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Lund, Anker Brink. "Klaus Kjøller: Politisk argumentation. En teori om offentlig politisk argumentation i et velfærds-demokrati". MedieKultur: Journal of media and communication research 8, n.º 17 (29 de agosto de 1992): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mediekultur.v8i17.914.
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Olayinka Unuabonah, Foluke. "Argumentation in Nigerian investigative public hearings". Journal of Argumentation in Context 9, n.º 2 (28 de outubro de 2020): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.19004.ola.
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Abstract This paper examines defendants’ argumentative discourse in the 2008 Nigerian investigative public hearings on the Federal Capital Territory administration. The data, which consist of nine defendants’ presentations, are analyzed qualitatively, using a combination of the pragma-dialectical and extended pragma-dialectical theories of argumentation. The findings show that the hearing panel initially starts of as the institutional protagonist and defendants as the antagonists, and but later serve as the institutional antagonist and protagonists, respectively. The defendants tend to use analogy and causal argumentation schemes while employing subordinative and complementary coordinative argumentation structures. The defendants also employ different strategic maneuvers at different argumentative stages of the critical discussion. Due to the politico-forensic communicative domain and information-seeking genre of the investigative public hearing discourse, the concluding stage is suspended. Thus, the study shows the influence of communicative activity type on the argumentative activities in a critical discussion.
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Venturi, Eliseu Raphael. "Racionalidade jurídica crítico-libertadora e direitos humanos ante horizontes autoritários contemporâneos". Teoria Jurídica Contemporânea 3, n.º 1 (26 de dezembro de 2018): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21875/tjc.v3i1.17361.
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RESUMO: O objeto do artigo consiste na investigação dos elementos de uma possível racionalidade jurídica crítico-libertadora, segundo construção teórica do filósofo do direito paranaense Celso Luiz Ludwig. Recorre-se, para tanto, a alguns pressupostos teóricos da teoria, abrindo-se algumas interfaces, em especial, com o pensamento do filósofo argentino Enrique Dussel, que fundamenta em peso aquela teoria, de modo a se contemporizar compreensões em torno as condições de possibilidade da vida humana com o potencial de construção hermenêutica e argumentativa no Direito. Tal conjunto filosófico expõe uma visão de mundo especificamente urgente em tempos de horizontes autoritários na política e no direito contemporâneos, afirmando-se, assim, posturas democráticas e afins ao Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos. Trata-se de pesquisa com metodologia bibliográfica e conceitual, enfocando construções teóricas e suas influências em âmbito hermenêutico e argumentativo. ABSTRACT:The article focuses on a possible “critical-emancipatory legal rationality”, according to Celso Ludwig’s theoretical construction. Some theoretical relations are made, in particular, with the Enrique Dussel’s life paradigm, in order to temporize understandings around the human’s life conditions with the potential of hermeneutics and argumentative construction in Law. That philosophical set is especially important in times of authoritarian horizons in contemporary politics and law, affirming democratic positions and related to International Human Rights Law. It is a research with bibliographical and conceptual methodology, focusing theoretical constructions and its influences in hermeneutic and argumentative scope.
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Silva, Cássio Faria da, Amanda Pontes Rassi, Jackson Wilke da Cruz Souza, Renata Ramisch, Roger Alfredo de Marci Rodrigues Antunes e Helena De Medeiros Caseli. "Quality of argumentation in political tweets: what is and how to measure it / Qualidade da argumentação em tweets de política: o que e como avaliar". REVISTA DE ESTUDOS DA LINGUAGEM 29, n.º 4 (28 de julho de 2021): 2537. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2237-2083.29.4.2537-2586.
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Abstract: Argumentation is something inherent to human beings and essential to written and spoken communication. Because of the popularization of Internet access, social media are one of the main means of creation and profusion of argumentative texts in various fields, such as politics. As a way to contribute to research related to the assessment of the quality of argumentation in Portuguese, we aim in this paper to propose and validate criteria and guidelines for the assessment of the quality of argumentation in Twitter posts in the domain of politics. For this purpose, a corpus was produced and annotated with tweets whose content is related to the Brazilian political scenario. The texts were collected in the first months of 2021, resulting in 1,649,674 posts. From the analysis of a sample, we defined linguistic criteria that would potentially characterize relevant aspects of the rhetorical dimension of argumentation, namely: (i) Clarity, (ii) Arrangement, (iii) Credibility, and (iv) Emotional appeal. After this phase of analysis, we proposed the annotation of a new set of 400 tweets, by four annotators. As a result, an agreement of around 70% for three out of four annotators was obtained. It is worth noting that this is the first work that proposes linguistic criteria for the evaluation of the quality of argumentation in social medias for Brazilian Portuguese. It is intended to construct a computer model that can automatically evaluate the quality of argumentation in social media messages, such as Twitter, based on the establishment of linguistic criteria, annotation rules, and annotated corpus.Keywords: argumentation; corpus; quality; rhetorical dimension; tweets; politics.Resumo: A argumentação é algo inerente ao ser humano e essencial para a comunicação escrita e falada. Por conta da popularização do acesso à Internet, as redes sociais são um dos principais meios de criação e profusão de textos argumentativos de vários domínios, como a política. Como forma de contribuir com as pesquisas relacionadas à avaliação da qualidade da argumentação em português, este trabalho tem como objetivo propor e validar critérios e diretrizes para a avaliação da qualidade da argumentação em postagens no Twitter no domínio da política. Para tanto, produziu-se um corpus anotado com tweets cujo conteúdo relaciona-se ao cenário político brasileiro. Os textos foram coletados nos primeiros meses de 2021, resultando em 1.649.674 postagens. A partir da análise de uma amostra, foram definidos critérios linguísticos que potencialmente caracterizariam aspectos relevantes da dimensão retórica da argumentação, a saber: (i) Clareza, (ii) Organização, (iii) Credibilidade e (iv) Apelo emocional. Após essa fase de análise, propôs-se a anotação de um novo conjunto de 400 tweets, por quatro anotadores. Como resultado, obteve-se uma concordância de cerca de 70% entre 3 dos 4 anotadores. Vale ressaltar que esse é o primeiro trabalho que propõe critérios linguísticos para a avaliação da qualidade da argumentação em redes sociais para o português brasileiro. A partir da definição dos critérios linguísticos, diretrizes de anotação e corpus anotado, espera-se construir um modelo computacional que possa avaliar automaticamente a qualidade da argumentação em textos de redes sociais, como o Twitter.Palavras-chave: argumentação; corpus; qualidade; dimensão retórica; tweets; política.
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Faltesek, Daniel. "Big Argumentation?" tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 11, n.º 2 (15 de agosto de 2013): 402–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v11i2.464.
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Big Data is nothing new. Public concern regarding the mass diffusion of data has appeared repeatedly with computing innovations, in the formation before Big Data it was most recently referred to as the information explosion. In this essay, I argue that the appeal of Big Data is not a function of computational power, but of a synergistic relationship between aesthetic order and a politics evacuated of a meaningful public deliberation. Understanding, and challenging, Big Data requires an attention to the aesthetics of data visualization and the ways in which those aesthetics would seem to depoliticize information. The conclusion proposes an alternative argumentative aesthetic as the appropriate response to the depoliticization posed by the popular imaginary of Big Data.
