changing interaction with ‘natural’ demographic influences.
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Bird, Randall. "The Merina Landscape in Early Nineteenth Century Highlands Madagascar". African Arts 38, n.º 4 (1 de dezembro de 2005): 18–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/afar.2005.38.4.18.
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Blanchon, Karine. "Rakotomalala, Malanjaona. – À cœur ouvert sur la sexualité merina (Madagascar)". Cahiers d'études africaines, n.º 212 (22 de novembro de 2013): 973–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.14869.
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Lee, Sung-Jae, e Hong-Gyu Kang. "The Merina Kingdom and Ranavalona I in the 19th Century Madagascar". Korea Association of World History and Culture 56 (30 de setembro de 2020): 195–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2020.09.56.195.
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Berg, Gerald M. "Virtù, and Fortuna in Radama's Nascent Bureaucracy, 1816–1828". History in Africa 23 (janeiro de 1996): 29–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171933.
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“I suppose pedigree and land belong to a fine match,” said Deronda coldly. “The best horse will win in spite of pedigree, my boy. You remember Napoleon's moi-je suis ancêtre,” said Sir Hugo, who habitually undervalued birth, as men dining well agree that the good life is distributed with wonderful equality. “I am not sure I want to be an ancestor,” said Deronda. “It doesn't seem the rarest sort of origination.”In the late eighteenth century Imerina was checkered with a myriad of tiny principalities, each ruled from hilltop fortresses. In just fifty years from 1780 to 1830, it was unified under a single ruler, drawing Merina into increasingly wider systems of obedience and creating a vast imperium that held sway over most of the island of Madagascar, a landmass the size of France, Belgium, and Holland combined.And yet, the half century of tumultuous change that characterized the empire's rise brought no revolution in the Merina's own understanding of the world of power, a view which I have termed hasina ideology. Merina saw historical reality as the product not of human agency, but of ancestral beneficence, hasina, which flowed downwards on obedient Merina from long—of dead ancestors in a sacred stream that connected all living Merina. For obedient Merina, politics consisted in nothing more and nothing less than the lifelong quest to position oneself favorably in that sacred stream as close as possible to ancestors and then to reap the material benefits of that cherished association. Ancestors made their pleasure known by bestowing blessings, “superior” hasina, on those who honored them.
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Campbell, Gwyn. "The Adoption of Autarky in Imperial Madagascar, 1820–1835". Journal of African History 28, n.º 3 (novembro de 1987): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030103.
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Traditionally, historians have viewed Queen Ranavalona I as being responsible for inaugurating an autarkic policy in Madagascar. Her expulsion of most foreigners from the country in 1835 is seen primarily as a reflection of her conservative and xenophobic attitudes. In this she is contrasted with her predecessor, Radama I, who is viewed as an enlightened and progressive monarch who, through wise domestic policies and an alliance with the British on Mauritius from 1817, built up an economically sound and prosperous empire. This paper challenges the traditional interpretation, arguing that in fact the Merina economy was in a dire condition from the second decade of the nineteenth century because the slave exports upon which it heavily depended were severely restricted in consequence of the British takeover of the Mascarenes. The subsequent alliance between Britain and Imerina totally prohibited slave exports. However, Radama I looked to Mauritius and British aid to promote legitimate exports and to help impose Merina rule over all Madagascar. Autarkic policies were initiated by Radama I in 1825–6 as a reaction against the failure of the British alliance to produce the anticipated results, and against the free trade imperialism that accompanied it. Convinced by 1825 that the Mauritius government meant to subordinate Imerina both economically and politically to British imperial interests, he reneged on the British treaty and adopted a policy designed to promote rapid economic growth within an independent island empire. Ranavalona I, far from implementing irrational and xenophobic policies, extended her predecessor's autarkic policies in a rational and systematic manner, and for precisely the same ends.
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Berg, Gerald M. "Radama's Smile: Domestic Challenges to Royal Ideology in Early Nineteenth–Century Imerina". History in Africa 25 (1998): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172181.
