Teses / dissertações: "Politisk argumentation"

1

Nilsson, Rebecka. "Personifieringen av den politiska retoriken : Fredrik Reinfeldts argumentation i personliga intervjuer". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Litteraturvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-230335.

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2

Alegria, Alvarez Li. "Jämställdhet i politisk debatt : en argumentationsanalys av riksdagsdebatt". Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-20586.

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This study involves an analysis of arguments on parental allowance debates and sex legislation debates. The debates that will be analyzed are the following; allowance, equality bonus, stricter punishment for the purchase of sexual services and men's violence against women, violence and oppression, and violence in same-sex relationships. This empirical research is a qualitative study in its entirety, as for the method is an argumentation analysis. The arguments which the debates contain will be analyzed from a gender perspective. The theoretical question is: What is considered equality as a gender perspective? The empirical question is: How did parliament debates the issue of parental and prostitution laws issue from a gender perspective? The debates about genus and gender equality perspective have been a crucial issue in the Swedish Parliament. That women and men are equal or unequal has been heavily emphasized in the debates. My study aims at an in depth investigation in these debates based on an analysis of arguments. Moreover, I have evaluated what gender combined with democracy and democratic self-determination entails. I have structured my analysis up by various arguments and analyzed these arguments on the basis of the perspectives above. My conclusion is that the first two debates were treated particularly in the genus and the gender equality perspective and there was a possibility to connect the theories in relevant argumentations/discussions. However, complex problems emerged in the last two debates, stricter penalty regarding the purchase of sexual services, violence against women, violence and oppression, and violence in same-sex relationships where gender and equality issues have been avoided to be treated. Generally occurring from the bourgeois side than from the opposition.

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3

Buch, Camilla, e Sanna Håkansson. "Oberoendets tid : En kvalitativ studie av språk och argumentation på fyra svenska ledarsidor under september 2012". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-18462.

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Detta är en kvalitativ studie av ledartexter på fyra av Stockholms största nyhetstidningar: Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet. Med utgångspunkt i Lars Nords avhandling från 2001 där han förutspår den klassiska ledartextens tillbakagång har vi undersökt ledartexters språk, argumentation och hur de hanterar politiska ämnen i dagens press mot bakgrund av dels en förändrad situation inom medier och opinion, dels partipressens försvagade ställning. Vi har valt ut 8 skribenter, en man och en kvinna från varje redaktion. Varje skribent bidrar med 3 texter var. Detta ger en slutsumma på 24 texter. Med stöd i den klassiska retoriken och textanalys av opinionsbildande material har vi utformat en modell för att studera ledartextens specifika karaktär. Genom denna analys har vi funnit att ledarens ställning i dagspressen och det offentliga samtalet inte har försvagats som det förutspåddes för tio år sedan, utan snarare förnyats. Partipolitiken som synts på ledarsidorna under partipressens tid syns inte längre, istället är det tidningens ideologier som speglas på ledarsidan.

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4

Arvidsson, Mattias. "Hur yttrar sig politisk konflikt i Sverige? : - En argumentationsanalys". Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-68990.

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5

Stalfelt, Niordson Carl. "Politiska budskap i miniformat : -en topikanalys av tre politiska partiers twitter". Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-61496.

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Denna studie undersöker de tre mest etablerade partierna i Sverige och deras användning av Twitter ur ett retoriskt perspektiv. Twitter används numer frekvent av politiker och kan ses som en slagkraftig informationskanal för framstående personer i maktposition. Studien avser att söka förståelse för hur politiska partier argumenterar för sin egen politiska agenda med utgångspunkt i kritisk retorik och topikanalys. Det teoretiska ramverket för uppsatsen är baserat på en modern förståelse av begreppet topik och genom att undersöka ett antal inlägg inom en viss tidsram söker uppsatsen kartlägga vilka topiker partierna utgår från i sin argumentation. Resultatet visar hur partierna anlägger olika strategier för sina tweets genom de inferentiella och kognitiva topiker de väljer för att föra fram sitt budskap och söka stöd för sin agenda.

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6

Lundin, Julia. "Medborgardialoger – demokratisering för politisk jämlikhet? : En fallstudie av medborgardialoger i två svenska kommuner som uttryck av deliberativ demokrati". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-443560.

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Rätten till politisk delaktighet skapar möjligheter för medborgare att göra anspråk på sina mänskliga rättigheter, och därmed möjliggör för medborgare att påverka sina levnadsförhållanden. Frånvaron av möjligheter till att delta och att kunna påverka beslut är därmed ett betydande rättighetsproblem. Uppsatsen har sin start i den politiska ojämlikheten som har påvisats i Sverige, där den allmänna rösträtten inte verkar räcka till för att garantera politisk jämlikhet. I utredningar föreslås medborgardialog som en lösning. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om medborgardialoger, initierade av Hallstahammars kommun och Västerås stad, kan förstås som ett uttryck av deliberativ demokrati. För att studera detta avgränsades deliberativ demokrati till fem normativa deliberativa ideal; argumentation, inkludering, jämlikhet, transparens och beslutspåverkan. Dessa ideal ses som rimliga villkor för deliberativ demokrati och har mätts mot kommunernas medborgardialoger med hjälp av en kvalitativ fallstudie med textanalys. Uppsatsens resultat visar på att medborgardialog kan förstås som ett uttryck för deliberativ demokrati när det gäller en del normativa villkor, men i det stora hela så brister medborgardialogerna i de utvalda deliberativa idealen. Hallstahammars kommun är ett uttryck deliberativ demokrati i större utsträckning än Västerås stad. Kommunernas fortsatta arbete med att utveckla medborgardialoger är därför av största vikt och i synnerhet genom att utveckla riktlinjer och strategier explicit för att främja den politiska jämlikheten för samtliga kommunmedborgare. Uppsatsen har resulterat i en sammanfattande guide för att genomföra medborgardialoger med deliberativa kvalitéer.
The right to political participation creates opportunities for citizens to claim their human rights, thereby enabling citizens to influence their living conditions. The absence of opportunities to participate and to be able to influence decisions is therefore a significant human rights problem. The paper starts with the political inequality that has been demonstrated in Sweden, where voting rights does not seem to be enough to guarantee political equality. In studies, citizen dialogues are proposed as a solution. The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether citizen dialogues, initiated by Hallstahammar municipality and Västerås municipality, can be understood as an expression of deliberative democracy. To study this, deliberative democracy was limited to five normative deliberative ideals: argumentation, inclusion, equality, transparency and decision-making influence. These ideals are reasonable conditions for deliberative democracy and have been measured against municipal citizen dialogues in a qualitative case study using text analysis as a tool. The result of the study shows that citizen dialogues can be understood as an expression of deliberative democracy when it comes to some normative conditions, but overall, the citizen dialogues lack in the chosen ideals. Hallstahammar municipality is an expression of deliberative democracy to a greater extent than Västerås municipality. The continued work of municipalities in developing citizen dialogues is therefore of the utmost importance and by developing guidelines and strategies explicitly to promote political equality for all municipal citizens. The study has resulted in a guide to conduct citizen dialogues with deliberative qualities.