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Faltesek, Daniel. "Big Argumentation?" tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 11, n.º 2 (15 de agosto de 2013): 402–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/vol11iss2pp402-411.
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Big Data is nothing new. Public concern regarding the mass diffusion of data has appeared repeatedly with computing innovations, in the formation before Big Data it was most recently referred to as the information explosion. In this essay, I argue that the appeal of Big Data is not a function of computational power, but of a synergistic relationship between aesthetic order and a politics evacuated of a meaningful public deliberation. Understanding, and challenging, Big Data requires an attention to the aesthetics of data visualization and the ways in which those aesthetics would seem to depoliticize information. The conclusion proposes an alternative argumentative aesthetic as the appropriate response to the depoliticization posed by the popular imaginary of Big Data.
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Borovali, Murat. "Ad hominem argumentation in politics". Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, n.º 4 (12 de fevereiro de 2018): 426–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453718755206.
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A healthy and robust public political culture is generally regarded as being of utmost necessity for the maintenance of a stable democratic environment. Especially when a country is facing significant challenges and is in the process of devising and implementing radical reforms, the presence of satisfactory collective deliberation can ensure durability and stability. This article will focus on one type of argumentation that stands in the way of such healthy deliberation. It will explore the various forms that ad hominem arguments take and consider the harmful consequences of their wide prominence in the political culture of the country.
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Henkel, Michael. "Michael Oakeshott – Die Ansprüche der Politik (The Claims of Politics)". Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch 29, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2019): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/jpd.29.1.145.
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With the following essay, Michael Oakeshott took part in a symposium of the Journal Scrutiny whose articles were published in the September issue of 1939. The authors who spoke up pursued the question of whether artists, writers and philosophers had a special political task. As part of his presentation, Oakeshott outlined the specific task that politics has to accomplish for a society. It consists in ensuring security and in maintaining law and order. Oakeshott then shows the contribution that cultural workers and intellectuals make to the successful living together of a community. It is to clear the self-image and understanding of a society. Oakeshott’s argument thus creates the image of a social whole that includes a plurality of social sub-areas, that only contribute to the success of the whole by providing the services and tasks that are characteristic of them – even in times of crisis. The argumentation shows that art and culture have no specific political mandate, no duty to take political action, and that they would miss their social purpose if they put themselves in the service of a political mission and would thus neglect their indispensable cultural role.
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Alindra, A. L., e Ana Ana. "Argumentation and Reasoning Skills In Socioscientific Issues". Innovation of Vocational Technology Education 14, n.º 2 (14 de dezembro de 2018): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/invotec.v14i2.14356.
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Education is facing big challenges so that it can create qualify individuals in problem solving. Application of knowledge and or scientific concepts in the public is a realization of knowledge obtained by students at school. There are several ways to develop science education, one of which is through argumentation skill towards socioscientific issues. The socioscientific issue is scientific concept and problem-based issue, controversy, public discussion greatly influenced by socio-politics. This writing by literature study method aims to explore on argumentation skill for students so that they can face any problem solving challenges in daily life by studying; application of argumentation skill for socio scientific issue in daily life, argumentation and reasoning as well as Toulmin Argumentation Patter as the pattern used in student argumentation skill access.
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Kurki, Milja. "The politics of the philosophy of science". International Theory 1, n.º 3 (novembro de 2009): 440–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971909990157.
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Monteiro and Ruby (2009) argue that International Relations (IR) scholars should look to adopt a more ‘tentative attitude’ towards the philosophy of science (PoS) frameworks in IR. This is an attractive and timely call for more open-minded PoS argumentation in the field. Yet, the logic of Monteiro and Ruby’s argument is not (rather characteristically of PoS debates) infallible. As other commentaries in this forum show, it is not self-evident that Monteiro and Ruby’s account is ‘post-foundational’, or that it is premised on an accurate reading of existing PoS positions in IR. However, I do not here wish to elaborate further on the critiques that could be made of the internal coherence of Monteiro and Ruby’s argumentation or their reading of core philosophical schools. Instead, I want to discuss a different kind of an issue raised by Monteiro and Ruby’s intervention: their treatment of the interaction of political forms of argumentation and PoS debates.
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KESSLER, OLIVIER. "Is Risk Changing the Politics of Legal Argumentation?" Leiden Journal of International Law 21, n.º 4 (dezembro de 2008): 863–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156508005426.
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AbstractWhile risk has established itself within the social sciences in general and international relations in particular as a theoretical concept in its own right, its ‘value added’ for understanding international legal processes and argumentation is still rather unexplored. While the dominant approach to risk and law focuses predominantly on the regulation of some specified risk such as diseases or environmental ‘risks’, this contribution argues that the overall semantic shift from ‘threats’ to ‘risks’ signifies an acceleration of time underlying legal argumentation. It introduces a distinction between norms and risks, highlights the respective temporality and reconstructs the current overlap and conflict between them in the case of the European human rights regime.
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Lewinski, Piotr. "“Death penalty for Down’s syndrome”". Journal of Argumentation in Context 5, n.º 2 (14 de outubro de 2016): 172–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.5.2.04lew.
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In axiological argumentation that refers to issues concerning matters of ethics, politics, or aesthetics, a warrant is derived from a general axiological base, which consists of propositions that are accepted by a particular social group. Such a warrant is supported by ideology, understood as a relatively well organised set of evaluative propositions (justified within frames of the given system). In axiological argumentation beliefs are represented by cultural objects that serve as the arguments. Cultural objects are universals, which have a culturally developed interpretation. Without proper recognition of the interpretant, the correct reading of the sign and its appraisal is impossible. The main purpose of this article is to show how ideological objects constitute the base of the discourse. In analysis of chosen texts I will demonstrate, how at every stage of argumentation arguers exploit the topic and interactive potential of argumentation.
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Lodge, Martin. "Risk, Regulation and Crisis: Comparing National Responses in Food Safety Regulation". Journal of Public Policy 31, n.º 1 (23 de fevereiro de 2011): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x10000218.
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AbstractThe literature on risk regulation often assumes a direct link between public pressure and regulatory responses. This article investigates whether the direction of regulatory response is related to public argumentation as expressed in the national print media. Three approaches are explored: national policy patterns, political panics expressed in Pavlovian politics, and policy responses shaped by universal policy paradigms. It assesses these three approaches in comparative perspective by looking at scandals in food safety regulation in Denmark, Germany and the US, looking at argumentation patterns in the national print media and using a coding system derived from grid-group cultural theory and regulatory responses. While all three countries display mostly hierarchical argumentation patterns, their actual regulatory responses point to diverse patterns.
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Crawford, Neta C. "Homo Politicusand Argument (Nearly) All the Way Down: Persuasion in Politics". Perspectives on Politics 7, n.º 1 (12 de fevereiro de 2009): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090136.
