Siga este link para ver outros tipos de publicações sobre o tema: Rwandans.
Artigos de revistas sobre o tema "Rwandans"
Crie uma referência precisa em APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, e outros estilos
Veja os 50 melhores artigos de revistas para estudos sobre o assunto "Rwandans".
Ao lado de cada fonte na lista de referências, há um botão "Adicionar à bibliografia". Clique e geraremos automaticamente a citação bibliográfica do trabalho escolhido no estilo de citação de que você precisa: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
Você também pode baixar o texto completo da publicação científica em formato .pdf e ler o resumo do trabalho online se estiver presente nos metadados.
Veja os artigos de revistas das mais diversas áreas científicas e compile uma bibliografia correta.
1
Jessee, Erin, and Sarah E. Watkins. "Good Kings, Bloody Tyrants, and Everything In Between: Representations of the Monarchy in Post-Genocide Rwanda." History in Africa 41 (April 23, 2014): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2014.7.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractSince assuming power after the 1994 genocide, President Paul Kagame and his political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, have struggled to unite Rwanda’s citizens using, among other initiatives, a simplified version of Rwandan history to diminish the ethnic tensions that made the 1994 genocide possible. As a result, Rwanda’s history has become highly politicized, with vastly divergent versions of the nation’s past narrated in private settings, where it is more politically appropriate for Rwandans to share their experiences. This paper focuses on divergent representations of Rwandan monarchical figures – often unnamed – whom the narrators imbue with values according to their individual political affiliations, lived experiences, and identity. These narratives are indicative of the broader ways that modern Rwandans narrate their experiences of history in response to Rwanda’s current official history, as well as previous official histories. Careful analysis reveals much about the current political climate in post-genocide Rwanda: most notably, that Rwandans continue to see their nation’s past through vastly different lenses, demonstrating the enormous challenges facing the Rwandan government as it seeks to reconcile its population using current methods. It also highlights the ongoing need on the part of historians to approach contemporary sources critically, informed by sources produced and debated in the pre-genocide period.
2
Bülte, Nicolai, Johanna Grzywotz, Tobias Römer, and Leonard Wolckenhaar. "Monitoring the Trial of Onesphore R. Before theOberlandesgerichtFrankfurt." German Law Journal 16, no. 2 (2015): 285–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220002085x.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
“Twenty years ago today our country fell into deep ditches of darkness—twenty years later, today, we are a country united and a nation elevated.”Those were the words of Rwanda's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Louis Mushikiwabo, on 7 April 2014, as he spoke to the Rwandan People at the twentieth anniversary of the beginning of the Rwandan genocide. Thousands of Rwandans gathered at Rwanda's main sports stadium, the Amahoro stadium, in Kigali to mourn their losses together. Ban Kimoon, the UN Secretary-General, lit a flame at the Kigali Genocide Memorial Center and not only expressed his solidarity with all Rwandans, but also emphasized that the United Nations could and should have done more to avoid the most devastating chapter in Rwanda's history.
3
Megwalu, Amaka, and Neophytos Loizides. "Dilemmas of Justice and Reconciliation: Rwandans and the Gacaca Courts." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 18, no. 1 (2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0954889009000486.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Following the 1994 genocide, several justice initiatives were implemented in Rwanda, including a tribunal established by the United Nations, Rwanda's national court system and Gacaca, a ‘traditional’ community-run conflict resolution mechanism adapted to prosecute genocide perpetrators. Since their inception in 2001, the Gacaca courts have been praised for their efficiency and for widening participation, but criticised for lack of due process, trained personnel and attention to atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). To evaluate these criticisms, we present preliminary findings from a survey of 227 Rwandans and analyse their attitudes towards Gacaca in relation to demographic characteristics such as education, residence and loss of relatives during the genocide.
4
Robson, Julia, James Bao, Alissa Wang, et al. "Making sense of Rwanda’s remarkable vaccine coverage success." International Journal of Healthcare 6, no. 1 (2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijh.v6n1p56.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
After the Rwandan genocide in 1994, vaccine coverage was close to zero. Several factors, including extreme poverty, rural populations and mountainous geography affect Rwandans’ access to immunizations. Post-conflict, various other factors were identified, including the lack of immunization program infrastructure, and lack of population-level knowledge and demand. In recent years, Rwanda is one of few countries that has demonstrated a sustained increase to near universal vaccination coverage, with a current rate of 98%. Our aim was to ask why and how Rwanda achieved this success so that it could potentially be replicated in other countries.Literature searches of scientific and grey literature, as well as other background research, was conducted from September 2016 through August 2017, including primary fieldwork in Rwanda. We determined that four factors have had a major influence on the Rwandan vaccine program, including strong central government leadership (political will), a culture of accountability, local ownership and a strong health value chain. Rwanda’s national immunization program is rooted in a political landscape shaped by unique aspects of Rwandan history and culture. Rwanda has a strong central government and a hierarchical chain of command supported by decentralized implementation bodies. A culture of accountability transcends the entire health system and there is local-level ownership of the immunization program, including the role of engaged community health workers and a strong health information system. Together, these four factors likely account for Rwanda’s vaccination coverage success.
5
Owoso, A., S. Jansen, D. M. Ndetei, et al. "A comparative study of psychotic and affective symptoms in Rwandan and Kenyan students." Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences 27, no. 2 (2017): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045796016001074.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Aims.War and conflict are known to adversely affect mental health, although their effects on risk symptoms for psychosis development in youth in various parts of the world are unclear. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 and Civil War had widespread effects on the population. Despite this, there has been no significant research on psychosis risk in Rwanda. Our goal in the present study was to investigate the potential effects of genocide and war in two ways: by comparing Rwandan youth born before and after the genocide; and by comparing Rwandan and Kenyan adolescents of similar age.Methods.A total of 2255 Rwandan students and 2800 Kenyan students were administered the Washington Early Recognition Center Affectivity and Psychosis (WERCAP) Screen. Prevalence, frequency and functional impairment related to affective and psychosis-risk symptoms were compared across groups using univariate and multivariate statistics.Results.Rwandan students born before the end of the genocide and war in 1994 experienced higher psychotic and affective symptom load (p’s < 0.001) with more functional impairment compared with younger Rwandans. 5.35% of older Rwandan students met threshold for clinical high-risk of psychosis by the WERCAP Screen compared with 3.19% of younger Rwandans (χ2 = 5.36; p = 0.02). Symptom severity comparisons showed significant (p < 0.001) group effects between Rwandan and Kenyan secondary school students on affective and psychotic symptom domains with Rwandans having higher symptom burden compared with Kenyans. Rwandan female students also had higher rates of psychotic symptoms compared with their male counterparts – a unique finding not observed in the Kenyan sample.Conclusions.These results suggest extreme conflict and disruption to country from genocide and war can influence the presence and severity of psychopathology in youth decades after initial traumatic events.