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7

Blomster, Anna-Karin. "Politisk debatt när den är som besvärligast : En fallasianalys av en invandringspolitisk debatt mellan Gudrun Schyman och Jimmie Åkesson". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-242321.

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Uppsatsen behandlar en besvärlig politisk debatt mellan Gudrun Schyman och Jimmie Åkesson som hölls strax innan riksdagsvalet 2014 i SVT:s Aktuellt. De respektive debattörerna uppfattades som mycket hetska i sin argumentation och debatten mottogs som bråkig och präglad av angrepp. Uppsatsen syftar till att ta reda på vad som gick fel i debatten, vad det är som gör att den upplevs som just bråkig. Med hjälp av pragmadialektisk fallasianalys utrönas argumentationens svagheter som i sin tur ger ett svar på frågeställningen. Det tungsta resultatet av undersökningen visar att Åkesson bryter mot relevansregeln och ståndpunktregeln, vilket betyder att han avleder uppmärksamheten från ämnet samt förvränger Schymans ståndpunkt i debatten. Detta ger upphov till en stigande irritation från Schymans sida, som då i sin tur bryter mot frihetsregeln och går till personangrepp mot Åkesson. Schymans argumentation är övervägande mer logiskt giltig än Åkessons, men svagheten i hennes argumentation är lättare för gemene lyssnare att upptäcka: att gå till personangrepp är ett mer explicit brott än att försöka avleda uppmärksamheten från ämnet, vilket gör att Schymans mer logiskt giltiga argumentation hamnar i skuggan av denna irritation. Åkesson provocerar således fram dessa personangrepp från Schymans sida genom sina brott mot idealen i argumentationdekalogen vilket föder bråkigheten mellan dem.

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8

Dahlgren, Peter. "Kampen om definitionerna : Politikers retoriska självförsvar under mediedrev". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-19677.

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Introduktion: Under 2011 till året därpå var två politiker, Carl Bildt (moderat utrikesminister) och Håkan Juholt (Socialdemokraternas partiledare), utsatta för mediedrev: Etiopiensvenskar-na och bostadsaffären. Juholt var som en svamp som sög upp all kritik medan Bildt framstod som teflon i jämförelse. Hur kommer det sig att Bildt klarade sig och fick sitta kvar som mi-nister, medan Juholt avgick? Problem: Vad är det som skiljer Bildt från Juholts retorik under mediedreven 2011 enligt sta-tusläran? Hur ramar journalisterna in debatten för Bildt respektive Juholt? Teori: Med statusläran (stasis theory) kan en sakfråga analyseras retoriskt genom ett av fyra status (”ställning”): fakta, definition, kvalitet eller procedur. Exempelvis, ett dödande kan handla om huruvida det ägt rum (fakta), om det var mord eller självförsvar (definition), om det var rätt (kvalitet) samt om frågan ska avgöras i annat forum (procedur). Fakta och proce-dur är starkast försvar, definition och kvalitet svagast. Metod: Kvalitativ retorisk analys av Bildt och Juholts medieframträdanden i tv och radio, där medierna anklagar och aktörerna försvarar sig i en dialogsituation. Resultat: Bildt använder mer eller mindre uteslutande ett bevisande (fakta) och överförande status (procedur). När ny information är motstridig, hävdar han att den ska beskrivas an-norlunda (definition). Juholt använder huvudsakligen ett kvalitativt status, ofta för att bedyra sin goda karaktär, även när han kunde valt ett mer lämpligt status. Flera fall har också upp-täckts där journalisterna ställt frågor som varit inramade (presupponerad) på ett tveksamt sätt, ofta på ett kvalitativt status. Diskussion: Bildt använder starkare status vilket får till följd att skandalen inte tenderar att utvecklas i lika hög utsträckning då frågor om moral och värderingar utesluts. Juholt har valt det svagaste statuset. Slutsatsen är att man inte ska välja en försvarsstrategi och hålla fast vid den, utan anpassa försvaret varefter som ny information blir tillgänglig och anklagelsernas karaktär förändras. Slutsatsen gäller reaktiv kriskommunikation, inte nödvändigtvis proaktiv. Dessutom föreslås tre nya analyskriterier till statusläran. Studien begränsas huvudsakligen av medievalet (radio och tv) eftersom bara en del av den medierade politiken fångas, liksom ty-pen av kris (etiska normbrott).
Introduction: During 2011, two major Swedish politicians, Carl Bildt (right-wing foreign min-ister) and Håkan Juholt (leader of the Social Democrats), were set under siege during a so called ‘media hunt’: The Ethiopiaswedes and the residence affair. Juholt was like a sponge absorbing every bit of critique, whereas Bildt seemed like Teflon in comparison. How did Bildt manage to remain in power, while Juholt had to resign? Problem: What sets Bildt’s rhetoric apart from Juholt’s rhetoric during the media hunt under 2011 in relation to the stasis theory? How do the journalists frame the media discourse for Bildt and Juholt? Theory: A controversy can be analyzed rhetorically with one of four stases of the stasis theo-ry: fact, definition, quality or procedure. E.g., a killing has either occurred or not (fact), it may be defined as murder or self-defense (definition), there’s a question if it was the right thing to do (quality) and if the controversy should be judged in another forum (procedure). Fact and procedure is the strongest defense, definition and quality is the weakest. Method: Qualitative rhetorical analysis of Bildt’s and Juholt’s media appearances in TV and radio, where the media accuse and the politicians defend themselves in a dialogue situation. Results: Bildt uses more or less exclusively the stases of fact and procedure. When new in-formation is contradictory to fact, he claims that it should be described differently (stasis of definition). Juholt mostly uses a stasis of quality to assert his good moral character, even when he could’ve chosen a more appropriate stasis. A few cases where the journalists’ questions have been framed (presuppositioned) in a questionable manner have also been found, often in a qualitative stasis. Discussion: Bildt uses stronger stasis which prevents the scandal from evolving and therefore excludes questions about morals and values. Juholt uses a weaker stasis. The conclusion is that one shouldn’t select a rhetorical self-defense strategy and stick to it; rather, the defense should adapt to new information as well as changes in the type of accusation. This conclusion holds for reactive crisis communication, not necessarily proactive. Three new analytical criteria for the stasis theory are also offered. The study is primarily limited by the type of crisis (norm transgressions) and the choice of media (radio and TV) because only a part of the mediatized politics is captured.

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9

Rosqvist, Jenny. "Pudelns kärna : Vad det innebär att "göra en pudel" ur ett kommunikativt perspektiv". Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Discourse Studies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1865.

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In this essay I want to investigate how the poodle strategy affects a person’s credibility when he or she uses it. The poodle strategy is a strategy, which someone uses when he or she is scrutinized by the media. It’s primary purpose is to suppress further media coverage but it is also a strategy for defending oneself and hence rescuing one’s reputation either as a private person or as an official.

The essay’s research questions are:

How has the strategy been applied for defensive purposes and what are the results?
To which extent can the Stasis theory and Benoit’s theory on Apologia be connected to the strategy?
Does the strategy affect the user’s credibility?