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Much theorizing about world politics and many policy recommendations are predicated on a rather thin view ofhomo politicus,often assuming that humans are rational and self-interested strategic actors and that force is theultima ratioof politics. This thin notion should be replaced by a richer understanding ofhomo politicusthat includes the characteristic activities of political actors: we fight, we feel, we talk, and we build institutions. This understanding helps illuminate the scope and limits of strategic action, argument and persuasion in world politics in both empirical and normative senses. I describe the spectrum of political action that situates the role of argument and persuasion within the extremes of brute force on one side and mutual communication on the other. I also discuss barriers to argument and communication. Noting the role of argument in this spectrum of international and domestic political practice suggests that it is argument (nearly) all the way down and that the scope of argument can be and in some cases has increased over thelongue durée.Coercion, by itself, has a limited role in world politics. The claim that there are distinctive logics of argumentation, strategic action, or appropriateness misses the point. Argument is the glue of politics—its characteristic practice. Understanding politics as argumentation has radical empirical and normative implications for the study and practice of politics.
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Wyatt, Robert O., Joohan Kim e Elihu Katz. "How Feeling Free to Talk Affects Ordinary Political Conversation, Purposeful Argumentation, and Civic Participation". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 77, n.º 1 (março de 2000): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900007700108.
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Scholars have examined how specific opinion climates affect political discourse, but little attention has been given to how perceived freedom to talk in general is related to congenial political conversation in ordinary spaces or willingness to argue with an opponent—or how each mode of talk affects civic participation. Respondents in a nationwide survey felt free to talk about politics. Freedom to talk, issue-specific news, and newspaper use were most strongly related to ordinary political conversation. With argumentation, issue-specific news, issue-specific talk, and local opinion climate dominated. Ordinary political conversation was significantly related to conventional participation; argumentation was not.
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Thawabteh, Mohammad Ahmad. "Intertextuality-Based Argumentation in Politico-Religious Speech: A Semiotic Perspective". Signata, n.º 7 (31 de dezembro de 2016): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/signata.1179.
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Alker, Hayward R. "The Dialectical Logic of Thucydides' Melian Dialogue". American Political Science Review 82, n.º 3 (setembro de 1988): 805–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962492.
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If the realist tradition has underappreciated the formalizable quality of Thucydides' scientific investigations, neorealist teachers and writers have generally failed to see the normative and dramatical features of Thucydides' political science, each an expression of his dialectical epistemology and ontology. Nicholas Rescher's partial formalization of dialectics as a controversy-oriented approach to knowledge cumulation and Kenneth Burkes dramaturgical approach to textual understanding are both shown to fit Thucydides' argumentation in the Melian dialogue. Thus argumentation produces new knowledge about the inner determinants of Athenian imperialism; simultaneously it dramatically reveals the constituting practical rationale of Athenian actions to be unjust. Once Thucydides' determining essences of power politics are properly uncovered, their false “eternal, mathematical necessity” can be appropriately criticized. A case is thus suggested for a “neoclassical polimetrics” more fundamentally grounded in “political argumentation” about practical choices in particular contexts than in ahistorical laws, inductive statistics or deductive mathematics.
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De Mária Campos, María. "Entre la acción y la representación." Illapa Mana Tukukuq, n.º 16 (28 de dezembro de 2019): 112–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/illapa.v0i16.2587.
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ResumenDurante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX y principios del XX, la presentación de personas en condiciones de “anormalidad” física en zoológicos humanos, espectáculos ambulantes y ferias universales en donde se degrada la condición humana, han sido prohibidos y condenados socialmente. Actualmente, el arte contemporáneo los resignifica para mostrar la vigencia de la política de representación de la otredad y da una nueva visión por medio de las obras de Tracey Rose y Laura Anderson. Discursos que utilizan una estrategia argumentativa y formal que generan cuestionamientos de la exhibición del otro.Palabras clave: otredad, arte contemporáneo, políticas de representación, fenómenos, zoológicos humanos.
AbstractDuring the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the presentation of people inconditions of physical "abnormality" in human zoos, traveling shows and universal fairs where the human condition is degraded, have been socially prohibited and condemned. Today, contemporary art resignifies them to show the validity of the policy of representation of otherness and gives a new vision through the works of Tracey Rose and Laura Anderson. Discourses that use an argumentative and formal strategy that generate questions of the exhibition of the other.Keywords: otherness, contemporary art, politics of representation, phenomena, human zoos.
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Bakti, Hasan. "MASHSHA’IYAH: MAZHAB AWAL FILSAFAT ISLAM". Jurnal THEOLOGIA 27, n.º 1 (8 de outubro de 2016): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/teo.2016.27.1.919.
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Abstract: The development of Islam in the golden age was certainly spotted by philosophy (i.e. islamic philosophy), besides having been marked by political and economic progress as well as the advance of sciences in all fields. The advance of Islamic philosophy was marked by the emergence of various thoughts called as schools of Islamic philosophy, like Masysya'iyah (Peripatesism), Isyraqiyyah (Illuminasionism), and 'Irfaniyyah (Gnosticism). The Peripatic school is distinctly characterized by its argumentative and rational emphasis, and its use of Aristotelian logic through a reliable verification. This more applicable method has accordingly made the school get more support, from either its quantity or quality, than other two schools, i.e. Isyraqiyyah and ‘Irfaniyah/Gnosticism.
Abstrak: Perkembangan Islam pada zaman keemasan, selain ditandai dengan kemajuan politik dan ekonomi, juga ditandai dengan perkembangan ilmu pe¬ngetahuan dalam semua bidang, termasuk dalam bidang filsafat Islam. Kemajuan filsafat Islam ini ditandai dengan bermunculan berbagai corak pemikiran yang juga disebut dengan mazhab filsafat Islam, seperti Mashsha’iyah (Peripatesisme), Isyrāqiyyah (Illuminasionisme), dan ‘Irfāniyyah (Gnosisme). Ciri khas mazhab peripatesis ialah semangatnya yang rasional argumentatif, menggunakan logika Aristoteles dengan pembuktian yang teruji dan rasional. Cara kerja yang lebih aplikatif ini membuat mazhab peripatesis lebih mendapat dukungan yang lebih banyak secara kuantitas dan kualitas dibanding dua mazhab lainnya, yaitu Isyrāqiyyah dan Gnosisme.
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Freudenburg, William R., Robert Gramling e Debra J. Davidson. "Scientific Certainty Argumentation Methods (SCAMs): Science and the Politics of Doubt*". Sociological Inquiry 78, n.º 1 (18 de janeiro de 2008): 2–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682x.2008.00219.x.
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Trein, Sergio Roberto. "Da ‘zueira’ ao discurso político: o caráter propagandístico dos stickers no Whatsapp". Revista Internacional de Folkcomunicação 19, n.º 42 (2 de julho de 2021): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.5212/rif.v.19.i42.0008.