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In the 1820s, when Imerina expanded to control most of Madagascar, remarkably few Merina rose in organized opposition to the king's extensive plans to change basic social and political relations. Tradition conferred sacred legitimacy on innovative royal interpretations of ideology and secured public consent with little resort to force. Potential conflicts between the king and Merina elites were muted by negotiations that proceeded within the premises of traditional ideology. As the king managed to monopolize organized force, occasional acts of violence assured that royal views of ideology dominated all others.King Radama occupied the central position in the stream of blessing that ran from Imerina's collective ancestors downwards through him to all living Merina. As the ultimate living representative of all long-dead ancestors, he had the power to dispense their good will in the form of “superior”hasinain exchange for his subjects' offerings of “inferior”hasina. As mediator between heaven and earth, Radama alone determined how Imerina'shasinaideology would apply to the vicissitudes of everyday life. Merina, however, saw the reality that he created not merely as the product of human agency, but of ancestral beneficence as well. Since opposition to royal will implied the rejection of ancestral beneficence, attempts within Imerina to challenge the monarch's authority or the ideology on which it rested were rare indeed. Yet such cases of opposition did arise, and they reveal the nature of royal authority as seen from below.
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Stoebenau, Kirsten. "“Côtier” sexual identity as constructed by the urban Merina of Antananarivo, Madagascar". Études Océan Indien, n.º 45 (1 de dezembro de 2010): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/oceanindien.909.
Texto completo da fonteTeses / dissertações sobre o assunto "Merina (peuple de Madagascar)"
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Randriamananoro-Rabesahala, Charlotte Liliane. "Le site d'Ambohimanga-Rova : approche anthropologique de la civilisation merina, Madagascar". La Réunion, 2002. http://elgebar.univ-reunion.fr/login?url=http://thesesenligne.univ.run/02_15_Rabesahala.pdf.
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Le site d'Ambohimanga-Rova, à 21 km au nord d'Antananarivo, la capitale de Madagascar, devint à partir du règne d'Andrianampoinimerina (1785?-1810) centre religieux du royaume merina et le restera jusqu'à la colonisation française en 1896. Ambohimanga est représentatif d'un système socio-politique qui allie l'élément sol puissamment domestiqué et soigneusement mis en valeur, au bien-être spirituel de la population, bien-être sous-tendu par le souci de garder des liens privilégiés entre le cosmos et le monde sensible. Pour ce faire, l'organisation de l'espace est minutieusement étudiée pour l'harmonie de l'homme avec son environnement. Elle obéit à ce qu'il est convenu d'appeler l'astrologie pour mettre chaque élément à la place qui lui convient, dans un cadre et une orientation favorable. Qu'il s'agisse de l'implantation des vavahady (portes fortifiées) deux fois septuples de la cité ou de l'aménagement de l'intérieur de la demeure privée du souverain, le Lapa qui s'avère être un gnomon, les mêmes règles sont appliquées. L'ensemble royal est un microcosme reconstituant les règnes végétal, minéral et animal dans des proportions favorables sinon idéales pour l'homme qui recrée à sa mesure l'infini de l'univers. Ambohimanga raconte l'adaptation à un nouveau milieu naturel et culturel de peuples venus s'installer sur les Hautes Terres centrales malgaches après un long périple qui les a fait traverser tout l'Océan Indien d'est en ouest. Avec ses réussites et ses échecs, c'est une grande aventure humaine qui se profile derrière le passé et le présent de la colline sacrée merina.
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Nativel, Didier. "Maisons royales, demeures des grands à Madagascar : l'inscription de la réussite sociale dans l'espace urbain de Tananarive au XIXe siècle". Paris 7, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA070144.