6
Eramian, Laura. "Ethnicity without labels?" Focaal 2014, no. 70 (2014): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2014.700108.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Following the 1994 genocide, the government of Rwanda embarked on a “deethnicization” campaign to outlaw Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa labels and replace them with a pan-Rwandan national identity. Since then, to use ethnic labels means risking accusations of “divisionism” or perpetuating ethnic schisms. Based on one year of ethnographic fieldwork in the university town of Butare, I argue that the absence of ethnic labels produces practical interpretive problems for Rwandans because of the excess of possible ways of interpreting what people mean when they evaluate each other's conduct in everyday talk. I trace the historical entanglement of ethnicity with class, rural/urban, occupational, and moral distinctions such that the content of ethnic stereotypes can be evoked even without ethnic labels. In so doing, I aim to enrich understandings of both the power and danger inherent in the ambiguous place of ethnicity in Rwanda's “postethnic” moment.
7
Beloff, Jonathan R. "The Arrest and Trial of Paul Rusesabagina and its Impact on Rwandan Foreign Affairs." Journal of Strategic Security 15, no. 3 (2022): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.1999.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The 2020 arrest and subsequent trial of Paul Rusesabagina fostered controversy about Rwanda’s human rights record and the political dominance of President Paul Kagame against oppositional voices. Despite human rights organizations and even the European Union condemning the arrest and questioning the ability for him to receive a fair trial, Rwandans remain resolute in their desire to seek justice against Rusesabagina. He is best known as the African version of Oscar Schindler because of the 2004 movie, Hotel Rwanda. However, the historical narrative of Rusesabagina’s heroism is questioned within Rwanda. Additionally, he is accused of forming ties to numerous terrorist groups which committed deadly attacks in Rwanda. This article examines Rusesabagina’s role during and after the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and the impact of his arrest and trial on Rwanda’s foreign relations.
8
Lala, Girish, Craig McGarty, Emma F. Thomas, et al. "Messages of Hope: Using Positive Stories of Survival to Assist Recovery in Rwanda." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no. 1 (2014): 450–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.290.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
For the past twenty years, the overriding story of Rwanda has been centred around the events and consequences of the genocide. In Rwanda, public expressions of that story have occurred in the gacaca courts, where survivors and perpetrators testified about their experiences and actions, during ongoing annual remembrance and mourning commemorations, and in memorial sites across the country that act as physical reminders of the genocide. While important as mechanisms for justice, testimony, and commemoration, on their own such events and installations also have the potential to re-traumatise. Accordingly, Rwandan agencies have encouraged a focus on the future as the overarching theme of recent national commemorations. Yet, opportunities for Rwandans to recount and disseminate positive, future-oriented stories of survival and healing remain sparse. Creation and awareness of positive stories have the potential to assist in recovery by increasing feelings of hope and efficacy; and recent research has demonstrated the value of hopefulness, well-being, and social support for vulnerable people. The Messages of Hope program seeks to leverage those ideas into a framework for generating positive messages by Rwandan survivors, providing an opportunity for everyday Rwandans to record and transmit their own positive stories of survival to demonstrate recovery and growth after the genocide, and to reinforce connectedness by sharing their challenges and aspirations. We describe the development and early implementation of this initiative and its potential longer-term application in other contexts of vulnerability.
9
Habimana, Aloys. "Lending a Voice to the Voiceless: The Quest for Justice in Umutesi's Narrative." African Studies Review 48, no. 3 (2005): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0018.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Surviving the Slaughter is a powerful narrative that takes us into one of the many tragedies of the African Great Lakes region that affected tens of thousands of helpless Rwandan civilians in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide inside Rwanda. Through the eyes of an ordinary, but also remarkable, woman, we learn the horrifying details of the ordeals that Rwandan refugees in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) went through after their camps were destroyed manu militari. The value of this book goes beyond that of a simple narrative. As we read it, we are absorbed by an account of a breathtaking and excruciating journey of tens of thousands of people as they are hunted down in the dense rainforests of the Congo. At the core of this account is one woman's protest against the absurdity of mass violence and the inhuman brutality of military regimes.At first glance, the book stands out as a strong stand against the corrosive tradition of silence that often accompanies gross violations of human rights, especially those unfolding beyond the scrutiny of the major world media. In a simple but engaging style, Umutesi strips off the usual veneer of reserve that characterizes Rwandans in general and Rwandan women in particular. Rwandans don't usually talk about their experiences, let alone write about them. And writing about the plight of people whom the world has often considered pariahs since the 1994 genocide requires a strong personality.
10
Jessee, Erin. "‘There Are No Other Options?’: Rwandan Gender Norms and Family Planning in Historical Perspective." Medical History 64, no. 2 (2020): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2020.4.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article surveys the evolution of Rwandan family planning practices from the nation’s mythico-historical origins to the present. Rwanda is typically regarded as a patriarchal society in which Rwandan women have, throughout history, endured limited rights and opportunities. However, oral traditions narrated by twentieth-century Rwandan historians, storytellers and related experts, and interpreted by the scholars and missionaries who lived in Rwanda during the nation’s colonial period, suggest that gender norms in Rwanda were more complicated. Shifting practices related to family planning – particularly access to contraception, abortion, vasectomies and related strategies – are but one arena in which this becomes evident, suggesting that women’s roles within their families and communities could be more diverse than the historiography’s narrow focus on women as wives and mothers currently allows. Drawing upon a range of colonial-era oral traditions and interviews conducted with Rwandans since 2007, I argue that Rwandan women – while under significant social pressure to become wives and mothers throughout the nation’s past – did find ways to exert agency within and beyond these roles. I further maintain that understanding historical approaches to family planning in Rwanda is essential for informing present-day policy debates in Rwanda aimed at promoting gender equality, and in particular for ensuring women’s rights and access to adequate healthcare are being upheld.
