Teses / dissertações: "Terrorism. Afghanistan"

1

Crisafulli, John R. "Unconventional counter-insurgency in Afghanistan". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2765.

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Immediately following the attacks of September 11, 2001, a small number of U.S. Army Special Forces (USSF) invaded the Al Qaeda safe haven of Afghanistan. USSF A-teams, operating with almost total independence, conducted highly successful Unconventional Warfare "through, with, and by" the indigenous Afghan militias of the Northern Alliance. The USSF and their indigenous Afghan armies rapidly deposed the Taliban regime and denied the Al Qaeda terrorists their training and support areas within Afghanistan. The momentum of the initial success achieved by USSF during 2001-2002, however, has been dramatically overshadowed by the inability of follow-on U.S. forces to establish long-term stability in the post-Taliban Afghanistan. Since 2002, the conventional U.S./Coalition forces, which replaced Army USSF as the main U.S. counterinsurgency (COIN) forces, have thus far failed to defeat the re-emerging Taliban/Al Qaeda threat. In fact, 2005 has been the most violent year-to-date for U.S./Coalition forces serving in Afghanistan with 239 U.S. casualties, and President Hamid Karzai's central Afghan government exhibiting little control outside its major cities. This trend continues in 2006. In this thesis we question the current U.S./Coalition campaign plan, which places emphasis on conventional military forces, not USSF, as the main effort COIN force in Operation Enduring Freedom. We propose an alternative Unconventional COIN model which focuses on population control instead of "clear and sweep operations", Afghan constabulary-style forces instead of conventional Afghan National Army troops, the importance of "grassroots" intelligence collection at the village level, and the employment of USSF advisors instead of conventional U.S. infantry troops.
US Army (USA) author. updated aq 06/29/2011.

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2

Bas, Ali Karaca Volkan. "A simulation on organizational communication patterns during a terrorist attack". Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483636.

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Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Gibbons, Deborah E. ; Suchan, James E. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 28, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-61). Also available in print.

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3

Hayworth, Robert. "American National Security Strategy as it Pertains to the Afghanistan War". ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4857.

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Following 16 years of war in Afghanistan the number of U.S. military, Coalition forces and Afghan civilian fatalities has exceeded the number of Americans lost on 9/11 and has cost the United States nearly $841 billion dollars. The results are that Afghanistan remains in turmoil and that terrorist attacks, the reason for the invasion, continues. The question is should United States assess a different approach that would result in less blood and treasure being spent to address the need to mitigate terrorist threats. Guided by the analysis of conventional- centric and asymmetric-centric approaches to a counterterrorism strategy, this qualitative study focused on evaluating the effects of U.S. national strategy for the Afghanistan war between 2001 and 2016. A narrative inquiry was employed that used extensive in-depth interviews with five implementers and five recipients of the American strategy based in Afghanistan. The participants were recruited from the U.S. Special Forces community that implemented American strategy in Afghanistan, and from Afghans that experienced the American strategy firsthand. Data were analyzed by employing an inductive coding method. The literature review revealed an intention to use large military forces to conduct a conventional-centric counterterrorism strategy, but the narrative inquiry revealed a negative effect of the conventional-centric counterterrorism strategy. Though more research in this area is needed the implications from the findings for positive social change that an asymmetric-centric strategy could offer as a possible effective solution for countering terrorism. These recommendations may help national strategy developers develop a structure to develop future counterterrorism strategies.

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4

Hassan, Talal. "AFGHANISTAN COMPLEX SITUATION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON PAKISTAN". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22705.

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The aim of this thesis to high lights the Afghanistan complex situation and itsimplications on Pakistan. Though out the history, Afghanistan complex situation andweak government create a security threat for Pakistan. Since the late 1970s Afghanistanhad suffered brutal civil war in addition to foreign interventions in the form of the 1979Soviet invasion and the 2001 U.S. invasion. Pakistan is significantly and directly affectedby the foreign invasion in Afghanistan. Pakistan is facing a variety of security threats; aninternal threat, an Indian threat, and the threat from Afghanistan. In order to comprehendPakistan's security dilemma, it is necessary to start our discussion with analyze theAfghanistan geographically importance, foreign intervention in Afghanistan, pak-afghanrelation, Pakistan’s foreign policies towards Afghanistan, the resistance movement andrefugee problems, and then evaluate the security situation. Admittedly, the India factorcannot be ignored in studying Pakistan's security dilemma.