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Os stickers podem ser definidos como adesivo, etiqueta e figurinha. Muito semelhantes aos tradicionais gifs e emoticons, nas conversas digitais, os stickers têm suprimido o uso de palavras e imagens. Por serem polissêmicos, podem ser empregados em diferentes situações de interação, o que dá um tom mais divertido ao assunto a que se referem. Esta situação linguageira é o que a Análise de Discurso define como um deslizamento discursivo. Ou seja, por meio de incisas e elipses discursivas há uma ruptura na linearidade do discurso original. No caso da política, entretanto, mesmo que um novo sentido seja construído, o caráter propagandístico dos stickers permanece. Através da pesquisa exploratória e empírica, o objetivo deste estudo é o de compreender os deslizamentos de sentido dos discursos políticos para os stickers. Para isso, como principal suporte teórico-metodológico, utilizou-se a proposta de Análise de Discurso desenvolvida por Patrick Charaudeau. Em especial, por meio de duas modalidades de construção e organização do discurso: o modo de organização descritivo e o modo de organização argumentativo. Em seus componentes linguísticos, o modo descritivo e o modo argumentativo possuem os procedimentos de nomear, qualificar, situar-localizar e as asserções de partida, de passagem e de chegada, importantes na nossa investigação e para a compreensão dos deslizamentos discursivos e os novos sentidos produzidos. Como corpus de pesquisa, foram escolhidos quatro stickers veiculados no Whatsapp, em 2020. O critério de seleção foi o da conveniência, pois não há critérios específicos que devam ser considerados para a escolha da amostra.
Discurso; persuasão; stickers; Whatsapp.
Stickers can be defined as sticker, label and sticker. Very similar to traditional gifs and emoticons, in digital conversations, stickers have suppressed the use of words and images. Because they are polysemic, they can be used in different situations of interaction, which gives a more fun tone to the subject to which they refer. This linguistic situation is what Discourse Analysis defines as a discursive slide. That is, through incursive and discursive ellipses there is a rupture in the linearity of the original discourse. In the case of politics, however, even if a new meaning is constructed, the propagandistic character of the stickers remains. Through exploratory and empirical research, the aim of this study is to understand the slippage of meaning in political discourses for stickers. For that, as the main theoretical-methodological support, the Discourse Analysis proposal developed by Patrick Charaudeau was used. In particular, through two modalities of construction and organization of discourse: the descriptive organization mode and the argumentative organization mode. In its linguistic components, the descriptive and the argumentative modes have the procedures of naming, qualifying, situating and locating the starting, passing and arriving assertions, which are important in our investigation and for the understanding of discursive slips and new meanings. produced. As a research corpus, four stickers published on Whatsapp in 2020 were chosen. The selection criterion was that of convenience, as there are no specific criteria that should be considered when choosing the sample.
Discourse; persuasion; stickers; Whatsapp.
Stickers pueden definirse como adhesivos. Muy similar a los gifs, stickers han suprimido el uso de palabras e imágenes. Por ser polisémicos, se pueden utilizar en diferentes situaciones de interacción, lo que le da un tono más divertido al tema al que se refieren. Esta situación lingüística es lo que el análisis del discurso define como un deslizamiento discursivo. Es decir, a través de incursiones y elipses discursivas, se produce una ruptura en la linealidad del discurso original. En el caso de la política, sin embargo, incluso si se construye un nuevo significado, el carácter propagandístico de los stickers permanece. A través de una investigación exploratoria y empírica, el objetivo de este estudio es comprender el deslizamiento de significado en los discursos políticos de los stickers. Para ello, como principal soporte teórico y metodológico, se utilizó la propuesta de Análisis del Discurso desarrollada por Patrick Charaudeau. En particular, a través de dos tipos de construcción y organización del discurso: el modo de organización descriptiva y el modo de organización argumentativa. En sus componentes lingüísticos, los modos descriptivo y argumentativo tienen los procedimientos de nombrar, calificar, situar y ubicar las aserciones de inicio, paso y llegada, que son importantes en nuestra investigación y para la comprensión de deslices discursivos y nuevos significados producidos. Como corpus de investigación se eligieron cuatro stickers publicados en Whatsapp en 2020. El criterio de selección fue el de conveniencia, ya que no existen criterios específicos que deban ser considerados a la hora de elegir la muestra.
Discurso; persuasión; stickers; Whatsapp.
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Schröter, Eckhard, e Manfred Röber. "Führung öffentlicher Unternehmen zwischen Politik und Markt". Verwaltung & Management 26, n.º 2 (2020): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9856-2020-2-59.
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Die Führung öffentlicher Unternehmen und die damit verbundenen Anforderungen an die Public Corporate Governance werden zumeist mit Blick auf zwei zugespitzte Modelle diskutiert: das politische Modell, das auf die Interessen der öffentlichen Eigentümer zugeschnitten ist, und das manageriale Modell, das die Notwendigkeit professioneller Unternehmensführung betont. Diese Gegenüberstellung wird der komplexen Thematik jedoch nicht gerecht, da jedes Modell seine eigene Schattenseite hat. Daher wird in diesem Aufsatz die angemessene Balance der beiden Modelle bei der Führung öffentlicher Unternehmen erörtert. Insbesondere wird das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen „politischer“ und „managerialer“ Führung mit Blick auf die Zusammensetzung von Aufsichtsräten sowie auf die Besetzung von Geschäftsführungs- und Vorstandspositionen analysiert. Die Argumentation mündet in ein Plädoyer für den „Public Manager“ als Führungskräfte-Typus, der Managementkompetenz mit dem Gespür für politische Umfeldbedingungen vereint und sich dem öffentlichen Auftrag des Unternehmens verpflichtet fühlt.
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Shaw, Padmaja. "The Public Sphere and the Telangana Movement". Media International Australia 152, n.º 1 (agosto de 2014): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1415200115.
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The 60-year-old demand for a separate state for the Telangana region was an instance in India's recent history when political turmoil resolved itself primarily through the force of argumentation and public discourse. News media and other information forums played a complex role in this process. The multi-pronged debate on Telangana helped revitalise the public sphere, setting in motion what Habermas calls ‘a critical process of public communication through the very organisations that mediatize it’. Live coverage of events on television news channels triggered intense debates on other forums, where inclusive, independent argumentation could take place. The intense television coverage was part of a continuum of political discourse on various platforms, transforming and being transformed in the context of a history of oppositional politics. This article argues that it is the availability of spaces for critical rational debate that is crucial for democratic practice.
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Okeke, Remi Chukwudi. "Politics, Music and Social Mobilization in Africa: The Nigeria Narrative and Extant Tendencies". International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 86 (março de 2019): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.86.28.
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The impact of music on politics in Africa has seemingly remained dominant. But the overall sway of the African political processes has also become bewildering. The panacea to the disconcerting results of these political procedures in Africa is the adequate levels of social mobilization, while music ostensibly mobilizes massively. This chapter thus examines the linkages among politics, music and social mobilization in Nigeria (the most populous African country). Framed on the hypothesis that the relationship among politics, music and social mobilization in Nigeria (Africa) is now downbeat and using the elite theoretical and the political economy frameworks of analyses, the authors study the intervening factors responsible for the observed gloom in what had amounted to progressive relationships among politics, music and social mobilization in Nigeria and the wider continent. The research setting is qualitative. The chapter delves into its premises through the historical and descriptive research methodologies and logical argumentation.
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Bachtiar, Hasnan. "Dar al-’Ahd Wa Al-Shahadah: Upaya dan Tantangan Muhammadiyah Merawat Kebinekaan". MAARIF 14, n.º 1 (30 de junho de 2019): 67–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.47651/mrf.v14i1.50.