11
Hintjens, Helen M. "Explaining the 1994 genocide in Rwanda." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 2 (1999): 241–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003018.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Any adequate account of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda must acknowledge manipulation by external forces, domestic pressures and psychological factors. Even so, the nature of the Rwandan state must be seen as absolutely central. The genocide took place under the aegis of the state, and Rwandans were the main actors involved. Both precolonial legacies and colonial policies contributed to the formation of this state, whose increasingly autocratic and unpopular government was, by the early 1990s, facing serious threats to its hold on state power, for which genocide represented a last-ditch attempt at survival. Many of the mechanisms through which genocide was prepared, implemented and justified in Rwanda bore striking resemblances to those used during the twentieth century's other major genocide, the Nazi Holocaust against the Jews.
12
Tembo, Nick Mdika. "Writing ‘Parrhesia’, Narrating ‘the Other Rwandan Genocide’." Matatu 48, no. 2 (2016): 418–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04802011.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
At the end of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, close to a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus had been murdered, and over 1.5 million people were either internally displaced or had fled over the borders into neighbouring countries and beyond for fear of reprisals from the advancing Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). This article places Marie Béatrice Umutesi’s Surviving the Slaughter (2004) and Pierre-Claver Ndacyayisenga’s Dying to Live (2012) within the context of post-1994 Rwandan testimonial literature that writes what is feared to be “the other Rwandan genocide,” particularly against those who fled to eastern Zaïre (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). In the two narratives, I argue, Umutesi and Ndacyayisenga destabilise and deconstruct the claim of genocide to create a literature that captures the anxieties of genocide memories in Rwanda. Specifically, Umutesi and Ndacyayisenga deploy a rhetorical narrative form that employs cynicism, bitter humour and a harsh tone to suggest that the suffering of Rwandans must not be seen, or even told, from a single perspective, and that only a balanced engagement with extant issues would lead to genuine reconciliation in Rwanda. To illustrate the ideological purpose at work in the two texts, I reference Michel Foucault’s parrhesia as a framework for understanding how the authors contest genocide memories in Rwanda.
13
Berglund, Anna. "‘We Are Poor, So We Keep Quiet’." Journal of Legal Anthropology 5, no. 1 (2021): 32–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jla.2021.050102.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Since 2006, the Rwandan government has been implementing policies to modernise the agricultural sector in a top-down manner. Small-scale subsistence farmers, making up the vast majority of Rwandans, are compelled to leave their traditional farming behind, form co-operatives and take up ‘modern’ farming techniques based on irrigation and state-approved crops. For my interlocutors in a Rwandan village, this policy resulted in reduced crop yields, difficulties in putting food on the table and a visible degradation of their lives. Yet people complied. They did not rise up in protest. They sought to meet the authorities’ demands. Although ‘government authoritarianism’ explains much of the lack of open resistance, Rwandans had their own ideas, values and practices which at times overlapped with oppressive state projects and ended up supporting the state’s agricultural modernization scheme. Here, compliance is part of how villagers wanted to project themselves to others and to themselves and how they pursued their aspirations for the future.
14
Gatwa, Tharcisse. "God in the Public Domain." Exchange 43, no. 4 (2014): 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341335.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
God has been very much present in public domain in the life of Rwandans. Every successful enterprise would lead Rwandans to pay tribute to God. At the end of every other failed try the Rwandan would say, ‘ahasigaye ni ah’Imana’ — I have done what I could, the rest belongs to God. His overwhelming presence was expressed in many ways including by theophoric names. This God celebrated by the triumphant ‘Christian kingdom’ came under fire attacks during the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, many of them being slaughtered in churches and public buildings. Had God, the life Giver and the protector, become a cynical destroyer, an executioner, or simply a sleeper who didn’t care for his creatures? Irrespective to these unanswered questions, the post 1994 genocide Rwandan religious era was imbued with another form of triumphalism, in which God was called, celebrated, and inaugurated as the One who showed the way to new charismatic movements to bring about a spiritual revolution in the country, whilst traditional Christianity remained ambivalent towards the moral guidance they were expected to provide. Yet many survivors continue to tell of their deception about such a ‘silent and cynical’ God, or at the best they wonder if their fate was sealed with His consent and that of His heralds on earth. This paper takes the view that religious competition and triumphalism of the clergy over crowds that continue to fill in areas of worship, amplified the feeling that God is still a very marketable good in Rwanda. And yet he never ran away from the victims of the tragedies.
15
Mukamuhirwa, Immaculate, and Francois-Xavier Nsanzuwera. "Open Letter to Rwanda: Justice for Rwandans." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 1 (1998): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166543.
Texto completo da fonte
16
Mukamuhirwa, Immaculate, and François-Xavier Nsanzuwera. "Open Letter to Rwanda: Justice for Rwandans." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 1 (1998): 2–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502741.
Texto completo da fonte
17
Eramian, Laura. "Neither obedient nor resistant: state history as cultural resource in post-genocide Rwanda." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 4 (2017): 623–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000404.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
ABSTRACTFollowing the 1994 genocide, scholars have criticised the Rwandan government's official account of national history and its restrictions on competing historical narratives. But what might Rwandans be doing with that state narrativebesidesconforming to it out of fear of reprisal? I argue that to understand what sustains official narratives we must grasp not only their coercive aspects, but also how social actors put them to work for different reasons. I offer four possible forms of agency in which Rwandans engage when they reproduce official history to show how – while forcibly imposed – government narratives are nonetheless cultural resources that people can turn to personal and collective visions, projects and desires. The article aims to develop a more robust understanding of how people respond to imposed narratives of nationhood and history, since it is important to attend not only to resistance, but also conformity to them.