To answer these questions four cases from the political sphere in Sweden where persons have been said to have “done a poodle” have been analyzed. In order to analyze the strategy and to judge how successful it has been these cases have been connected to the Stasis theory, Benoit’s theory on apologia and theories about credibility and trust.

Additionally this essay investigates how applicable the Stasis theory is as a model for analyses and how relevant analyses based on stasis theory are today. Furthermore it investigates wheteher a fusion of the Stasis theory and Benoit´s theory on Apologia can be profitable.

An important conclusion is that the poodle strategy is a strategy, which is more complicated than one might first think. Whether the strategy works depends on a series of factors; for example the person’s initial credibility (or ethos) and the morality of the actions. These factors need to be assessed before the strategy is put into use.

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10

Littmarck, Sofia. "Barn, föräldrar, välfärdsstat : Den politiska debatten om föräldrautbildning och föräldrastöd 1964-2009". Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Barn, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-140911.

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The political debate concerning parent education and parenting support between 1964 and 2009 has been scrutinized in this study in the light of the development of and changes in the welfare state. The investigation is based upon the analysis of official government inquiries and parliamentary papers dealing with parent education and parenting support. This study analyzes the different choices in the organization of welfare relevant to children and the family for which political actors have argued, and it examines the views on the relations between children, parents, family and the welfare state that were expressed in the argumentation. Parent education and parenting support aim at changing the living conditions of children by means of the parents. The study shows that the interest in this type of investment has been shared by both the political left and center-right, but from different arguments and political visions on how welfare for children and families with children should be organized, as well as from different views of the role of parent education and parenting support in the welfare.
I den här avhandlingen granskas den politiska debatten om föräldrautbildning och föräldrastöd mellan 1964 och 2009 i ljuset av välfärdssamhällets utveckling och förändring. Studien bygger på en analys av betänkanden från statliga utredningar och riksdagstryck i frågan om föräldrautbildning och föräldrastöd. I studien granskas vilka vägval i organiseringen av välfärden kring barn och familj som politiska aktörer har argumenterat för och vilken syn på relationerna mellan barn, föräldrar, familj och välfärdsstat som kommit till uttryck i argumentationen. Föräldrautbildning och föräldrastöd syftar till att förändra barns villkor genom att påverka föräldrarna. Analysen visar att intresset för denna typ av åtgärd har delats av såväl vänster som borgerliga, men utifrån skilda argument och politiska visioner för hur välfärden kring barn och barnfamiljen ska organiseras, såväl som utifrån olika sätt att se på föräldrautbildningens och föräldrastödets roll i välfärden.

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11

Holmström, Felicia. "'Frihet' som argumentativt medel i Moderaternas politiska diskurs : en studie av ordets retorisering". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-256659.

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Uppsatsen undersöker retoriseringen av begreppet 'frihet' i svensk politik med analysfokus på Moderaternas politiska diskurs 1956-2014. Genom att synliggöra eventuella förändringar i frihetsbegreppets representationer syftar uppsatsen till att belysa hur begrepp kan fyllas med olika innebörder och visa hur de på detta sätt kan bli persuasiva som bärare av olika ideologiska föreställningar – dvs. hur till synes neutrala ord blir politiskt laddade, och med vilka medel det kan ske.
This essay discusses the concept of 'freedom' and it's rhetorization in Swedish liberal political discourse 1956-2014.

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12

Travers, Richard Patrick. "Confronting crisis : norms, argumentation, and humanitarian intervention". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3844fb71-e9d7-4a37-a77d-8b51ce51b452.

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The purpose of this thesis is theory development. It begins by evaluating existing explanations of why states undertake humanitarian intervention. Realists argue that states only intervene when their national interests are at stake. Normative scholars argue that states are at times motivated to save foreign citizens. Neither approach adequately accounts for the pattern of post-Cold War state practice. Building from this conclusion, the thesis conducts research based on two propositions derived from an analysis of existing debates: that examining state motive holds promise for elucidating the weaknesses in current approaches and that studying state argumentation can provide insight into state motives. To better investigate state motives, a theoretical framework is developed to explain how motives translate into state decision-making and manifest themselves in state argumentation. By employing process tracing, argumentation analysis, and elite interviews, this framework is applied to three cases: Northern Iraq in 1991, Rwanda in 1994, and East Timor in 1999. Each case study constructs a theoretically informed narrative, assesses debates between states at the United Nations Security Council, and evaluates the consistency between state discourse and state practice. The cases are then used heuristically to identify opportunities for improving existing theory and developing new theory. This yields several conclusions. First, not only do states often possess mixed motives, but the humanitarian impulse also appears in some cases to have been a necessary condition for humanitarian intervention. Second, the norm of humanitarian intervention does not function as a general rule. Rather, it is a cluster of principles derived from just war theory and international law, but also connected to related norms about sovereignty, human rights, and self-determination. Third, state decision-making is a collective process structured by the prevailing post-Cold War institutional and normative context. The thesis concludes by outlining promising avenues of research for better understanding why states respond to some occurrences of mass atrocities and not others.

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Brenneis, Markus [Verfasser], Martin [Gutachter] Mauve e Stefan [Gutachter] Harmeling. "How Much Do I Argue Like You? Comparing Attitudes in Argumentation and Derived Applications / Markus Brenneis ; Gutachter: Martin Mauve, Stefan Harmeling". Düsseldorf : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek der Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1240475500/34.

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Agnemar, Lina. "Den svenska kärnkraftsdebatten i skuggan av Fukushima : En studie i hur svenska kärnkraftsförespråkare i maktposition använder argumentation och auktoritet". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kommunikation, medier och it, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-17353.

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Aim: The nuclear accident in Fukushima, Japan, raised global criticism against nuclear power. In Sweden, the criticism has not been very visible and the government now allows a renewal of the nuclear power plants. The purpose with the study is to have a closer look on how Swedes in position of power motivate their positive attitude to nuclear power and how they conduct themselves to each other and to their opponents. The rhetorical perspective will be in focus for the analysing. Method: Four different artifacts represented by Swedes in position of power having a positiveattitude to nuclear power were chosen. Three rhetorical theories (the rhetorical arena, stasis andethos, pathos and logos) were used with the research question in focus. Result & Conclusions: The analyses resulted in conclusions about the strategies used by the participants such as: the importance of contexts, meaning for example that the greenhouse effect legitimizes nuclear power as a source of energy with important benefits. Redefining the meaning of key words such as “environment friendly”. Using authority, emotions and knowledge as a way to persuade. Suggestions for future research: It would be interesting to go further with the fundamental values and ideologies which seem to have an important role in the Swedish nuclear power debate. Contribution of the thesis: This study has hopefully brought new light on the nuclear power debate and can be a contribution to a broader understanding how to bring more nuance and transparency to it.

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Hjort, Mattias, e Nils Johansson. "Svensk handelspolitik i den rådande etanoldiskussionen : En studie av centrala aktörers argumentation år 2006". Thesis, Linköping University, The Tema Institute, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6768.