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Artikel ini mengkaji konsep Dar al-‘Ahd wa al-Shahadah (negara perjanjian dan persaksian) yang diajukan oleh Muhammadiyah. Konsep ini penting dikaji, karena merupakan konsep elaborasi antara doktrin Siyar – hukum perang dan hubungan internasional dalam tradisi Islam – dan Pancasila yang bertujuan: memberikan pedoman bagi para aktivis Muhammadiyah mengenai hubungan negara dan organisasi, sebagai fondasi pertahanan ideologis, sebagai alat harmonisasi politik, dan manifestasi intelektual dan politik yang menekankan pentingnya nasionalisme. Artikel ini secara argumentatif menyatakan bahwa melalui konsep tersebut, Muhammadiyah berupaya meredam laju gerakan Islamisme (termasuk populisme Islamis sebagai akibat dari faktor merebaknya Islamisme) di Indonesia. Secara implementatif, Muhammadiyah harus menghadapi pelbagai tantangan seperti konservatisme di lingkungan internal Muhammadiyah, infiltrasi ideologis (khususnya Islamisme) sehingga menyebabkan pemisahan diri dan pengerasan sikap keberagamaan, dan adanya kontestasi politik praktis musiman yang melibatkan pelbagai instrumentalisasi agama untuk kepentingan politik kekuasaan (populisme Islamis).
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Samchuk, Zoreslav. "TEXT OF POLICY IN THE BACKGROUND OF CIVILIZATIONAL CONTEXTS AND SUBTEXTS AS A MISSING ELEMENT OF EDUCATIONAL DISCOURSE". Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, n.º 24(6) (15 de julho de 2020): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.24(6)-1.
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Politics feels the steady influence of the civilization factor first of all and mainly because for various reasons the way of its existence prevents the careful selection of optimal articulation, argumentation and rhetorical approaches; instead of this, the civilization factor works not so much within the limits of specific and historical priorities, as in a much longer retrospective and perspective. Unlike politics, for civilization modernity is a minor episode, which becomes meaningful only in the context of some historical continuity and prospects for the future. At the expense of the closest possible association links with the civilization factor, politics tries to legitimize and raise its institutional status and ensure a respectable image. It tries to prove that it also works on the principles of historical continuity, and her argumentatively vulnerable memoranda are not without prospects for the future.
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McWilliams, Susan. "Creative Writing and the Study of Politics". PS: Political Science & Politics 50, n.º 04 (outubro de 2017): 1094–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096517001275.
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ABSTRACT Creative writing is not part of professional training in political science. Scholars in other fields, though, testify to the benefits of creative writing assignments, and my experiences teaching an undergraduate course on Politics and Literature suggest that there may be value in adding creative writing into certain political science courses. As with other forms of non-academic writing that political scientists identify as enriching, creative writing allows students to consider politics from multiple perspectives and expands their communicative powers. Working at the craft of storytelling—as opposed to abstract argumentation—can help students to think through key claims in contemporary political thought. Moreover, in this age of “alternative facts,” doing creative writing in a politics course may help students hone a critical skill of citizenship: thinking about the news in terms of narrative. In this essay, I consider the advantages and challenges of bringing creative writing into the study of politics.
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Hägerdal, Hans. "Nyheter från Fakulteten för konst och humaniora". HumaNetten, n.º 34 (23 de junho de 2015): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15626/hn.20153405.
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Sedan Fakulteten för konst och humaniora bildades vid årsskiftet 2012/13 har sex nya avhandlingar färdigställts.Callenholm, Anna (2013). Erinnerte Erfahrung der Shoah in den Werken von Ruth Klüger und Cordelia Edvardson.Albépart Ottesen, Chantal (2013). L'autoreformulation corrective : une stratégie dans la production orale de FLE.Pettersson, Ulf (2013). Textmedierade virtuella världar: narration, perception och kognition.Skoglund, Astrid (2014). Kommunikativa strategier i texter om tobaksavvänjning: innehåll, argumentation och modelläsare.Tornborg, Emma (2014). What literature can make us see: poetry, intermediality, mental imagery.Ohlsson Al Fakir, Ida (2015). Nya rum för socialt medborgarskap: om vetenskap och politik i "Zigenarundersökningen" - en socialmedicinsk studie av svenska romer 1962-1965.
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Syarif, Fajar. "Politicization of Religion: Religion in Political Discourse". Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 25, n.º 2 (7 de dezembro de 2017): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.25.2.1569.
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<p>This article discusses the position of religion in politic that has relation to leadership. The main argumentation of this research is religion will constantly become a political power and social movement. In one side the research has different opinion from the integration politic paradigm and secular that proposed by Hasan al-Bannā and ‘Alī Abd. al-Rāziq, but in another side, it has reinforced the two paradigms. By using literature study and descriptive method and philosophical historical approach, it indicates Islam will constantly exist and has influence in the political process. Although Islam is not depending on politic and on the contrary. Islam and politic are both integrated dimension of life, so both are not able to be separated from social politic dynamics.</p><p>Artikel ini membahas kedudukan agama dalam politik yang berkaitan dengan kepemimpinan. Argumentasi utama penelitian ini adalah bahwa agama tetap akan menjadi kekuatan politik dan gerakan sosial. Di satu sisi penelitian ini berbeda pendapat dengan paradigma politik integrasi dan sekuler yang dikemukakan oleh Hasan al-Banna dan ‘Alî Abd. al-Rāziq, namun di sisi lain memperkuat kedua paradigma tersebut. Dengan menempuh studi kepustakaan dan menggunakan metode deskriptif serta pendekatan filosofis dan historis, penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Islam akan tetap eksis dan berpengaruh dalam proses politik. Hakikat Islam meskipun tidak bergantung pada politik dan begitu pula politik tidak bergantung pada Islam. Islam dan politik merupakan dua dimensi yang integral dalam kehidupan, maka keduanya tidak dapat dipisahkan dari dinamika sosial politik.</p>
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Jasiewicz-Betkiewicz, Agnieszka, Mikołaj Cześnik, Michał Kotnarowski e Marta Żerkowska-Balas. "Co tam Panie w polityce? Struktura potocznej wiedzy politycznej Polaków". Kultura i Społeczeństwo 61, n.º 4 (10 de outubro de 2017): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2017.61.4.2.
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The aim of the authors is to describe the political knowledge of ordinary Poles, including the structure of their knowledge about politics and ways of thinking about it. The empirical material analyzed here comes from in-depth interviews conducted with interviewers differing by age, level of education, and degree of interest in matters connected with politics and public life. As a theoretical framework, the authors use Shawn W. Rosenberg’s concept. The authors’ analyses serve to show Poles’ process of thinking about politics; their main lines of argumentation and justification of appraisals, opinions, and views; and their most important sources of information. Due, among other things, to the growth in easy access to sources of information, it would appear above all that the ability to select information has greatly increased in importance, and the striking quality of Poles’ political knowledge is its fragmentation, ephemerality, emotionality, and low degree of systematicity.
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Al-Tahmazi, Thulfiqar HM. "Legitimizing ethno-sectarian conflicts for power: Construction of victimhood and disenfranchisement in Iraqi media interactions". Discourse & Society 28, n.º 2 (3 de fevereiro de 2017): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926516685459.