18
Moss, Sigrun Marie. "Beyond Conflict and Spoilt Identities: How Rwandan Leaders Justify a Single Recategorization Model for Post-Conflict Reconciliation." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no. 1 (2014): 435–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.291.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Since 1994, the Rwandan government has attempted to remove the division of the population into the ‘ethnic’ identities Hutu, Tutsi and Twa and instead make the shared Rwandan identity salient. This paper explores how leaders justify the single recategorization model, based on nine in-depth semi-structured interviews with Rwandan national leaders (politicians and bureaucrats tasked with leading unity implementation) conducted in Rwanda over three months in 2011/2012. Thematic analysis revealed this was done through a meta-narrative focusing on the shared Rwandan identity. Three frames were found in use to “sell” this narrative where ethnic identities are presented as a) an alien construction; b) which was used to the disadvantage of the people; and c) non-essential social constructs. The material demonstrates the identity entrepreneurship behind the single recategorization approach: the definition of the category boundaries, the category content, and the strategies for controlling and overcoming alternative narratives. Rwandan identity is presented as essential and legitimate, and as offering a potential way for people to escape spoilt subordinate identities. The interviewed leaders insist Rwandans are all one, and that the single recategorization is the right path for Rwanda, but this approach has been criticised for increasing rather than decreasing intergroup conflict due to social identity threat. The Rwandan case offers a rare opportunity to explore leaders’ own narratives and framing of these ‘ethnic’ identities to justify the single recategorization approach.
19
SADAT, LEILA. "Transjudicial Dialogue and the Rwandan Genocide: Aspects of Antagonism and Complementarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (2009): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990082.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractThe Rwandan genocide remains one of the most horrific atrocities of the twentieth century, resulting in the death of an estimated 500–800,000 human beings, massacred over a 100-day period. In the fourteen years since the genocide, attempts at justice and reconciliation in Rwanda have involved a delicate interplay between national legal systems and the international legal order. This article examines three fora in which Rwandans have been tried for involvement in the genocide: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwandan courts including Gacaca tribunals, and French attempts to exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Rwanda as a case study, the article illustrates the issues, concerns, and difficulties that arise when multiple jurisdictions assert a right to exercise criminal jurisdiction over the perpetrators of serious atrocity crimes. Beginning with a discussion of the political context, this article considers what the competing narratives and litigation in various fora have meant for the project of international and transnational criminal justice. Cases involving the commission of atrocities pose unique challenges for the international legal order. As the normative structure of international criminal law has arguably been strengthened, political constraints increasingly come to the fore. As illustrated by Rwanda, universal jurisdiction or other bases of jurisdiction may remain necessary vehicles for justice and reconciliation, or, at the very least, they may serve as a catalyst for change in Rwanda itself.
20
Kubai, Anne. "Post-Genocide Rwanda: The Changing Religious Landscape." Exchange 36, no. 2 (2007): 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254307x176606.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractThis paper seeks to examine the proliferation of Pentecostal churches and the changing religious landscape of Rwanda. The horrific genocide of 1994, left the country's traditional mainline churches bloodied and the Christian faith seriously challenged. Unlike elsewhere in Africa, prior to the genocide, Pentecostal churches had not got a foot-hold in Rwanda, then referred to as the most Catholic country in Africa. In the aftermath, Rwanda has experienced a spontaneous growth of new churches imported by returnees from far and wide. Though the Catholic Church still retains its dominant position, there has been an upsurge of Protestants and the Rwandan religious landscape is changing considerably. This gospel explosion has been attributed to the enormous challenges of social-economic reconstruction of a fractured society, where reconciliation and healing are of utmost importance. By packaging their messages with hindsight of the disillusionment with the traditional churches and the spiritual as well as the material need to arise from the ashes of genocide and rebuild their lives, these churches have attracted thousands of Rwandans.
21
Hage, Erika. "A Re-Examination of Humanitarian Intervention in Light of the Rwanda Genocide." Political Science Undergraduate Review 1, no. 2 (2016): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur26.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This paper explores the Rwanda Genocide of 1994 and the lack of global response that was given to the atrocities committed against Rwandans. In light of the failure to act, the paper examines why this occurred and proposes a multi-national response to large-scale violence in the global community.
22
Weatherspoon, Dave D., Marie Steele-Adjognon, Fidèle Niyitanga, Jean Paul Dushimumuremyi, Anwar Naseem, and James Oehmke. "Food expenditure patterns, preferences, policy, and access of Rwandan households." British Food Journal 119, no. 6 (2017): 1202–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bfj-09-2016-0408.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Purpose An extended period of economic growth along with stubborn childhood stunting and wasting levels raises questions about how consumer food purchasing behaviors respond to income increases in Rwanda. The purpose of this paper is to assess the role income, prices, policy, agricultural production, and market access play on how rural households purchase different food groups. Design/methodology/approach Six separate log-normal double hurdle models are run on six different food groups to examine what affects the probability a household purchases in each food group and for those who do purchase, what determines the quantity purchased. Findings Rural Rwandans are price and expenditure responsive but prices have more impact on food group purchases. Crop production resulted in reduced household market procurement for its associated food group but had mixed effects on the purchases of all other food groups. Rural Rwandans purchase and consume low amounts of animal-based proteins which may be a leading factor related to the high stunting and wasting rates. Owning an animal increased the purchased quantity of meat but lowered the purchased quantity of most other food groups. Practical implications Results suggest that policies and programs have to address multiple constraints simultaneously to increase the purchases of the limited food groups in the rural household diets that may be contributing to the high rates of stunting and wasting. Originality/value This study is the first to evaluate the interplay among prices, household income, household production, policies and donor programs, and demographic variables on rural Rwandan household food purchases.
23
d’Amour Banyanga, Jean, Kaj Björkqvist, and Karin Österman. "Coping Strategies and Psychological Interventions among Traumatized African Migrants in the Western World: a Comparison between Rwandans in Finland and Belgium." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 5, no. 1 (2018): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejser-2018-0008.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Abstract The objective of the study was to investigate coping strategies and the experience of mental health interventions in Rwandans traumatised by their experiences during the 1994 genocide and its aftermath, living in Belgium and Finland. A questionnaire was completed by 341 Rwandans above 20 years of age (166 males, 175 females), with the purpose to investigate similarities and differences in coping strategies and psychological interventions in the two host countries. The participants were also interviewed. The results show that Rwandans in Belgium were more satisfied than those living in Finland with the therapeutic interventions, survivors’ group activities, and social support they had received in their host country. Rwandans in Finland, on the other hand, relied more on psychopharmaca and the use of alcohol as coping mechanisms than those living in Belgium.