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L'architecture royale et domestique merina a connu de profondes mutations au cours du xixe siecle. La forme et la conception des palais et des maisons des membres de l'elite de tananarive rompaient en grande partie avec le passe. Les edifices, qui n'ont cesse d'augmenter de taille, ont des lors ete construits en materiaux plus diversifies et plus resistants (brique et pierre a la fin du siecle). Ces ruptures techniques et culturelles ont ete suscitees plus que subies par les souverains et les grands. Elles renforcerent en effet leur pouvoir en accroissant la mobilisation de la population, des artisans merina, mais aussi des architectes europeens, a leur profit. En outre, palais et grandes demeures temoignaient de l'appropriation de techniques et d'esthetiques etrangeres (ocean indien, occident), sources de grand prestige. La france en s'imposant en 1895 a du composer avec ses divers apports qui font de la capitale de la nouvelle colonie un lieu de synthese de la tradition et de la modernite tout a fait originalMerina and domestic architecture has known deep changes throughout the nineteenth century. The shape and conceiving of the places dans houses of those who belonged to the tananarive elite was mostly breaking with the past. The buildings of a bigger and bigger size started being erected in more varied and resistant materials (brick and stone at the end of the century). Those technical dans cultural breaks were decided more than undergone by the sovereigns dans the powerful, strenthening their power indeed by increasing the mobilization of the population, the merina craftsmen, but also of the european architects, to the advantage of the latter-besides, palaces and spacious dwellings have displayed the mastery of higher prestigious techniques and aesthetics from abroad, i. E the indian ocean, the west. Standing out in 1895, france has had to manage with those various contributions which make the capital of the colony a truly original place where tradition and modernity mix
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Ratrimoarivony-Rakotondrainibe, Mamy. "Relation entre la société et l'éducation avant la colonisation dans la province de l'Imérina à Madagascar". Paris 5, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA05H031.
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Razafindralambo, Lolona Nathalie. "La notion d'esclave en Imerina (Madagascar) : ancienne servitude et aspects actuels de la dépendance". Paris 10, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA100183.
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L'ancienne société merina a été composée de quatre ordres hiérarchiques dont les andevo ("esclaves") ont occupé la dernière position. Malgré l'abolition de l'esclavage et du système hiérarchique de 1896, les différents termes relatifs à l'ancienne stratification sont maintenus. Pour légitimer leur présence dans les villages des anciens maîtres, les descendants des anciens andevo ont construit une identité selon les critères des anciens libres : terre, tombeau et ancêtre. Malgré cette identité, ils n'ont pas acquis la même position que les descendants des anciens maîtres. Ces derniers essaient de maintenir les descendants des anciens andevo dans une position de dépendants afin de garder leur position d'anciens dominantsThe old merina society was divided into four hierarchical groups. The andevo ("slaves") formed the lowest rank. Despite the 1896 abolition of slavery, the term "andevo" is still used in present-day Imerina along with the other terms which designated the former masters. The former slaves who did not leave the villages of their masters alter abolition, had to legitimize their presence. They adopted former master criteria of identity: ancestors, tomb and land. In spite of this newly acquired identity former slave descendants do not obtain the same position as former master descendants. The latter keep the former in their ancient position of dependants in order to maintain their own position as ancient dominants
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Razafiarison, Aina Andrianavalona. "Apports des traditions particulières dans la compréhension des successions royales merina (XVIe-XIXe siècle) Madagascar". Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010539.
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Les successions des souverains dans l'histoire de la monarchie merina (Madagascar) continuent à soulever des points de vue très divergents. La tradition orale a toujours été le principal véhicule de l'histoire de Madagascar, ainsi nombreuses sont les questions qui sont restées sans réponse et qui souvent donnent naissance à des débats interminables et passionnels. Les récits concernant la période du XVIe au XIXe siècle sont étrangement uniformes et les historiens qui s'étaient penchés sur cette période avaient très souvent admis la véracité des faits officiels rapportés par le canal du pouvoir en place dont l'objectivité est pourtant incertaine. Grâce à un travail de collecte et de recherche, des données historiques inédites ont pu être récoltées. Il s'agit d'appréhender plus objectivement les enjeux des successions et des légitimités des Rois merina afin d'en tirer des propositions sur les règles successorales merina qui sans doute contribuera à mieux comprendre la société malgache.