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Debatten om hur oljan skall ersättas i Sverige till år 2020 pågår. Ett diskuterat alternativ är etanol, vars förbrukning förväntas öka. Sveriges etanolproduktion är beroende av EU:s tullstruktur, utan den blir fabrikerna i Sverige utkonkurrerade. Samtidigt är Sveriges handelspolitiska utgångspunkt att alla former av handelshinder skall motverkas. Om man skall satsa på en inhemsk produktion av etanol måste man gå emot handelspolitiken och inte propagera för en frihandel. Sverige står inför ett vägval där endast ett val av två önskade går att uppfylla.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka Sveriges interna diskussion, bland närmast berörda intressenter såsom politiker, tjänstemän, näringsliv och intresseorganisationer, om detta vägval. Vidare ska policydokument såsom handelspolitiska och energipolitiska dokument undersökas. Närmare ska vi undersöka vilka argument som framträder för en frihandelslinje respektive argument för en inhemsk produktion. Detta för att argumenten kan påvisa vilka värden som innefattas i de båda vägarna.

Textanalysen påvisade att den frihandelsvänliga linje som Sveriges handelspolitik representerar, ifrågasätts av både Sveriges nya förslag för att uppnå ett oljeoberoende och EU:s förslag till energistrategi. Kontentan av analysen är att det i dagsläget saknas en genomtänkt strategi för hur Sverige skall trygga behovet av etanol.

Resultatet av intervjuanalysen visar att argumenten som framträder är av en art som stöder en fri handel men också sådana som vurmar för en inhemsk produktion. Dock är man överens om att en frihandel inom denna sektor skulle vara gynnsamt för u-länders utveckling och även att arbetstillfällen och landsbygdsutveckling skulle gynnas av en inhemsk etanolindustri.

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Widman, Jesper. "Rasism och populism : En argumentations- och diskursinriktad analys av SDs och NMRs partiprogram". Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-71882.

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This is a qualitative study with an argumentation and discourse approach with the purpose to compile what the Swedish democrats (SD) and the Nordic resistance movement (NMR) writes about religion in their current party program. The two main questions in this study were as follows: Are there any signs of islamophobia, antisemitism or cultural racism in the party programs of Swedish democrats and the Nordic resistance movement and how is this expressed? also Is it religion that is more represented as threat in each party program? The main theories that are discussed in this study are islamophobia, antisemitism and cultural racism. The result of the study shows that the Nordic resistance movement have many arguments that are antiemetic, and this organization especially believes that we live in a world where majority of medias and politicians are controlled by a Zionist elite group. The study of The Swedish democrat’s party program shows that many arguments have cultural racism intendencies and that the party favorites Christianity in their party program.

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Wikström, Patrik. "Den argumenterande Olof Palme : en argumentationsanalys av strukturer och strukturbrott i Olof Palmes inlägg i valdebatten mot Thorbjörn Fälldin i Scandinavium, Göteborg, 1976". Licentiate thesis, Örebro University, Department of Humanities, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-1528.

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Abstract

The topic of the present dissertation is argumentation in the late statesman Olof Palme (1927-1986). One may reasonably think that the fascination for Palme is mainly due to his way of expressing his policy, and therefore also to his argumentation strategy. The theoretical background consists of Lloyd F. Bitzers’s theory on the rhetorical situation, Stephen E. Toulmin’s theory on the description of argumentation structures and on the notion of fallacy, as it appears in pragma-dialectics and informal logic. The rhetorical situation is used to identify vital presuppositions and conditions surrounding the analysed argumentation.Toulmin’s theoretical model is used to analyse structures in the argumentation, and the notion of fallacy is used to discover infringements upon these structures. The object of this analysis is the decisive electoral debates of autumn 1976 between Olof Palme and Thorbjörn Fälldin, held in Scandinavium, Gothenburg, Sweden. Palme had to think of a number of surrounding conditions, such as that the debate was decisive, the composition of the audience. Palme and Fälldin otherwise appeared to be rather equally equipped for the debate. Palme’s task was primarily to gain the number of votes needed to continue to keep social democracy in power. There seem to exist several levels making up his argumentation, grouped under attack and defence. Defence is in most cases based upon a strong connection with the social democrat tradition. The attack is more complicated, linked to Palme’s overall argumentative intention: to depict the non-socialists as a bad governing alternative, and the social democrats as a better one. Fallacies are regarded as instances of breaking the frame of rules that govern a critical discussion. Palme has several fallacy-like features in his argumentation. Among those, most common, are that he attacks the person Thorbjörn Fälldin, instead of the policy or party that he represents. Palme also starts from presupposed premises and tries to link the economic policy of the alliance to an intellectually-thought delimiting between liberal and conservative capitalism and social-democrat solidarity. He strives to portray the liberals and conservatives as money-orientated, whereas social democracy is depicted as people-orientated.Palme goes arguably too far at several moments during the debate,which possibly hurts his own argumentation.

Keywords: Olof Palme, argumentation, argumentation analysis, rhetoric, rhetorical situation, Toulmin´s argumentative model, fallacy, informal logic, pragma-dialectic, critical discussion, debate, Thorbjörn Fälldin, social democracy, election

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Lundström, Julia. "”Ingen av oss behöver stå utanför och se på” : Den socialdemokratiska kvinnorörelsens argumentation för kvinnlig rösträtt i tidningen Morgonbris, 1909-1914". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för studier av samhällsutveckling och kultur, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-134145.

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Den här C-uppsatsen är skriven vid Institutionen för studier av samhällsutveckling och kultur (ISAK) vid Linköpings universitet. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilka argument den socialdemokratiska kvinnorörelsen använde sig av i sin agitation för den kvinnliga rösträtten i Morgonbris: tidning för den socialdemokratiska kvinnorörelsen mellan åren 1909-1914, hur denna argumentation förändrades under undersökningsperioden samt hur dessa socialdemokratiska kvinnors inställning till den borgerliga kvinnans rösträttsförening LKPR såg ut gällande den kvinnliga rösträtten. Studien bygger på en kvalitativ textanalys där alla aktuella upplagor av tidningen Morgonbris har närlästs. Undersökningen har sin grund i Yvonne Hirdmans genusteori samt Zygmunt Baumans identitetsteori om ”vi-och-dom”. Analysen visar att den socialdemokratiska kvinnorörelsen argumenterade för kvinnlig rösträtt utifrån: medborgarskap, särart- och likhetsfeminism, klass samt med hjälp av andra länders erfarenheter och framgångar inom området. Andra argument fungerade opinionsbildande med syfte att ena arbetarklassens kvinnor i kampen för den kvinnliga rösträttens införande och att genom starkt organisations- och påverkansarbete få dem att rösta på SAP. Gällande frågan om hur argumentationen förändrades under undersökningsåren visar analysen bl.a. att de socialdemokratiska kvinnorna under undersökningens första år fokuserade på argument av särartsfeministisk karaktär och klassargument. Under undersökningens sista år fokuserade de snarare på argument av likhetsfeministisk karaktär och socialistiska argument – de gick allt mer åt vänster. Beträffande relationen mellan den socialdemokratiska kvinnorörelsen och LKPR visar min undersökning att de socialdemokratiska kvinnornas gemensamma identitet, deras ”vi”, skapades genom att de framställde de borgerliga kvinnorna som ”dom”. De socialdemokratiska kvinnorna ansåg att LKPR inte arbetade för alla kvinnors rätt till rösträtt.