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The article examines micro-argumentative patterns in 12 debate-like political interactions to account for the discursive construction of victimhood and disenfranchisements used to legitimize ethno-sectarian conflicts for power in Iraqi media interactions across traditional and new media. The analysis found that the interlocutors employed a limited number of argumentative patterns to voice their (dis)agreement and legitimize their viewpoints; these argumentative patterns were either action-oriented or actor-oriented. Action-oriented (de)legitimizing patterns tended to be short-ranged in nature, focusing on the efficiency of the actions (de)legitimized. Alternatively, actor-oriented argumentative patterns were used to legitimize the long-rooted ideological biases about self and others and, therefore, seemed to have a panoramic focus on the ethno-sectarian conflicts for power in the country. The analysis showed that even the interactions that focused on discussing the efficiency of specific political actions and agendas tended to evolve into ideological debates about ethno-sectarian identities and communally biased interpretations of the political scene. This kind of identity politics seems to be motivated by, and to concurrently enhance, the sentiments of disenfranchisement and victimhood, which may further deepen inter-communal rifts in the country.
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Vintges, Karen. "Veertig jaar universitaire filosofie in Nederland: van pluralisme naar 'normal philosophy'". Krisis | Journal for Contemporary Philosophy 40, n.º 1 (11 de dezembro de 2020): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/krisis.40.1.36964.
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Although for a long time, Dutch academic philosophy was characterized by a pluralism of – imported – philosophical frameworks and paradigms, in more recent decades, a type of ‘normal philosophy’, in the Kuhnian sense, has become dominant which aims to solve ethical and political problems and dilemmas through rational-normative argumentation. Contrary to what is often claimed, the new 'normal philosophy' amounts not to thinking ‘beyond the analytic-continental divide’ in a fruitful synthesis, but to the subsumption of continental philosophical themes and concepts under the analytic tradition. The potentially critical tenor of continental philosophy threatens to be ‘solved’ by this subsumption. ‘Normal philosophy’, with its emphasis on rational-normative argumentation, risks leading to a state philosophy that fits in with existing policy questions, ignoring systemic and structural power inequalities. I argue that the journal Krisis, in keeping with its original principles, should hang on to critical philosophical reflection, which today is needed more than ever, specifically – pace current right-wing and left-wing populist attacks on identity politics – on systemic, multiple forms of deprivation and oppression.
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Shehade, Maria, e Kalliopi Fouseki. "The Politics of Culture and the Culture of Politics: Examining the Role of Politics and Diplomacy in Cultural Property Disputes". International Journal of Cultural Property 23, n.º 4 (novembro de 2016): 357–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739116000308.
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Abstract:This article constitutes the first systematic attempt to synthesize the role of politics as an affecting dynamic during the negotiation of cultural property disputes. The article limits its scope to disputes concerning the ownership of cultural artifacts between states and museums settled through negotiation and to the subsequent claims for the return of the contested objects. The discussion focuses on four ways in which the negotiation process is affected when states act as claimants, including the discourse and argumentation used, the available means to pressure the other party to negotiate, the possible political interventions, and the international political scene and its effect on the development of the dispute. Through the examination of multiple case studies, it is argued that in such disputes, several elements related to the role of politics are at interplay affecting the evolution of the negotiation process. Finally, it is also argued that the role of politics as an affecting dynamic during the negotiation process is multi-dimensional, consisting of many different interrelated dynamics that can potentially alter the course of the process.
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Beck, Martin. "On the Making of the German ‘Refugee Crisis’: Securitizing Muslim Immigrants in 2015 and Beyond". Journal of Refugee Studies 34, n.º 2 (1 de junho de 2021): 1307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feab011.
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Abstract This paper contributes to solving the following research puzzle: When the influx of refugees from Syria and elsewhere to Germany significantly increased, German society and politics seemed to be rather robust in the face of xenophobic and right-wing populist movements; however, only 2years later, the Alternative fűr Deutschland made it into the Bundestag, and in late 2018 Chancellor Angela Merkel could solve a governmental crisis triggered by the 'refugee crisis' only by announcing her stepwise withdrawal from political offices. The making of the 'refugee crisis' was facilitated by a securitization policy. On three crucial cases of domestic politics — security, socio-economics, and socio-cultural politics — it is shown that right-wing populism proved to be capable of dominating the political agenda as it came up with argumentation figures that were — though not hegemonic — also prominent among leading politicians on the whole political spectrum in Germany from the right to the left.
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Tyler, Colin. "Cultural Pluralism: A Response to Seglow's Critique". Politics 18, n.º 2 (maio de 1998): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00067.
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I examine Seglow's critique (Politics 17(3) 1997) of my assessment of Parekh's theory of operative public values (Politics 16(3) 1996). This examination has four main stages: (a) the rejection of crucial aspects of Seglow's interpretation of my argument, (b) the rejection of his claim that my argument is logically committed to certain other specific positions which I do not support, (c) the rejection of his claim that I my argumentative strategies are misleading, (d) the consideration of possible similarities and disagreements between our respective positive positions on cultural pluralism.
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Klinger, Ulrike, e Uta Russmann. "Measuring Online Deliberation in Local Politics". International Journal of E-Politics 5, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2014): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2014010104.
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Administrations increasingly use the internet to improve citizens' participation in political processes. While research on online political communication and e-democracy is growing, we still have little empirical evidence on the quality of online participation and deliberation processes. This paper focuses on an online local deliberation process, the 2011 Zurich City Debate, and seeks to investigate the specific quality of such online public communication. By building an index of a quality of understanding (IQU), the authors analyse 1.991 postings that participants have contributed in five thematic debates on local political issues. Five indicators were defined: statement of reasons, proposals for solutions, respect, doubts, and reciprocity. The authors conclude that participants have respectfully voiced opinions, that in two fora half of the postings were reciprocal, i.e. people exchanged views and commented on each other. However, the data gives the impression of a polite and reciprocal debate, but without much argumentation, propositions or doubts.
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Amlinger, Carolin. "Rechts dekonstruieren. Die Neue Rechte und ihr widersprüchliches Verhältnis zur Postmoderne". Leviathan 48, n.º 2 (2020): 318–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-0425-2020-2-318.
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In den Debatten um den Aufstieg rechtspopulistischer Bewegungen wurde den Theorien der Postmoderne, des Poststrukturalismus und der Dekonstruktion in der Vergangenheit oftmals unterstellt, durch ihren Konstruktivismus und Relativismus den diskursiven Boden für eine rechte Politik geebnet zu haben. Gleichzeitig postulieren einige Vertreter*innen der Neuen Rechten eine innere Verbundenheit zum theoretischen Projekt der Postmoderne und spielen mit der politischen Grenzüberschreitung zwischen Links und Rechts. Der Beitrag unterzieht die These einer geistigen Koalition zwischen rechtem und postmodernem Denken einer kritischen Revision, indem er die Lesarten der Neuen Rechten mit ihrer postmodernen Referenz konfrontiert. Die Argumentation hat zum Ziel, die narrativen Mechanismen der rechten Aneignung von poststrukturalistischen Theorien zu rekonstruieren, um das Verständnis von kritischer Theoriebildung zu schärfen.