24
Yanagisawa, Ayumi, Noriko Sudo, Yukiko Amitani, et al. "Development and Validation of a Data-Based Food Frequency Questionnaire for Adults in Eastern Rural Area of Rwanda." Nutrition and Metabolic Insights 9 (January 2016): NMI.S38374. http://dx.doi.org/10.4137/nmi.s38374.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This study aimed to develop and evaluate the validity of a food frequency questionnaire (FFQ) for rural Rwandans. Since our FFQ was developed to assess malnutrition, it measured energy, protein, vitamin A, and iron intakes only. We collected 260 weighed food records (WFRs) from a total of 162 Rwandans. Based on the WFR data, we developed a tentative FFQ and examined the food list by percent contribution to energy and nutrient intakes. To assess the validity, nutrient intakes estimated from the FFQ were compared with those calculated from three-day WFRs by correlation coefficient and cross-classification for 17 adults. Cumulative contributions of the 18-item FFQ to the total intakes of energy and nutrients reached nearly 100%. Crude and energy-adjusted correlation coefficients ranged from -0.09 (vitamin A) to 0.58 (protein) and from -0.19 (vitamin A) to 0.68 (iron), respectively. About 50%-60% of the participants were classified into the same tertile. Our FFQ provided acceptable validity for energy and iron intakes and could rank Rwandan adults in eastern rural area correctly according to their energy and iron intakes.
25
Moïse, Bigirimana, and Xu Hongyi. "FINANCIAL INCLUSION IN RWANDA: AN OVERVIEW." Journal on Innovation and Sustainability. RISUS ISSN 2179-3565 8, no. 3 (2017): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24212/2179-3565.2017v8i3p75-84.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Financial inclusion is a major policy concern with governments across the world. Rwanda as a country with fast development averaging to 6.9% from 2011 to 2015 has done an improvement in financial inclusion as well. This country with stable growth interested the researchers to know whether this development goes hand in hand with financial inclusion. This paper is an attempt to show the overview of financial inclusion in Rwanda. Secondary data from Rwanda Fin scope survey 2008, 2012 and 2016 were used in this study. Apart from that, this paper uses data from Banque National du Rwanda from 2011 to 2015. Many researches were conducted on financial inclusion in different countries but none of them took Rwanda as a special case. The results show that there is an improvement in financial inclusion in Rwanda as the number of financially excluded dropped from 52% in 2008 to 11% in 2016.The problem is that the number of banked adults did not increase from 2008 to 2016. Banked adults in Rwanda were 14% in 2008, 23% in 2012 and 26% in 2016.This shows that many Rwandan adults are not banked. The government should continue to mobilize citizens to join banks. Mobile payment improved tremendously and this should be strengthened and more regulated as it is serving many Rwandans.
26
Newbury, David. "Rwanda: Genocide and After." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501942.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The papers that follow were based on presentations to two roundtables on Rwanda organized at the African Studies Association Annual Meeting held in Toronto, on November 6,1994.At the outset, it is important to note three aspects of those roundtables. First, they were not organized as a comprehensive set of papers; instead, with one or two exceptions, the roundtables were formed of those papers which were submitted independently of each other by individual members of the ASA. I was asked simply to coordinate their presentation and prepare the papers for publication afterward. The result of this was regrettable in one major aspect: there was very little representation of Rwandans on the panels, and therefore also in this collection, although a large number of Rwandans attended the roundtables and participated energetically in the discussions, which together with the paper presentations lasted formally for nearly 6 hours, and informally far into the night.
27
Jaji, Rose. "Under the shadow of genocide: Rwandans, ethnicity and refugee status." Ethnicities 17, no. 1 (2016): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796815603754.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article discusses ethnicity and refugee status among Rwandan refugees self-settled in Nairobi, Kenya. It addresses conflation of Hutu fugitives who participated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide and refugees, and critiques perception of Hutu and Tutsi as mutually exclusive ethnicities with no points of intersection. Framed within the social constructivist approach to identity, the article problematizes ethnic essentialism and wholesale criminalization and stigmatization of Rwandan refugees and, in particular, Hutu ethnicity in ways that silence individual viewpoints emanating from personal experience. Conversely, the article highlights how Rwandan refugees deflect collective guilt and legitimize their refugee status under the shadow of the genocide which was committed by extremist Hutu on Tutsi and moderate Hutu. The refugees’ reaction to association with the genocide confounds theoretically irreconcilable extremes through self-representations centred on experiences that muddle the simplistic perpetrator – victim and guilty – innocent binary. The refugees’ narratives portray victimhood in Rwanda as complex, cyclical and heterogeneous.
28
Mwambari, David. "Music and the politics of the past: Kizito Mihigo and music in the commemoration of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (2019): 1321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018823233.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
After the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, the post-genocide government spearheaded the creation of genocide commemorations. Over the past two decades, political elites and survivors’ organizations have gone to great lengths to institutionalize the memorialization, including creating laws to protect the memory of the genocide from denialism. Ordinary Rwandans have responded to the annual commemorations using creative means of support for and disagreement with the government’s interpretation of their shared violent past. Music has been used as citizen-driven tool to both spread and criticize genocide memorialization nationally and beyond. While scholars have explored the politicization of state-organized mechanisms such as memorials, citizen-driven creative means remain largely unexplored. Addressing this gap in Rwandan memory scholarship, I examine how Kizito Mihigo, a famous post-genocide musician, used his individual memory of surviving the genocide against the Tutsi through music to contribute and respond to the annual commemorations of the genocide. I argue that Mihigo’s story and commemoration songs were politicized from the start but were intensified when he used his music to go beyond promoting genocide commemorations to questioning the events and when he pleaded guilty to terrorism charges.
29
Ernestine, Bayisenge. "Psychosocial Wellbeing of Genocide Widows in Rwanda through Their Associations: A Case Study of Avega in Rwimbogo Sector." International Journal of Social Work 3, no. 2 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijsw.v3i2.9666.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
<p>The research conducted on the role of associations of genocide widows was undertaken with the purpose of determining the contribution of Association of Widows of Genocide in Rwanda (AVEGA) in addressing the problems of widows of genocide in Rwanda and improving their wellbeing. The results of investigation carried out on 72 genocide widows through a questionnaire revealed that AVEGA improves the wellbeing of widows with the promotion of good health by providing medical services to them, the economic development by introducing activities which generate income in order to eradicate poverty, establishment of good relationship by encouraging the national policy of unity and reconciliation among Rwandans and supporting children in their studies.</p>
30
Dooley, Andrea. "“We Are All Rwandans”1: Repatriation, National Identity, and the Plight of Rwanda's Transferred Children." Journal of Human Rights 12, no. 3 (2013): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14754835.2013.812418.