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Pettersson, Lars. "Valfrihet eller Jämlikhet : En studie av den politiska argumentationen i samband med friskolereformen med utgångspunkt i John Rawls teori om rättvisa". Thesis, Södertörn University College, Lärarutbildningen, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1201.

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Johansson, Nils. "Hur blir politiska skapelser virala succéer? : En komparativ argumentationsanalys". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34878.

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Since the beginning of the 1990s, Swedish society has gone through a great change. Firstly with the personal computer and then with the internet moving in to everyday life, a new arena for interaction with society evolved. Work, education, doing bank errands and reading or discussing the news, just to name a few, now all take place in the virtual world online. Not to mention social media sites such as twitter, instagram or facebook, the last of which has over half of the Swedish population represented as members. Companies, corporations, interest groups, political parties and politicians must be aware of the massive impact that a post spread through social media can have. This thesis will, with the text analyzing tool, argumentation analysis, and on the theoretical platform of political communications theory, analyze three of the most viral Swedish political posts spread over 120 000 times each, to see if there are any combined qualities that point to the fact that there is a formula for getting a post to become a viral success on social media. The main result showed that of the three posts analyzed, all were built up around a factual thesis, argued for with foremost example arguments, not only appealing to the logical branch of argumentation but also to the ethical, and that they tended to be of high relevance and sustainability. The conclusion must therefore be that these are all qualities that tend to be of relevance for making a political post on social media into a viral success.

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Björk, Martin. "Kampen om den svenska utrikespolitiken : Hur den svenska utrikespolitiken definieras och fastställs mellan åren 1867–1905 till följd av den rådande politiska maktdelningen". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294429.

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Abstract The struggle for Swedish foreign policy – How Swedish foreign policy was defined and established between the years 1867–1905 as a result of prevailing political power-sharing AIMS – The aim of this master thesis is to problematize how the Swedish foreign policy was defined politically in the context of the existing constitutional power-sharing model between the bicameral parliament and the ruling monarch. The period 1867–1905 is considered an earlier phase in the political process towards modern parliamentarianism in Sweden. DESIGN – An overall theoretical perspective of a correlation between domestic- and foreign policy is applied, and complemented with a theoretical position of which actor has the priority to define Swedish foreign policy. The thesis uses a methodology of extensive argumentation analysis, with a thematic division between the internal political arena on one side, and on the other side the parliamentary arena. The first arena is analyzed by combining political programs with the monarchs’ autobiographies and memoir. The second arena uses parliamentary debate protocols, parliamentary bills. In this way the thesis generates a selection and a greater understanding of various political issues which is of concern to the actual foreign policy definition in the annual official political throne speeches of the Swedish monarch. RESULTS – A variety of political issues are regarded as of foreign political importance within the internal political arena and is distinguished by a degree of correlations with ideological, ideal and political domestic issues. Such issues are then reflected in the parliamentary arena, through debates in both first and second chambers. The range of issues addressed is not only of constitutional importance, regarding the monarch’s executive power over the different foreign policy areas, but also concerning which political approach should be applied to define the main principle of Swedish foreign policy. Together, the parliamentary debates reveals which arguments influence the definition of foreign policy and which actors who claim the priority to define Swedish foreign policy – all within the existing frame of the power-sharing system. CONCLUSIONS – The thesis concludes that the actors of various parliamentary committees, and especially the constitutional committee, not only had the crucial argument which determined the outcome of the numerous parliamentary debates. Same actors also had the priority to define the main arguments on which the foundations of the monarch’s foreign policy political guidelines where dictated.

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Benites, Nieves Rodolfo David. "Constructing political feasibility: argumentation and persuasion in the process of design and adoption of the National Policy on Modernization of Public Management between 2011 and 2013". Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91726.

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This paper documents the process of design and adoption of the «National Policy on Modernization of Public Management» between 2011 and 2013. In order to achieve this objective, it will identify the political, institutional and economic constrains and it will analyse the importance of various actor which policymaker had to engage for political legitimacy and formal approval. This analysis fins that the implementation of a communication strategy produced the political consensus necessary for political approval.
El presente artículo documenta el proceso de diseño y aprobación de la Política Nacional de Modernización de la Gestión Pública entre los años 2011 y 2013. Para ello identifica las restricciones del contexto político, institucional y económico, así como la importancia de los diversos actores que tuvo que involucrar para su legitimación y aprobación. El propósito central del presente artículo es comprender de qué manera la implementación de una estrategia comunicacional facilitó el consenso político para la aprobación de la propuesta de política.

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Kuhlmann, Christoph. "Die öffentliche Begründung politischen Handelns : zur Argumentationsrationalität in der politischen Massenkommunikation /". Opladen [u.a.] : Westdt. Verl, 1999. http://www.gbv.de/dms/ilmenau/toc/254462340kuhlm.PDF.

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Smets, Patrick. "La légitimité au quotidien: l'idéologie dans le discours managérial". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211100.

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Freitas, Ana Teresa Silva de. "PLANEJAMENTO FAMILIAR A PARTIR DA CONSTITUIÇÃO FEDERAL DE 1988: perspectivas para as famílias e possibilidades legislativas". Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2009. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/821.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANA TERESA SILVA DE FREITAS.pdf: 1178355 bytes, checksum: 2cc1f3fe4a7befdd41edec36faf309af (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-27
Family Planning through the Federal Constitution of 1988. Prospects for a democratic politics of family planning that includes a plurality of family models and the possibilities of implementation of planning legislation, for these families, through the Constitution of 1988. It presents the historical trajectory of the families in Brazil and of family planning, to contextualize them in the social area, starting the journey of building concept of family planning and their horizons of re-drafting. Projects is the development of normative categories such as family and family planning in Brazil, to considerate the possibility of extracting the argument that the Federal Constitution of 1988, in its regulations for family planning. Builds up in front of the argument, the concept of plural family planning and barriers to their achievement. The structures of the Federal Law no. 9263/96, the National Policy for Sexual and Reproductive Rights, in areas of family planning, and legislative perspectives on the chosen topic (anonymous childbirth; pension paid to the mother the benefit of the child created as a result of rape, and family planning in prisons), is questioning their positions to allow pluralism and diversity of families and social change.
Planejamento Familiar a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988. Perspectivas de uma política de planejamento familiar democrática que contemple a pluralidade de modelos familiares e as possibilidades legislativas de implementação desse planejamento, para essas famílias, a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988. Apresenta-se o percurso histórico das famílias no Brasil e do planejamento familiar, para contextualizá-los no espaço social, iniciando o percurso de construção conceitual do planejamento familiar e os seus horizontes de re-elaboração. Projeta-se a construção normativa das categorias família e planejamento familiar no Brasil, para serem analisadas as possibilidades de argumentação que se extraem da Constituição Federal de 1988, em sua normatividade, para o planejamento familiar. Constrói-se, diante da argumentação, o conceito plural de planejamento familiar e os entraves para a sua realização. Examinam-se os paradigmas da Lei Federal nº. 9.263/96, da Política Nacional de Direitos Sexuais e Reprodutivos, nos eixos do planejamento familiar, e das perspectivas legislativas escolhidas sobre o tema (parto anônimo; pensão paga à mãe em benefício do filho gerado em decorrência de estupro; e planejamento familiar em presídios), questionando-se suas posturas a possibilitar o pluralismo e a diversidade de famílias e as transformações sociais.