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Raison-Jourde, Françoise. "Construction nationale, idéntité chrétienne et modernité : Le premier XIXè siècle malgache". Lyon 3, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989LYO31006.
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Ce travail tente une relecture de l'histoire precoloniale du xixe siecle qui vit la conversion d'un pouvoir merina interesse par les apports techniques et intellectuels des missions (1817-1835), puis hostile a leur proselytisme, enfin converti en 1869 au protestantisme a la suite d'un retournement singulier. Les groupes chretiens minoritaires dont les catholiques, sont aussi concernes. L'analyse concerne donc l'evolution du pouvoir, des elites, de la masse paysanne et des provinces durement conquises. Elle analyse apres 1869 la trajectoire territoriale et sociale du protestantisme, centree sur la notion de paroisse et portee par d'etroits rapports entre ville et campagnes. Puis elle suit son impact reposant sur des moyens de communication nouveaux : introduction d'ecoles primaires puis superieures, revues, mais en fait surtout sensible dans le discours, le chant et l'utilisation de l'image. La derniere partie tente d'apprecier les reactions de la population devant ces mutations. Loyaliste, elle s'y engage a la suite de la reine, puis manifeste un retrait a la suite des epidemies de 1875-80, concues comme punitions ancestrales. La ceremonie du famadihana devient alors un recours pour renouer avec les ancetresThis work is a reassesment of precolonial history during the xixth century when the malagasy kingdom became christian. First concerned by technological and intellectual improvements (1817-1835), then offensed by their religious teaching, the power became christian in 1869 at the end of a process which is still mysterious. The approach also concerns minor groups of christians like the catholics. The purpose is to understand the evolution of the state, of the elites, of the peasants and of the conquered territories. After 1869 the work focuses on the territorial and social progression of protestantism which owes much to the pattern of the parish and to the lively interactions between town and country life. It compares the new means of communication : primary schools, secondary schools, books and reviews, with the traditional means, mainly kabary (speeches) and singing which are far more important in their impact. The last part of the work is devoted to the reactions of the rural population. Everybody wants to be baptised like the queen, but the blow of several epudemics leads the crowds to an interpretation in terms of punishment by the ancestors. The famadihana is a ceremony more and more practised to please the ancestors
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Tisseau, Violaine. "Le pain et le riz : métis et métissage, entre "Européens" et Malgaches, dans les Hautes Terres centrales de Madagascar aux 19e et 20e siècles". Paris 7, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA070063.
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Notre travail a pour but de montrer comment les métis dans les Hautes Terres centrales de Madagascar ont pu se reclasser relativement aisément, par une sociabilité en partie libre du contrôle des autorités coloniales et par le fonctionnement de la société merina. Dans une première partie, nous montrons comment le métissage devient source d'inquiétude pour le pouvoir. La société merina, présentée comme close, s'est construite en relation avec l'étranger. Il faut le temps de cristallisation des appartenances juste avant la colonisation officielle puis la mise en place des cadres de la colonie pour que les métis deviennent une menace, bien plus fantasmée que réelle d'ailleurs. Nous voyons dans un second temps comment les différents acteurs de la colonisation tentent de contenir « la question métisse » en la considérant d'abord comme un problème social auquel il faut répondre par la prise en charge des métis, puis comme un problème juridique. La catégorie « métis » est alors érigée en catégorie de droit. Ces deux actions structurent fortement l'espace colonial dans lequel évoluent parents de métis et métis mais ceux-ci en tirent parti en mettant en place des stratégies pour acquérir la citoyenneté française. Enfin, alors que le pouvoir considère les métis comme formant un bloc homogène, nous montrons que cette vision est en partie fausse en étudiant leurs stratégies matrimoniales, leurs niveaux et modes de vie. La façon dont ils vivent au quotidien est en effet représentative de leur reclassement dans l'une ou l'autre des sociétés en présence, et de la mobilisation de leurs diverses identités en fonction des situationsThe purpose of our work is to show how metis in the Central Highlands of Madagascar were able to reclassify relatively easily thanks to a sociality partly free from the control of colonial authorities and to Merina society organization. In