Texto completo da fonte
31
Myl, Małgorzata. "Reconciliation Processes In Rwanda. The Importance of Tradition and Culture for Transitional Justice." Przegląd Prawniczy Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza 11 (December 30, 2020): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ppuam.2020.11.05.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
In 1994, Rwanda suffered one of the worst genocides in history. It is estimated that up to 1,000,000 people were killed in the 100 days of mass slaughter. In 2019, 25 years after the atrocities, Rwanda and Rwandans are still involved in transitional processes aimed at rebuilding the country, handling the past crimes and, ultimately, achieving reconciliation. In the first part of the paper the significance of the reconciliation is elaborated. Reconciliation is often presumed to be one of the main goals for transitional justice and an essential element for rebuilding peace and security in post-conflict countries. It is also the process during which victims and perpetrators attain or restore a relationship and heal their trauma. In the second part of the paper, the importance of local tradition and cultures for transitional justice is discussed. The attention is paid to gacaca courts, reconciliation villages and umuganda, and to their roles in achieving reconciliation in Rwanda.
32
Čukić, Iva, Chris Kypridemos, Alex W. Evans, Daniel Pope, and Elisa Puzzolo. "Towards Sustainable Development Goal 7 “Universal Access to Clean Modern Energy”: National Strategy in Rwanda to Scale Clean Cooking with Bottled Gas." Energies 14, no. 15 (2021): 4582. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14154582.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
More than 90% of Rwandans rely on polluting solid fuels to meet their cooking needs. The negative impacts on health, climate, and the environment have led the Rwandan government to set a target of halving that number to 42% by 2024. A National Master Plan to promote scale up of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) has been developed to define (i) the necessary market conditions, (ii) public and private sector interventions, and (iii) the expected societal impacts. Findings are reported from modelling scenarios of scaling LPG use towards the 2024 policy target and the 2030 target for “universal access to clean modern energy” (SDG7). Household LPG use is projected to increase from 5.6% in 2020 to 13.2% by 2024 and 38.5% by 2030. This level of adoption could result in a reduction of 7656 premature deaths and 403,664 disability-adjusted-life-years (DALYs), as well as 243 million trees saved. Reductions in carbon dioxide and black carbon emissions equivalents (CO2e and BCe, respectively) are estimated to reach 25.6 million MT and 14.9 MT, respectively, by 2030. While aggressive policy intervention is required, the health, environmental, and developmental benefits are clear. Implementation of the Rwanda National LPG Master Plan will provide a model for other sub-Saharan African countries to address the priorities for cessation of reliance on solid fuels as an energy source.
33
Barnes-Ceeney, Kevin, Laurie Leitch, and Lior Gideon. "Reconciliation potential of Rwandans convicted of genocide." International Journal of Restorative Justice 2, no. 2 (2019): 260–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/ijrj/258908912019002002005.
Texto completo da fonte
34
Charpentier, Émeline. "L’Éthiopie des Congolais, Burundais et Rwandais réfugiés." African Diaspora 8, no. 1 (2015): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-00801003.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Ethiopia as a land of asylum is still little known. Welcoming in 2014 about 400,000 people with refugee status, it represents one of the largest countries of asylum in the Horn of Africa. Among this population, is a tiny minority of Congolese, Burundians and Rwandese. In this article, I wish to analyze, through an anthropological approach, their integration in the host country. The relationship that this refugee population has with the Ethiopian space, with Ethiopia as a political and legal structure, and finally, with the Ethiopians will be questioned. It appears that the political and social relationships between Congolese, Burundians and Rwandans with Ethiopia are characterized by a kind of “mutual disinterest”. In conclusion, the “Ethiopia of the Congolese, Burundian and Rwandan refugees” will emerge, largely based on the sharing of a common origin (Great Lakes) and a common status (the refugee status).
35
Zavyalova, Olga Yu. "Ethnic consciousness of Rwandans and their value orientations (according to 2015 polls in Rwanda)." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 8, no. 4 (2016): 90–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu13.2016.410.
Texto completo da fonte
36
Nasaba, Robert Madoi, and Nakiwala Aisha Sembatya. "Is we they? A cross-cultural study of responses to COVID-19 updates in Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda." Journal of African Media Studies 13, no. 3 (2021): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00053_1.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article delineates the material relations, routines and sensorial responses inhabited by people in Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda during the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic. It grounds views on a discourse of behavioural change while exploring how Ugandans, Kenyans and Rwandans responded to COVID-19 messages populated on selected official government Twitter accounts. The article is a mixed methods study that employs a numeric and discursive analytic approach, with the nudge theory proving particularly congenial. Findings show that a civic nationalism was enunciated in the hinterland. The nomenclature evoked in the wake of enforcing pandemic restrictive measures is both politically and socially repressive. Far from presuming fixed identities, the conceptual thread that is knit together during the pandemic oscillates from broad support to a problem of behavioural fatigue.
37
Nassenstein, Nico. "Kinyarwanda and Kirundi: On Colonial Divisions, Discourses of National Belonging, and Language Boundaries." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 7, no. 1 (2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v7i1.264.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The development of the Bantu languages Kinyarwanda and Kirundi is entangled within the colonial histories of Rwanda and Burundi, first under German and then Belgian rule. From the turn of the twentieth century on, missionaries compiled grammars and dictionaries of the two mutually intelligible languages, contributing to the development and instrumentalisation of two prestigious varieties out of a larger dialect continuum. In this contribution, I trace the missionary and colonial activities of corpus planning and textualisation and summarise how Kinyarwanda and Kirundi turned into official languages with distinct linguistic boundaries. The central research question is how speakers of Kinyarwanda and Kirundi thereafter came to be identified as “Rwandans” or as “Burundians,” with each language indexing a specific national categorisation. Tentatively, I contrast these developments with contemporary fluid practices in multilingual neighbourhoods.