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Andersson, Malin. "Stories of Climate Change : Circular Transformation or Business as Usual? A Discourse Analysis of Climate Change Mitigation Policy in Three Swedish Municipalities". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Miljöförändring, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-176669.

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This thesis identified dominant discourses in climate change mitigation policy in three Swedish municipalities using argumentative discourse analysis. It was explored how these discourses influence the potential for success in mitigating climate change. Other studies have identified several factors that are important when working with climate change mitigation in municipalities, for example, political leadership and organizational structure. However, studies have shown that discourse is also an influential factor since it sets the frame for what can be thought of, consequently influencing policies and actions, but this has not been studied as much at the municipal level in Sweden. Previous studies of environmental policy have shown the dominance of an ecological modernization discourse, where economic growth and environmental issues are combined to create a win-win. The results in this thesis show the dominance of a strong ecological modernization where the decoupling between economic growth and environmental problems, renewable energy and technology, a global justice perspective, and a focus on collaboration between stakeholders is central. A main conclusion is that the ecological modernization discourse risks obscuring potential solutions that are not related to the market or technological innovation. However, the inclusion of a diversity of actors and a focus on justice could potentially minimize this risk. Finally, emerging discourses around transformation and circular economy could be ways to problematize the taken-for-granted ecological modernization discourse. However, their potential depends on how these concepts are framed and what is included in them.

Presentation was done online due to COVID-19

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Fofana, Dalla Malé. "La subjectivité journalistique en entrevue médiatique: une approche rhétorique et interactionnelle de l'émission Péncum Sénégal". Thèse, Université de Sherbrooke, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/7712.

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Résumé: Au lendemain des élections présidentielles de 2000, le Sénégal tourne la page sur quarante ans de régime socialiste, et traverse pacifiquement les élections les plus redoutées de son histoire politique. La presse privée, nouveau contre-pouvoir, contribue grandement à l’élection de son candidat : Abdoulaye Wade. Toutefois, une fois aux commandes, cet homme « idéal » est loin de faire l’unanimité selon les médias indépendants. Du coup, ceux-ci constituent un obstacle pour lui. S’instaure alors un bras de fer entre les ex-alliés. À un an de la fin de ce mandat, une webradio créée par un émigrant sénégalais, voit le jour (Keurgoumak). Le concepteur de la radio déclare son intention de poser un regard neutre et objectif sur le septennat finissant, à travers des entrevues (Péncum Sénégal) de personnalités politiques. Mais une radio au dispositif technique presque assimilable à du « journalisme citoyen », née dans des conditions sociopolitiques si particulières, peut-elle échapper à la partialité, avec des thèmes hautement controversés et un public cible (la diaspora sénégalaise) à la dimension stratégique indéniable? Notre objectif est de déterminer le véritable positionnement du journaliste (neutralité ou partialité). Notre corpus est une transcription d’émissions radiophoniques qui ont eu lieu de février 2006 à août 2006. Dans le cadre du discours médiatique tel que décrit par Charaudeau (2000 à 2009), nous nous appuyons sur la perspective intégrative des travaux d’Amossy (2000, 2010) en matière d’argumentation. Celle-ci s’ouvre autant à l’interaction qu’à l’analyse du discours. Notre analyse est contrastive et comparative. Nous déterminons le positionnement du journaliste à travers une comparaison des caractéristiques interactionnelles formelles des entrevues, des caractéristiques lexico-interactionnelles de son discours interactif et une analyse lexicale et énonciative de ses propos. Nous analysons la relation interpersonnelle que le journaliste tisse avec les invités dans le cadre spécifique de l’interaction familière du pénc. Mots clefs : discours radiophonique, entrevue médiatique, pénc, interaction familière, énonciation, relation interpersonnelle, argumentation, analyse du discours, subjectivité, partialité, wolof, Sénégal.
Abstract: In the aftermath of the 2000 presidential election, Senegal leaves behind 40 years of socialist rule and peacefully goes through one of the most feared elections of its political history. Abdoulaye Wade is elected with a considerable contribution from independent medias. But once in power, the "ideal" man is far from being what the independent medias had anticipated. This situation creates tension between the former allies. One year prior to the end of Abdoulaye Wade’s first term, an independant webradio (Keurgoumak) created by a Senegalese immigrant decides to have a look at Abdoulaye Wade presidency. The designer of the radio declares its intention to take a neutral and objective stance through interviews (Pencum Senegal) with politicians in power and from the opposition. But can any journalistic institution escape subjectivity or bias? Moreover Péncum Senegal has a constitution similar to that of "citizen journalism" and is born in heavily polarized socio-political conditions. The journalist discusses highly controversial issues and targets an audience (the Senegalese diaspora) that holds an undeniable strategic dimension in the country. Our goal is to determine the true position of the journalist (neutrality or favoritism). Our corpus is a transcript of the radio broadcasts that took place from February 2006 to August 2006. We base our analysis on the media discourse theory as described by Charaudeau (2000-2009). We do so within the frame of the integrative perspective by Amossy (2000, 2010). Based on argumentation, it combines rhetoric, interaction and discourse analysis. Our analysis is comparative and contrastive. We observe the interviews’ formal interactional features. We are also interested in the interpersonal relationships that the journalist builds with the guests, as well as the lexical and denunciative clues of his views on the government.

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Mićović, Miljana. "La comunicación y el discurso políticos en España y Serbia. Análisis comparativo de las estrategias argumentativas utilizadas en los debates electorales televisivos". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/285600.