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Jędrczak, Stanisław. "Sędziowie a demokracja. Spór o „władzę czuwania"". Civitas. Studia z filozofii polityki 25 (30 de dezembro de 2019): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2019.25.07.
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The article has two purposes: the argumentative one, which is to present the problem of the authority of judges in democracy, and the argumentative and historical one, which is to outline Bogusław Wolniewicz’s philosophy of politics. The theoretical approach to the title issue has become a necessity after the Polish constitutional crisis, which questioned the so-called myth of the non-political character of judicature in 2015. In the on-going discussion, opposite positions have been formulated. They can be referred to as relativism and objectivism (the latter proclaims judicial apoliticality in the personal, jurisprudential and ideological sense). Advocating the legal relativism, I aim to bring out the roots of objectivism that lead us to the Roussonian democratism (contrasted with the Jeffersonian one).
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Nyyssönen, Heino. "Time, Political Analogies and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution". KronoScope 6, n.º 1 (2006): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852406777505237.
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AbstractThe paper focuses on one of the most debated events in Cold War Europe, the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, and how its memory has influenced Hungarian political thought. We follow the discussion until mid-1990s and study memory and analogy in politics. We examine analogy on the basis of the theory of new rhetoric and with the help of Reinhart Koselleck's writings. In new rhetoric, analogy is not an equality of two relations but belongs to associative strategies of argumentation. These strategies add together separate elements and construct arguments, which either increase of decrease the possibility of accepting the argument.For my approach I have separated two kinds of analogies: those, which contemporary political actors have made during the great moments of history, and those analogies found afterwards by different political actors. Finally, we discuss the temporal nature of the analogy itself. Although analogies depend on audiences, weak analogies also reveal a lack of political skills.The analogy of 1848 has been the most common in Hungary, but also other years, like 1919 and 1945, have been used in political argumentation. There is evidence, for example, of how Communists compared 1956 to 1919 to legitimize their political actions.
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Caney, Simon. "Global interdependence and distributive justice". Review of International Studies 31, n.º 2 (abril de 2005): 389–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006534.
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Charles Beitz's Political Theory and International Relations has had an enormous impact on analyses of the ethical issues raised at the global level. It was the first systematic discussion of such ethical issues in the last 50 years if not more. It remains a landmark for a number of different reasons. First, it stands out for the sophistication of its philosophical argument and the meticulous argumentation throughout. The latter is deployed not simply to provide powerful critiques of other perspectives (such as realism and the morality of states). It also puts forward and defends with considerable ingenuity a cosmopolitan theory of distributive justice. A second striking and impressive feature of the book is that it successfully integrates philosophical argument with a deep grasp of the nature of world politics and the empirical and theoretical literatures on salient aspects of world politics.
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Tóth, Heléna. "Dialogue as a Strategy of Struggle: Religious Politics in East Germany, 1957–1968". Contemporary European History 29, n.º 2 (13 de fevereiro de 2020): 171–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000065.
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AbstractThis article argues that the topos of dialogue between Christians and Marxists fulfilled a key role in the creation and maintenance of power relations in religious politics in East Germany. Three case studies illustrate the topos of dialogue as a strategy of struggle: 1. the campaign against ‘revisionism’ and ‘politicised religion’; 2. the church policy strategy of ‘differentiation’; 3. the critique of the phenomena commonly associated with the Christian–Marxist dialogue outside East Germany in the mid-1960s. These instances of socialist religious politics, while having their own dynamics, were closely related through specific actors and argumentative strategies.
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Navera, Jocelyn A. S., Leif Andrew B. Garinto e Paolo Nino M. Valdez. "Teaching Against the Meme : Politics, Argumentation and Engagement in an ESL Classroom in the Philippines". Journal of AsiaTEFL 16, n.º 1 (31 de março de 2019): 393–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.18823/asiatefl.2019.16.1.29.393.
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Alfasi, Nurit. "The Meaning of Words in Urban Conflicts: Language, Argumentation Patterns and Local Politics in Israel". Urban Studies 41, n.º 11 (outubro de 2004): 2139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0042098042000268384.
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Genov, Nikolai. "State Functions and Media Politics". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, n.º 2 (7 de fevereiro de 2013): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412474462.
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What is specific in the efforts of the Slovenian state institutions to handle the current economic, political, and cultural crisis in the country? The answer is searched for in the media representations of the building of a new government in February 2012. The analysis is focused on five major functions of modern states: security provision, regulation of macro-economy, administration, reproduction of human resources, and environmental protection. The source of primary information for the analysis and argumentation is the daily newspaper Delo (Labor). Relevant publications in the newspaper were differentiated by applying two criteria: first, predominant reference to one of the five functions of the state; second, if the article contains no alternative (1) or presents a strong alternative to a given situation, event or opinion related to the state functions (5) on a 5-point scale. The analysis identifies a large share of publications focusing on the administrative function of the state and rather limited share of publications on security issues and environmental protection. The analyzed publications contain only modest efforts to present and discuss alternatives to political situations and opinions. The hypothesis about alleged colonization of politics by mass media is falsified.
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Konradus, Danggur. "Politik Hukum Penyelesaian Konflik Pengelolaan Konservasi yang Humanis". Undang: Jurnal Hukum 1, n.º 2 (11 de março de 2019): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/ujh.1.2.219-243.
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This article discusses the phenomenon of mutual claims between state law and customary law in resolving conflict management conservation. In the conservation areas are several laws which claim to have the right to control and manage the area, namely state law, customary law, company law and so on. The centralistic legal politic in the Conservation Law now separates humans from their nature and has not yet integrated the local wisdom of indigenous peoples, so that it is far from the conservation law that is pro-indigenous, pro-justice, pro-poverty, and pro-local wisdom. Therefore, the legislative approach is not enough to overcome the complexity of the problem of conservation areas, but rather requires a holistic and progressive approach as an alternative solution. This article builds argumentation that integration of local wisdom in the legal politics of conservation area management is very necessary to maintain and manage human biodiversity and ecosystem areas. Social capital in indigenous law communities such as deliberation, honesty, harmony, not discrimination, is an important capital in overcoming various problems in resolving conflict management conservation.
Abstrak
Artikel ini membahas fenomena saling klaim antara hukum negara dan hukum adat dalam penyelesaian konflik pengelolaan konservasi. Dalam kawasan konservasi sendiri terdapat beberapa hukum yang saling mengklaim memiliki hak menguasai dan mengelola kawasan tersebut, yaitu hukum negara, hukum adat, hukum perusahaan dan sebagainya. Politik hukum konservasi yang sentralistis dalam UU Konservasi saat ini telah memisahkan manusia dengan alamnya dan belum mengintegrasikan kearifan lokal masyarakat hukum adat, sehingga jauh dari hukum konservasi yang pro masyarakat hukum adat, pro keadilan, pro kemiskinan, dan pro kearifan lokal. Oleh karenanya, pendekatan perundang-undangan saja tidak cukup untuk mengatasi kompleksitas masalah kawasan konservasi, melainkan memerlukan pendekatan holistik dan progresif sebagai alternatif penyelesaian. Artikel ini membangun argumentasi, integrasi terhadap kearifan lokal dalam politik hukum pengelolaan kawasan konservasi sangat diperlukan untuk memelihara dan mengelola kawasan keanekaragaman hayati dan ekosistem yang humanis. Modal sosial pada masyarakat hukum adat seperti musyawarah, kejujuran, rukun, tidak diskriminasi, merupakan modal penting dalam mengatasi pelbagai problem dalam penyelesaian konflik pengelolaan konservasi.