the first part, we show how miscegenation emerges as a source of concern for the colonial authorities. Merina society, considered a closed one, bas built itself in connection with foreigners. Métis only become a threat - although more fantasized than real - after identities crystallize at the dawn of official colonization and after the foundations of the colony are set up. In a second part, we explain how the various actors of the colonization try to contain the "question des metis". First they regard it as a social problem that needs to be addressed by taking care of the metis, then as a legal problem which leads to establish the "metis" category as a legal one. Parents of metis and metis evolve in a colonial space that is strongly structured by these two actions, but they take advantage of it by developing strategies to acquire French citizenship. Finally, while the authorities see the metis group as homogeneous, we show that this view is partly wrong by studying their matrimonial strategies, living standards and lifestyles. The way they live day-to-day is indeed representative of their reclassifying into one or another of the existing communities, and their mobilizing of their various identities depending upon the situations
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Raharison, Lucien. "Héritage foncier, évolution du paysage agraire et de la paysannerie en Imenina (hautes terres centrales de Madagascar) de la fin du 19e siècle aux années 1990". Paris 7, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA070018.
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L'objet de notre étude c'est de démontrer la prépondérance de la succession dans l'accès du paysan au foncier en Imerina (Hautes Terres de Madagascar), malgré le développement des ventes de terres depuis la fin du XIXème siècle. Elle va aussi démontrer les rôles et la place de l'héritage dans la dynamique ainsi que l'évolution du paysage agraire et de la paysannerie en Imerina, puis les changements qui se sont opérés au niveau des pratiques sociales. Notre réflexion tend à résoudre la problématique de la relation ou non entre l'évolution de l'appropriation terrienne basée sur l'héritage, ou sur les ventes de terres, avec la transformation du paysage agraire et les changements perçus au niveau de la paysannerie, partant de l'étude de l’Imerina. La question a été abordée sur les origines de l'accès des paysans à la terre, l'évolution de leurs statuts, le degré de leurs attachements vis-à-vis de la terre. Par ailleurs, nous avons cherché à connaître les rôles tenus par les paysans de l’ Imerina dans la transformation du paysage agraire. Entretemps, une certaine tendance à la redéfinition de la valeur du foncier commençait à paraître. La terre de valeur patrimoniale, "sacrée", allait passer à une valeur économique, marchandable. Pour aborder notre problématique, nous avons adopté une approche pluridisciplinaire en recourant l'appui des autres sciences humaines et sociales autres que l'histoire, et plus spécifiquement celui de l'anthropologie. Pour cela, plusieurs sources différentes ont été utiliséesIn this study, we would to show clearly, on the one hand, the predominance of the succession over the landownership in Imerina(high land in Central Madagascar), in spite of, on the other hand, the development of the sale of land. The two most practiced modes of access to landownership in Imerina seem to be contradictory whereas in fact they are complementary. The sale of land seems at first sight, contrary to patriony of inheritance principles. The sale of land is one of adaptations to customary principles in order to preserve the social bond despite the economic difficulties in the sense that the sale of lands is not allowed except by local people's agreement. There is endo-transferability but not exo-transferability. In that sense the land is not (or not entirely) a property, therefore we can't talk about land market. Seing an integral part of standards a value System, centuries old practice, the inheritance has evolved with the time. Until when will the rule of endo-transferability resist to the pressure of market and to the obligation of the permanent revival of social bonds ? Problems of ration evolution between inheritance, sales of land and other mode of access to landownership involve in having interest both in customary right and in contemporary one on its every aspect. Other factors have also to be taken into account within a entire scope of the custom. In our methodology, we have worked on source of documents such as: Land registry Lists and records of local delegates, monographies. All those things have been examined and completed by the investigations
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Razafindrakoto, Jobonina. "La valiha de Madagascar : tradition et modernité en Imerina de 1820 à 1995 (études organologique, acoustique et socio-historique)". Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040049.