38
Thasiah, Victor. "Prophetic Pedagogy: Critically Engaging Public Officials in Rwanda." Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 3 (2017): 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0195.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
After genocide, civil war and a complex history of colonial and postcolonial state violence, many within and beyond the African Great Lakes region have called for Rwandan Christians to better maintain critical distance from the state and hold public officials responsible for the flourishing of all, regardless of ethnic identity or political persuasion. The pairing of Rwandan community organising practices and Emmanuel Katongole's political theology offers what I call a prophetic pedagogy for responding to this need. To support this claim, we consider (1) Katongole's theoretical contribution to prophetic Christianity in Africa; (2) the practical contribution of John Rutsindintwarane – the founder–executive director of PICO Rwanda (People Improving Communities through Organizing) – to critically engaging public officials through community organising; and (3) the views of PICO Rwanda's most respected leaders, who demonstrate the potential for holding the Rwanda government accountable. We also use PICO Rwanda's work to develop an effective response to Katongole's sharpest critics.
39
Zorbas, Eugenia. "Reconciliation in Post-Genocide Rwanda." African Journal of Legal Studies 1, no. 1 (2004): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499735904.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
AbstractNational reconciliation is a vague and 'messy' process. In post-genocide Rwanda, it presents special difficulties that stem from the particular nature of the Rwandan crisis and the popular participation that characterized the Rwandan atrocities. This article outlines the main approaches being used in Rwanda to achieve reconciliation, highlighting some of the major obstacles faced by these institutions. It then goes on to argue that certain 'Silences' are being imposed on the reconciliation process, including the failure to prosecute alleged RPA crimes, the lack of debate on, and the instrumentalization of, Rwanda's 'histories', the collective stigmatization of all Hutu as génocidaires, and the papering over of societal cleavages through the 'outlawing' of 'divisionism'. The role economic development can play in the reconciliation process is also discussed. Given the Government of Rwanda's central role in the reconciliation process and its progressive drift towards authoritarianism, the article ends with a reflection on the worrisome parallels between the pre and post-genocide socio-political contexts.
40
Levin, Aaron. "Psychiatrists Help Rwandans Recover From Trauma of Brutal War." Psychiatric News 44, no. 13 (2009): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/pn.44.13.0009a.
Texto completo da fonte
41
Duriesmith, David, and Georgina Holmes. "The masculine logic of DDR and SSR in the Rwanda Defence Force." Security Dialogue 50, no. 4 (2019): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619850346.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Since the 1994 genocide and civil war, the Rwandan government has implemented an externally funded disarmament, demobilization and reintegration/security sector reform (DDR/SSR) programme culminating in the consolidation of armed groups into a new, professionalized Rwanda Defence Force. Feminists argue that DDR/SSR initiatives that exclude combatant women and girls or ignore gendered security needs fail to transform the political conditions that led to conflict. Less attention has been paid to how gendered relations of power play out through gender-sensitive DDR and SSR initiatives that seek to integrate women and transform hyper-masculine militarized masculinities. This article investigates how Rwanda’s DDR/SSR programme is governed by an oppressive masculine logic. Drawing on critical studies on men and masculinities and feminist work on peacebuilding, myths and the politics of belonging, it argues that Rwanda’s locally owned DDR/SSR programme places the military and militarization at the centre of the country’s nation-building programme. Through various ‘boundary-construction’ practices, the Rwandan government attempts to stabilize the post-1994 gender order and entrench the hegemony of a new militarized masculinity in Rwandan society. The case study draws on field research conducted in 2014 and 2015 and a discourse analysis of historical accounts, policy documents and training materials of the Rwanda Defence Force.
42
Muhammad, Ali, and Amalia Nurul Hutami. "Why did Rwanda join British Commonwealth?" Nation State: Journal of International Studies 4, no. 1 (2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.454.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
This article aims to examine Rwanda's foreign policy decision to join the British Commonwealth. Rwanda was former French colony and has historic association with Francophone countries. But the country decided to join the British Commonwealth in 2009. Using theory of foreign policy decision making, it argues that the shift of Rwanda’s foreign policy was caused by the political transition in Rwanda’s domestic politics, its economy condition in the post-genocide epoch as well as the international context which included Rwanda’s geographic position and the role of the United Kingdom in aiding Rwanda’s state-building in the aftermath of the genocide. This research uses qualitative method and uses secondary data such as, books, articles, journals, e-news, reports and other library sources.
43
Pascal, Rwakibibi. "Assessing the Contribution of Vision 2020 Umurenge Programme on Poverty Reduction in Kigabiro Sector, Rwanda." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 9, no. 11 (2021): 2528–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v9i11.em01.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
The study aimed at assessing the contribution of VUP in poverty reduction especially in Kigabiro sector. This study has general objective which is to assess the contribution of Vision 2020 Umurenge programme on poverty reduction supported by three specific objectives which are to assess the contribution of public works on poverty reduction, to determine the contribution of financial services on poverty reduction, and also to evaluate the contribution of direct support services on poverty reduction especially in Kigabiro sector located in Rwamagana district, Eastern province. Internationally, poverty can describe different things in different part of the world to different people, but it can be defined as when people are not able to afford basic needs. USA has come a long way in addressing the problem, but progress seems to have slowed despite the recent years of economic recovery. In Africa, hundred millions of people in the poorer countries are worries only with survival and elementary needs and average poverty rate for sub-Saharan Africa stands at about 41 percent, and of the world’s 28 poorest countries, 27 are in sub-Saharan Africa all with a poverty rate above 30 percent. Referring to Rwanda, because may people in Rwanda live in rural area, they also live-in poverty line which is so hard for GoR to answer each Rwandan’s problem but poverty alleviation program has been established in order to reduce gap of lower bad living condition of Rwandans due to genocide took place in 1994 against Tutsi. In 1994 the poverty rate was 78%, in year of 2000 poverty rate was 60.4%, 2011 poverty rate was 44.9%. 2014 poverty rate was 39.1% and in 2020 poverty rate was 20%. So, even if the poverty rate mentioned above are decreasing, poverty rate of 20% in 2020 is still high meaning that many people are in the poverty which is the main problem in this studies.
 
 
 
 
 
44
Joseph, Owino, Mukashyaka Phelomene, Ndayisaba Helene, et al. "Phenolic Compound Profiles of Two Common Beans Consumed by Rwandans." American Journal of Plant Sciences 05, no. 20 (2014): 2943–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ajps.2014.520310.
Texto completo da fonte
45
Gasarasi, Charles. "The Question of the Recent Expulsion of Rwandans from Tanzania." Journal of African Conflicts and Peace Studies 1, no. 1 (2008): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/2325-484x.1.1.7.