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Esta tesis aborda el análisis comparativo de la comunicación y discurso políticos en España y Serbia, así como de las estrategias argumentativas utilizadas por los políticos en los debates cara a cara. Por tanto, el objetivo principal de esta investigación es doble: por un lado, comparar dos realidades comunicativas diferentes, la de España y la de Serbia, desde el punto de vista de la comunicación política, en general; por otro lado, realizar el análisis lingüístico argumentativo de un género concreto del discurso político, el debate cara a cara, a fin de poder llegar a conclusiones relevantes sobre las similitudes y las diferencias en dicho género entre las tradiciones lingüísticas y comunicativas de España y Serbia. En la primera parte de la tesis, se profundiza en la investigación académica sobre dos realidades comunicativas diferentes: la de España y la de Serbia. A partir de las aportaciones de los estudios de la comunicación política, así como de la investigación llevada a cabo en interacción con los expertos en comunicación política en ambos países, se responde a las preguntas de investigación específicas sobre la evolución y la influencia de los medios de comunicación en las actividades políticas y, en especial, de la televisión. Se aborda la influencia de este medio de comunicación en la configuración de la imagen comunicativa de los candidatos y, más en concreto, la relevancia de las habilidades oratorias y la retórica para el éxito de los profesionales de la política. Se presenta con más detalle el estado de la cuestión de la investigación del discurso político en español y serbio. Se trata también el estado actual y el papel de la asesoría política en ambos países, así como las recomendaciones que formulan los asesores para la construcción de una imagen comunicativa exitosa de los políticos. Asimismo, se presta especial atención a la formación de los asesores en oratoria, retórica y comunicación no verbal y a la presencia de los lingüistas en la esfera de la comunicación política en España y Serbia. La segunda parte de la tesis se dedica al análisis lingüístico argumentativo de los debates cara a cara. El corpus analizado está compuesto por tres debates celebrados en 2008 y 2011 en España y dos debates realizados en 2008 y 2012 en Serbia. En primer lugar, se compara la tradición de los debates electorales en general y, posteriormente, se describen los debates que conforman el corpus, el formato que tuvieron estos programas, así como el papel que en cada enfrentamiento tuvo el moderador. En segundo lugar, a partir de un estado de la cuestión de los trabajos que abordan el estudio lingüístico del discurso político, se identifican y contrastan las estrategias argumentativas utilizadas por los líderes políticos en los debates que conforman el corpus de esta tesis. El análisis comparativo permite advertir algunas de las recurrencias a determinadas estrategias argumentativas por parte de todos los políticos y, en especial, por parte de los candidatos en el gobierno, por un lado, y los de la oposición, por el otro. En tercer lugar, se analizan los mecanismos lingüísticos y pragmáticos de la argumentación en los debates del corpus. Se estudia el comportamiento (des)cortés de los participantes en los debates y los mecanismos lingüísticos de la argumentación –repeticiones e interrogaciones-, sus diferentes formas y su frecuencia de uso en el discurso de cada candidato. El análisis llevado a cabo contribuye a los estudios comparativos de Análisis del Discurso, en general, y a los dedicados al discurso político, en concreto; asimismo, enriquece los estudios comparativos del campo de la Comunicación política, en general, pero, sobre todo, los dedicados a los debates electorales.
This thesis deals with the comparative analysis of communication and political discourse in Spain and Serbia, as well as the argumentative strategies used by politicians in face-to-face debates. Therefore, the main objective of this research is twofold: first, to compare two different communicative realities of Spain and Serbia, from the point of view of political communication and political discourse in general; and second, to carry out the argumentative linguistic analysis of a particular genre of political discourse, face-to-face debate, in order to reach important conclusions about the similarities and differences in the genre between linguistic and communicative traditions of Spain and Serbia. In the first part of the thesis, we delve into the academic research on two different communicative situations: that of Spain and Serbia. From the contributions of political communication studies and research carried out in interaction with experts in political communication in both countries, we try to respond to the specific research questions regarding the evolution and influence of the mass media in political activities and, in particular, the importance of television. The focus is on the influence of this media on candidate image construction and, more specifically, on the relevance of rhetoric and oratory skills to the success of the politicians. We present in more detail the state of the research on political discourse in Spanish and Serbian. The second part of the thesis deals with the linguistic argumentative analysis of face-to-face debates. The corpus of this thesis is composed of three debates organized in 2008 and 2011 in Spain and two debates held in 2008 and 2012 in Serbia. First, we compare the tradition of the general election debates and then the debates that form the corpus. Second, we identify and contrast the argumentative strategies used by political leaders in debates that make up the corpus of this thesis based on a literature review of the studies on political discourse. Third, we analyze the linguistic and pragmatic mechanisms of argumentation in the debates from the corpus. We study the linguistic (im)politeness in participants' discourse in the debates and the linguistic mechanisms of argumentation –repetition and questions-

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Sandqvist, Cecilia. "Gestaltningen av diabetes i svensk press : En kvantitativ innehållsanalys av svenska dags- och kvällstidningar". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-146510.

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Background: Diabetes is a global health issue on the rise. Besides genetics as a cause of diabetes, diet, weight and lifestyle are amongst the main factors. Due to the modernized society, new technology and risks, there has been a shift in responsibility of safety and health. As a part of a health promoting policy development during the last few decades there has also been a natural de-authorization of health knowledge and expertise. Governmental expertise has been decentralized to the society and so has the responsibilities. Traces of this new health paradigm can be seen in the media discourse. It has been seen in studies of the reporting of diabetes in North American press, that societal factors – such as labor market, health care and infrastructure – often get veiled by individuals’ responsibility and guilt due to lifestyle and life choices. This affects how individuals feel about their life situation and how the public perceive them. Method and material: A quantitative content analysis was performed on 112 articles from six Swedish broadsheet and tabloid newspapers. The articles were coded with variables measuring article theme, dominant framing of diabetes´ causes and whose responsibility, what arguments are used and what agents with dignity can be seen. Excerpts from the articles were also analyzed with qualitative tools as modality and argumentation analysis. Results: Similarities between the Swedish and the North American newspapers were discovered. Societal factors and structures as causes and means of responsibilities were not as prominent as those aiming for the individual. The responsibility of the society was also reported to a much greater extent than society as a factor contributing to cause diabetes. This can be considered a sign of the health promoting strategy and the individualism that is rooted in modernization, industrialization and economic liberalization. Doctors and scientists were given dignity as often as celebrities and private citizens, which indicates the de-authorization of health knowledge and the further use of scientists and doctors as a truth repository in media. Several of the articles concern the critique of the diabetes unawareness and predominant individual responsibility that was the outset of this study. Celebrities and private citizens were frequently given dignity in these cases. In their criticizing, high modality contributed to a strong authority in their knowledge.
Grund för forskningsfrågan: Diabetes av olika slag drabbar ett växande antal människor världen över. Sjukdomen tros främst bero på genetik och omgivande faktorer så som livsstil, vilken påverkas av den omgivande miljön. Det har visat sig i studier av rapportering kring sjukdomen i bland annat nordamerikansk press att samhälleliga faktorer ofta hamnar i skymundan och att skulden och ansvaret för sjukdomen framstår ligga hos individen och dess egenvalda livsstil. Detta kan bero på en hälsofrämjande strategi som setts växa fram under de senaste decennierna, som en reaktion på effekterna av teknisk utveckling, modernisering och marknadskrafter. Strategin har inneburit en naturlig av-auktorisering av hälsokunskapen och individualisering av ansvaret. Detta hälsoparadigm återspeglas i medierna. Studien: Denna studie undersöker rapporteringen av diabetes i svensk press, genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av 112 artiklar från sex svenska dags- och kvällstidningar. Materialet kodades med variabler för bland annat artikeltema, dominant gestaltning av orsak samt ansvar för diabetes, vilka argument som förekommer och vilka aktörer som tillskrivs dignitet i sammanhanget. Detta kompletterades med en kvalitativ analys av några textutdrag från materialet, med verktyg och begrepp från och argumentationsanalys samt det lingvistiska begreppet modalitet. Resultat: Det framträder stora likheter mellan de svenska tidningarna och de nordamerikanska. Samhällsstrukturer som orsak till och ansvar för diabetes framgår inte i samma utsträckning som individens roll. Samhällets ansvar för sjukdomen framgår dock i större utsträckning än dess skuld, vilket går i linje med individualiseringen av hälsoansvaret. Läkare och professorer tillsammans förekommer med dignitet i ungefär lika många artiklar som privatpersoner och kändisar tillsammans, vilket indikerar avauktoriseringen av hälsokunskapen, och den fortsatta användningen av läkare och professorer som ett slags ”sanningsvittnen”. I flera artiklar framträder just den kritik mot okunskap kring sjukdomen och hur individerna själva måste arbeta för att förändra läget, en utgångspunkt för denna studie. Kändisar och privatpersoner fick i dessa fall dignitet. I deras kritiserande av andra uttalanden de inte höll med i, agerade hög modalitet en faktor som gav dem auktoritet i sina uttalanden.