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Dès sa formulation comme projet scientifique, l'ethnomusicologie s'est intéressée aux similitudes entre le langage parlé et le langage musical. Or, nous pouvons considérer que l'instrument de musique fait aussi partie de la production musicale. C'est donc à partir de cet objet sonore (dont l'organologie permet d'étudier la structure) que nous avons conçu une approche possible de la culture malgache. Largement répandue à Madagascar sous diverses appellations, la valiha est un instrument séculaire qui a pu se maintenir jusqu'à nos jours au prix de transformations organologiques et sociologiques multiples. Son étude en Imerina, région des Hautes Terres centrales de l'île aujourd'hui fortement acculturée à l'occident, révèle un singulier paradoxe entre tradition et modernité. Ainsi, notre monographie de la valiha tente d'éclairer l'évolution des pratiques sociales et musicales observées de 1820 à 1995 en Imerina. D'une part, nous avons privilégié la perspective historique afin de rendre compte des modalités d'adaptation de la population Merina face au changement. D'autre part, nous avons choisi des spécialités afférentes à l'ethnomusicologie comme l'acoustique musicale (qui permet d'expliquer les manières de façonner l'instrument et ses sonorités) et la sémiologie (qui permet d'expliquer le mode de représentation symbolique de l'instrument. ) Cette diversification des outils de description et d'analyse a été nécessaire pour faire une synthèse sur la valiha. Synthèse qui nous donne une connaissance plus approfondie sur l'authenticité de la culture malgache. (Doc Thèses)Ethnomusicology, as a scientific project, was, from the beginning, interested in similarities between spoken and musical languages. As a matter of fact, we may consider the musical instrument as a part of the musical production. So, we established a possible approach of the Malagasy culture based upon the acoustic object itself (organology allowed us to study its structure). Widespread in Madagascar, under different names, valiha is a secular instrument which came to us through many organologic and sociologic transformations. Made in Imerina, central highlands of the island, today very occidentalised, this study reveals a surprising paradox between tradition and modernity. That way, our monography on valiha tries to enlighten evolution of musical practices reported in Imerina from 1820 to 1995. On the one hand, we emphasized the historical point of view to point out how Merina people adapt themselves to change. On the other hand, we choosed specialities related to ethnomusicology like musical acoustics (which explains how the instrument and their sonorities are built) and semiology (which explains how the instrument can be symbolized). This wide set of descriptive and analytic tools had to be used to achieve this synthetic work on valiha. This synthesis gave us a thorough knowledge of Malagasy culture authenticity
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Monginot, Pauline. "Artiste ou mpanakanto ? : construction sociale et stylistique de la figure du peintre dans les villes des Hautes Terres malgaches : l'exemple de Tananarive (1880-1972)". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCC104.