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Obrenovic, Zoran. "Nation state and the challenge of globalization: Project draft". Filozofija i drustvo, n.º 19-20 (2002): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0209077o.
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This project draft discusses the issues facing a nation state in the dynamic processes of globalization. First, the term globalization is tentatively defined as a decentralized process of condensation and homogenization of space and time. Then, the ambivalent structure of the globalization discourse, i.e. its semantic and pragmatic dimensions, are shown. The neo-liberal viewpoint is explored of the erosion and weakening of the nation state within the global capitalist power, both in terms of its (state's) traditional functions, and in terms of its internal and external sovereignty. Against the neo-liberal thesis about the decline of the nation state many empirical arguments have been offered. Some of these are presented in this text. The main point of this argumentation consists in a general view that the decline of the nation state is strongly linked with the process of globalization. In view of the critical argumentation included in the paper, it is argued that in the environment of global processes only the societies which have a strong state behind them have a chance to succeed. Politics, not economy, still dominates international relations. Emphasis on state politics opens a new perspective in discussing the process of globalization. Current globalization processes cannot be judged accurately unless geopolitical interests and the changing balance of world power are understood. Finally, the paper points to the ideological nature of the neo-liberal discourse of globalization, questioning another basic assumption of the latter, namely, the idea that the process of globalization is at the same time a process of emancipation. By challenging the positing of a necessary link between globalization and emancipation we formulate a position that allows for a normative critique of current processes.
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Bach, Maurizio. "Nationalpopulismus und Faschismus im historischen Vergleich. Zur Aktualität von Max Webers Herrschaftssoziologie". Berliner Journal für Soziologie 31, n.º 1 (março de 2021): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11609-021-00436-8.
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ZusammenfassungDer Aufstieg des Rechtspopulismus im vergangenen Jahrzehnt, aber auch jüngst die „autoritär“ anmutenden staatlichen Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung der Corona-Pandemie haben in verschiedenen politischen Lagern verstärkt Vergleiche mit dem historischen Faschismus evoziert. In dem Beitrag steht die Frage im Mittelpunkt, inwieweit ein solcher diachroner Vergleich empirisch belastbar und damit aussagekräftig ist. Methodisch orientiert sich die Argumentation an Max Webers Konzept des Idealtypus, der als tertium comparationis angewendet werden kann. Mit dem „faschistischen Minimum“, einem soziologischen Begriffskonstrukt, das generelle Strukturmerkmale faschistischer Bewegungen und Regime bündelt, steht ein theoretisch tragfähiger und empirisch gehaltvoller Vergleichsmaßstab zur Verfügung. Unter den analytischen Gesichtspunkten des „faschistischen Minimums“ prüft der Artikel, ob und gegebenenfalls in welchem Maße gegenwärtige Tendenzen der Politik und des Staates in Deutschland „faschistische“ Züge aufweisen.
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Sand, Jordan. "Gentlemen's Agreement, 1908: Fragments for a Pacific History". Representations 107, n.º 1 (2009): 91–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2009.107.1.91.
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This experimental essay takes the form of a series of episodes related to immigration, race, empire, radical politics, family norms, disease and health, expositions, houses, furnishings, dress, hairstyle, and bodily comportment among Japanese, Koreans, Australians, and North Americans in the year 1908. I have eschewed conventional methods of historical argumentation so that the connections between seemingly disparate events and utterances may emerge elliptically, evoking a historical milieu through their resonance with one another. Interpretive summaries appear in italics. A wiki version of the essay and an apologia for historical montage can be found at www9.georgetown.edu/faculty/sandj/. Japanese and Korean names appear in their original order, with family name first.
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Goldhammer, Michael. "Hypermoral und Recht". Der Staat: Volume 60, Issue 2 60, n.º 2 (1 de abril de 2021): 211–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.60.2.211.
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In jüngerer Zeit erfuhr der Begriff der „Hypermoral“ eine Wiederbelebung. Er steht für die Kritik moralisierend geführter gesellschaftlicher Debatten. Tatsächlich weist die Struktur neuzeitlicher Moral einen expansiven Charakter auf. Während dies vor allem Politik, Wirtschaft, Kirchen und private Lebensstile betrifft, scheint das Recht davon nicht betroffen zu sein. Es ist weniger anfällig für die Normmigration, weil sich die moralischen Inhalte an Form und Zuständigkeit brechen. Das Recht – das öffentliche Recht zumal – ist insoweit strukturell unmoralisch. Darin liegt eine Funktionsbedingung heutigen verfassungsstaatlichen Rechts. Der Beitrag zeigt, wie das öffentliche Recht aber dennoch Einbruchsstellen für hypertrophe Moralgebräuche aufweist. Sie liegen in der Form des juristischen Denkens und Argumentierens. Diese geräuschlose Migration ist dem stillschweigenden Modellcharakter der Moral geschuldet und kritisch zu hinterfragen. In recent times, the term "hypermorality" has experienced a remarkable revival. It stands for the critique of moralising public debates. In fact, the structure of morality in the modern period shows expansive features. While this primarily affects politics, the economy, churches and private lifestyles, law seems to be shielded from this debate. It is less susceptible to norm migration because moral reasoning is both prevented by the legal form and jurisdiction. In this respect, law – public law in particular – is structurally immoral. This is a precondition of law in modern constitutional settings. As this article however shows, public law nevertheless has points of entry for hypertrophic moral reasoning. They lie in the form of legal thinking and argumentation. This silent migration is due to the unspoken model character of modern morality and must be critically questioned.
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KRATOCHWIL, FRIEDRICH. "Law as an argumentative practice: On the pitfalls of confirmatory research, false necessities, and (Kantian) stupidity – Comments on Knut Traisbach". Global Constitutionalism 10, n.º 1 (março de 2021): 208–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381719000170.
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AbstractThe comment expands the logic of the critique of the ‘judicialisation’ in the global era and suggests that arguments in support of this development often engage in confirmatory research which weighs the ‘evidence’ in light of our wishes and political projects. The talk about ‘learning’ and ‘dialogue’ cannot sustain this form of judicial paternalism (at best) as an instantiation of emancipation or celebrate it as a victory for law by dispensing with politics. It is just a politics by other means. But in this politics some traditional remedies for insuring the accountability of the ‘rulers’ (or rule-handlers) have been weakened. The comment adds several critical observations about the practices of discourse, law, politics and judging which cannot camouflage the problem of power and its legitimisation. Thus we had better consider also a political alternative which relies on a variety of different institutional solutions where courts have to compete with other institutions without fixed hierarchies and where different sources of legitimacy stand in tension with each other.