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Kornprobst, Markus. "Argumentation and compromise : the politics of irredentism in Europe". 2005. http://link.library.utoronto.ca/eir/EIRdetail.cfm?Resources__ID=232635&T=F.

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Ščerbak, Alexander. "Rétorické a argumentačné konštrukty a ich implementácia v súčasných politických programoch". Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-353688.

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Diploma thesis is dealing with the political party programme as the basic building block of political rhetoric and related phenomena in the Czech and Slovak political discourse of reasoning, rhetoric and related statements and case studies that describe and approach these phenomena with examples from the current domestic political rhetoric. Author bases on contemporary critical analysis of argumentation and theory of pragma-dialectic which opposes fallacies or false arguments and then sees both methods in construction of arguments in cases of political rhetoric, mass media discourse and conotative values that they are gaining. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

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Škopková, Andrea. "Argumentace české avantgardy v reakcích magazínu ReD na vnější kritiku hnutí". Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-358028.

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The theme of the work is assessment of argumentation strategies used by Revue Devetsil (ReD) editors, eg in response to articles published elsewhere or other critical contributions - especially in the context of conflict of art and politics. In particular, the observed situations relate to cases in which ReD editors expressed their views on the evaluations of contemporary avant-garde movement. The content of the study is an analysis of argumentation techniques according to social viewpoint. Rather than formal stylistic means, the text is oriented to contents and context of the use of specific or repeated arguments, especially the position from which the message is being produced. At the same time, the work captures the communication traits and characteristics of the First Republic cultural journalism and the position of the Czech avant-garde at the turn of the 1920s and 1930s. The thesis is divided into four chapters and a conclusion. The first one presents the media landscape of the First Republic cultural journalism, the second chapter informs about Devetsil movement, third part focuses on presentation of the goals of the Revue Devetsil, the fourth chapter presents examples of argumentative concepts on the genre of the manifesto, the polemics and the theoretical study. The conclusion discusses...

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Švejda, Zdeněk. "Zjevná a skrytá manipulace v politických projevech socialistické éry". Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-337221.

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This thesis is concerned with identifying and describing the linguistic elements of manipulative strategies of selected political speeches from 1948 till 1957. In the first part the work is focused on the principles of political communication, further persuasion and manipulation with respect to the relationship of these terms. In the next sections we find formal and functional description language means with regard to their pragmatic semantic components, mechanisms of propaganda and political line of reasoning. Knowledge of various aspects of language allows description of specific manipulative tendencies in political speeches and their burden in terms of evident and hidden action to the addressee.

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Dieter, Eric Matthew 1976. "Enduring character : the problem with authenticity and the persistence of ethos". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/23147.

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This dissertation is interested in how people talk about character in a variety of public spheres. Specifically, it explores the tangled relationship between authenticity and ethos, or what is taken as the distinction between intrinsic and constructed character. While this dissertation does not presume to settle the question of authenticity’s actuality, it does discuss the ways authenticity cues in rhetorical acts continue to influence how “sincere character” in those acts is understood, even as audiences exhibit shrewdness in recognizing that character is a purposeful manifestation of the rhetor. The fundamental phenomenon this dissertation seeks to describe is how people, with better and worse success, negotiate the dissonance between valuing character as authentic and as presentation and representation. Character in this view is a much richer and more paradoxical concept than many discussions of the term admit. A too-diluted study of ethos limited strictly to pinpointing credibility in an argument makes it difficult to articulate why an exhibition of character sometimes works and sometimes flops. Ethos in its fullest complexity is, and is not, constructed by any single act; it is the consequence of narratives, both of those narratives, and also what we say about those narratives; it is something we know about a rhetor, at the same time that it comes from what the rhetor claims to know; it is, most important, an appeal to authenticity, even when we know ethos is discursively, kairotically, and socially constructed. This dissertation offers an expanded definition of ethos as rhetorical transactions that rhetors and audiences mutually negotiate in order to determine the extent to which all sides will have their rhetorical needs met, and the extent to which all sides can assent to the those needs. The dissertation, using the works of Wayne Booth, Kenneth Burke, and Chaïm Perelman as its primary theoretical structures, offers pedagogic implications for these mutual negotiations.
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Gelnarová, Jitka. "Právo i dobro Argumentace a diskurs českých aktivistek za volební právo pro ženy". Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-327219.

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Right and good : Argumentation and Discourse of Czech Activists for Women's Suffrage Jitka Gelnarová Abstract The dissertation deals with the concept of suffrage within the discourse of Czech women's suffrage activists between 1897 and 1914. The aim is to define how the concept of suffrage was constructed by Czech suffragists within the context they lived in, how their notion of the suffrage was influenced by the fact that different women were positioned differently within the system of hierarchies based on gender, class and nation. The dissertation focuses on the hierarchies present in the discourse; the relation of "public" and private" in the discourse; the notion of "political representation" in the discourse; positions the suffragists spoke from and their representation of the enemy ("us/them"); the functions the concept of "Czechness" fulfilled in relation to the demand of female suffrage in the discourse; and the relation of "universality" and "particularity" to the demand of female suffrage in the discourse.

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Mrázková, Simona. "Pomník jako zhmotnění paměti ve vztahu k současné generaci a roli médií". Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-347567.

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The thesis "Monument as the materialization of memory in relation to the current generation and the role of the media" is devoted to the analysis of media discourse of contemporary memorials. The discourse of contemporary memorials is represented in the thesis by media coverage in the Czech periodical printed media regarding to two memorials installed in the Czech Republic. The first is a monument of General Patton in Pilsen and the second is a monument of the Czechoslovak RAF aviators in Prague - Klárov. Examined media coverage related to memorial scandal in Deník VLP, Mladá fronta DNES, Lidové noviny, Blesk, Metro, Haló noviny and Právo belong to the years: 2005, 2009, 2010, 2014 and 2015. The form of contemporary memorial discourse was examined with the help of multiple methods including quantitative analysis and qualitative analysis represented by textual and argumentative analysis. Based on the combination of the mentioned methods basic form of the discourse of contemporary memorials was described with the main focus on media communication containing the topic of foreign affairs and the concept of memory. For this purpose, Marshall McLuhan's perspective was used, which describes the media exposure of artistic interpretation, or the concept of memory as described by Pierre Nora. The various...

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Teses / dissertações sobre o tema "Politisk argumentation"

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