Texto completo da fonte
46
Cottyn, Ine. "Livelihood Trajectories in a Context of Repeated Displacement: Empirical Evidence from Rwanda." Sustainability 10, no. 10 (2018): 3521. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10103521.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Displacement, forced migration, and resettlement in Africa have been attributed to a variety of causes and is disrupting all aspects of people’s lives, breaking social, cultural and economic networks that are critical to sustaining livelihoods. Rwanda is one of the countries in Africa with a long history of multiple displacements, and the life trajectories of many Rwandans are characterised by multiple experiences of displacement, and involuntary migration. Although many have researched the effects of displacement on people’s livelihoods from both an academic, as well as a practitioner’s viewpoint, less is known about the effects of multiple and repeated displacements over time on people’s livelihood. Instead of treating each displacement separately, this article aims to analyse the effects of repeated displacement the livelihoods and adaptive capacity of households in Rwanda. To this purpose, six months of fieldwork were conducted in the north-western region of Rwanda, collecting data from a household livelihood survey, household livelihood and mobility histories, and focus group discussions. The research highlights the importance of social and human capital as crucial to people’s resilience. However, the successive loss of natural capital in combination with changing social and economic conditions diminishes the ability of many households to keep employing these capitals to reconstruct a sustainable livelihood. Forced to become increasingly creative and flexible in their coping strategies, many households employ mobility as a survival mechanism to spread risks.
47
Biracyaza, Emmanuel, Jean Mutabaruka, and Samuel Habimana. "Validation of Anxiety Sensitivity Index (ASI-16) on Nonclinical Sample of Rwandans: A Cross-Sectional Study." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 1 (2018): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i1.3917.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Globally, anxiety diseases are the mental health concerns that increase the mortality and morbidity. Anxiety sensitivity (AS) refers to the tendency of individuals to fear anxiety-related symptoms due to the belief that these symptoms may have destructive consequences. A cross-sectional study was conducted to validate ASI-16 on a non-psychiatric sample of 90 recruited students from the University of Rwanda. The recruited participants were aged 19 to 37 years old [(Mean age (M=23.9, SD = 3.69)]. The findings confirmed a good internal consistence (Cronbach’s Alpha, α= 0.83). The results revealed the ASI-16 criterion related convergent validity of ASI-16 (r=.59; p=.000; ASI and STAI) and criterion related concurrent validity (r=.069; p=.51; ASI and BDI). Using factor analysis, the findings showed an overlapping of physical, psychological and social aspects attesting that ASI is one-dimensional tool assessing anxiety symptoms. More than a quarter (1/4) of items seemed to assess all three factors of ASI; this attested that there were interconnections between physical, psychological or cognitive and social aspects. The participants who scored highly were considered to have the anxiety symptoms. In the present sample, the t-test was computed to compare males and females on the ASI-16 total scores and showed that there was no significant difference at 5% level [(Mean of males=29.3, Mean of females=29.57), t (26.176) at p=.000]. The results confirmed that ASI-16 seems to be valid and reliable to screen anxiety symptoms in a Rwandan sample. ASI’s norms should be constructed on the Rwandan population.
48
Niyonsenga, Japhet, Thérèse Uwitonze, Ignatiana Mukarusanga, and Jean Mutabaruka. "Factors of Family Violence in the Southern Province of Rwanda." Rwanda Journal of Medicine and Health Sciences 5, no. 1 (2022): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/rjmhs.v5i1.3.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
BackgroundDespite the elevated prevalence and detrimental effects of family violence on survivors in developing countries, little is known about a dimensional empirically based comprehensive structure of family violence.ObjectivesBased on family violence theories, this study aimed to identify factors of family violence in a sample of Rwandans living in all the eight District Police Units of the Southern Rwanda. MethodsA sample of 89 spouses (females = 56.5%, males = 43.5%) were selected to participate in this cross-sectional study. From already existing family violence theories and family violent events lived by participants of this study, a 38-item self-constructed Likert questionnaire (α=0.80) was generated. An exploratory factor analysis approach was used.ResultsThe results showed that two factors mostly influencing violence in family were mainly based on individual issues (i.e. violence as a trauma, insecure attachment, aggressive behaviour learnt, reactive aggression, and learnt helplessness) and family-social issues (i.e. family life cycle and stress, dependency relation, need to maintain power and control, and low material satisfaction). ConclusionsThe results highlight that family violence is a very complex but assessable entity where individual and family-social factors intervene. Future studies should explore such combination in prospective longitudinal studies.
 Rwanda J Med Health Sci 2022;5(1):9-19
49
Ndejuru, Lisa. "“This, too, belongs”." Canadian Theatre Review 188 (October 1, 2021): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.188.004.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
“This, too, belongs,” is a mantra that helps me navigate this strange time of the global pandemic and Black Lives Matter. It also helps with the project I started. Waking the Stories is based on an archive of Ibiteekerezo or wisdom stories from the oral tradition of precolonial Rwanda, where I am from. These stories were traditionally held as bodies of wisdom and passed down in families. Very few Rwandans know how to interpret these stories anymore. They were transcribed and translated by colonial administrators, missionaries, and researchers to better understand, keep traces of, and ultimately supersede the cultures they colonized. The violence of it paralyses me and I feel very small. But what if that too belonged? What if I imagined my project as small as a seed? What if I gave myself permission to start very simply from where I am situated and acknowledged that one challenge of working through historical trauma is finding ways to look at the past, recognize what was done and experienced, its consequences to this day, and remaining well? To be continued.
50
Des Forges, Alison. "The Ideology of Genocide." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 44–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502029.
Texto completo da fonteResumo:
Mobilizing thousands of Rwandans to slaughter tens of thousands of others required effective organization. Far from the “Failed State” syndrome that appears to plague some parts of Africa, Rwanda was too successful as a state. Extremists used its administrative apparatus, its military, and its party organizations to carry out a “cottage-industry” genocide that reached out to all levels of the population and produced between five hundred thousand and one million victims. Those with state power used their authority to force action from those reluctant to kill. They also offered attractive incentives to people who are very poor, giving license to loot and promising them the land and businesses of the victims. In some cases, local officials even decided ahead of time the disposition of the most attractive items of movable property. Everyone knew who had a refrigerator, a plush sofa, a radio, and assailants were guaranteed their rewards before attacking. But even with the powerful levers of threat and bribe, officials could not have succeeded so well had people not been prepared to hate and fear the Tutsi.