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Cette thèse propose d’analyser les processus de formation de l’identité de l’artiste peintre dans la société malgache, entre les années 1880 (période d’installation des Européens à Antananarivo) et 1972 (fin de la première République de Madagascar). La peinture est une pratique artistique récente à Madagascar : introduite en 1826 par les Européens, son histoire s’inscrit en parallèle de celle de la colonisation. Pourtant, la peinture devient, pour la société merina, un enjeu de définition des identités et des hiérarchies sociales. Ni artistes coloniaux, ni artisans traditionnels, les peintres malgaches doivent pourtant se conformer aux normes imposées par les politiques culturelles coloniales d’une part et par les usages attribués à l’art dans la société merina d’autre part. Ils naviguent entre la figure de l’artiste occidental et le mpanakanto, le faiseur de beau. Il s’agit donc d’analyser les stratégies établies par ces artistes pour tirer profit des ressources européennes et malgaches afin de faire carrière et d’inventer une identité artistique singulière.L’étude des processus qui conduisent au choix d’une telle carrière révèle les enjeux et besoins auxquels répond la peinture. Ces mêmes processus contribuent à définir les normes et les modèles que la jeune discipline adopte. L’histoire des peintres pose également la question de la place de l’art dans la société malgache, que ce soit sur le plan économique (marché de l’art) ou patrimonial ; le rôle qu’ils occupent leur permet de s’inscrire dans la société. Il s’agit également d’envisager les notions de groupe et d’individualité au sein d’un véritable « monde de l’art » [Becker ; 1988] caractérisé par des circulations régionales et transnationales intenses. Cette approche réticulaire autorise alors à réinscrire l’histoire de l’art malgache dans une perspective plus globaleThis dissertation proposes to analyze the processes at work in the making of the painter identity in the Malagasy society, between the 1880s (when Europeans settle in Antananarivo) and 1972 (end of the first Republic of Madagascar). Painting is a recent activity in Madagascar: introduced in 1826 by Europeans, its history is deeply connected to colonization. However, painting becomes, for the merina society, an issue of defining social hierarchies and identities. Neither colonial artists, nor traditional craftsmen, Malagasy painters need yet to conform themselves to the norms imposed by colonial cultural policies, on the one hand, and by the usages granted to art in the merina society, on the other hand. They proceed between incarnating the figure of the estern artist and being mpanakanto, maker of beauty. It is a matter of analyzing the strategies established by these artists to make the most of the European and Malagasy resources in order to have a career and invent their own artistic identity. The study of the processes leading to the choices of such a career reveals the stakes and needs to which paint answers. These same processes contribute to defining the norms and models that the young discipline adopts. The history of painters questions also the role of art in the Malagasy society, whether it is on an economical (art market) or patrimonial level; the function they serve allows them to fit in society. It is also a question of considering the notions of group and individuality within a genuine “art world” [Becker ; 1988] characterized by intense transnational and regional flows. Thus, this reticular approach authorizes to rethink Malagasy Art History as pertaining to a more global perspective
Livros sobre o assunto "Merina (peuple de Madagascar)"
1
Mauro, Didier. Madagascar: Parole d'ancêtre merina : amour et rébellion en Imerina. Fontenay-sous-Bois: Anako éditions, 2000.
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2
Ambohimanga-Rova: Approche anthropologique de la civilisation merina (Madagascar). Paris: le Publieur, 2006.
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3
Carol, Jean. Les incertitudes du colonialisme: Jean Carol à Madagascar. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1990.
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4
Rafidison, Nathalie. Conflits ethniques et leur résolution à Majunga (Madagascar) de 1740 à aujourd'hui. Paris: Institut des langues et civilisatins orientales, 1993.
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5
Hira Gasy: L'opéra du peuple : Journal de Madagascar 1997. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2004.
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6
Vatan, Géraldine. Hira Gasy: L'opéra d'un peuple : journal de Madagascar 1997. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2004.
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7
History and memory in the age of enslavement: Becoming Merina in highland Madagascar, 1770-1822. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2000.
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8
Raison-Jourde, Françoise. Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: Invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'Etat, 1780-1880. Paris: Karthala, 1991.
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9
Maurice, Bloch. From blessing to violence: History and ideology in the circumcision ritual of the Merina at Madagascar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986.
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10
Maurice, Bloch. From blessing to violence: History and ideology in the circumcision ritual of the Merina of Madagascar. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Encontre o texto completo da fonteCapítulos de livros sobre o assunto "Merina (peuple de Madagascar)"
1
"4. Proposition and Response: The Merina Hainteny". In Verbal Arts in Madagascar. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.9783/9781512816693-005.
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2
"8. The Britanno-Merina Treaty, 1820". In David Griffiths and the Missionary "History of Madagascar", 972–77. BRILL, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004195189_051.
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Bloch, Maurice. "Marriage amongst equals: an analysis of the marriage ceremony of the Merina of Madagascar 1". In Ritual, History and Power, 89–105. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003136361-4.
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