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5

Armstrong, Bradley J. "Rebuilding Afghanistan : counterinsurgency and reconstruction in Operation Enduring Freedom". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FArmstrong.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Hy S. Rothstein, Kalev K. Sepp. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-175). Also available online.

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6

Kreft, Heinrich. ""More of the same" in der zweiten Amtszeit? : Die Außenpolitik des George W. Bush". Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4762/.

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Despite the difficult situation in Iraq, US President Bush easily won a second term, but his room for manoeuvre is now significantly smaller than it was four years ago. He has at least three conflicts on his plate: the first and most critical one in Iraq, the second the continuing war on terror and the third the struggle to consolidate Afghanistan. Conscious of the growing risk of US overstretch, Bush is now reaching out to the European allies. However, most observers anticipate a change in style rather than any real change in substance.

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7

Whalen, Michelle. "The Effects of Suicide Terrorism in Afghanistan and Iraq on US Policy and Military Strategy". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3729.

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The international political landscape of the 21st century is strewn with terrorist groups that choose to act violently in order for their political messages to be heard. Around the world groups have been formed to defend their ideologies and fulfill their political agendas through acts of terrorism. The Baader-Meinhof Gang [also known as the Red Army Faction], the Weather Underground, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Hezbollah, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, HAMAS, and the Irish Republican Army have existed for many decades. They represent only a small handful of terrorist groups that have kidnapped, targeted public institutions with bombs, and employed suicide terrorism. More often than not innocent civilians become involved in the carnage of an act of terrorism when they are caught off guard as unassuming bystanders. On September 11th, 2001 both the American public and US government officials bore the weight of that horrific day. Since 9-11, Americans were robbed of their sense of safety, and the American dream of tranquility was shattered. A general unease spread from the wreckage of the World Trade Centers, and with the passing of time a keen sense of awareness about terrorism took its place. The events of 9/11 have made US citizens fully cognizant that there are many actors actively plotting the destruction of the US. Now, eight years later, Americans live with the daily realization that such a heinous act could happen again, in some other unimaginable form. For the US government, the past eight years have been marked with as many successes as failures. The consequences of the inability of the US intelligence community to foresee the international plot unfolding, within and outside of the homeland, resulted in a major reorganization within the US government. The US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) was established on November 25, 2002, and was created solely to address US vulnerabilities highlighted by the actions of nineteen al-Qaeda suicide terrorists. The DHS' main responsibility is to improve communication and information sharing among various intelligence-gathering agencies, so another attempt to plan an attack like 9/11 on US soil would be foiled before it materialized. The US government would no longer be noncommittal in the face of terrorism, as it had before 9/11. Clear messages to terrorists were sent on October 7th, 2001, through the US invasion of Afghanistan, and subsequently on March 20th, 2003 through the US invasion of Iraq. Thus, the US' stance on the War on Terrorism was effectively and clearly communicated to al-Qaeda and throughout the rest of the world. The US might once have been labeled a paper tiger, but hitting the US at the core of their financial and military symbols struck a nerve. The terrorist attacks of 2001 taught the US government a vital lesson, but the military campaigns of Afghanistan and Iraq would demonstrate that the US had even more to learn about the newest military tactics and techniques employed by the enemy, and how these tactics impacted on US military operations, strategies, and policies.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA

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8

Yildirim, Yesim. "Nato And The Fight Against Transnational Terrorism:2001-2010". Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612544/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the evolution of the policies, strategies and actions of NATO within the context of the fight against transnational terrorism. The thesis focuses on the post 9/11 period. After the 9/11 events, the security perceptions of NATO changed dramatically and the threat of transnational terrorism emerged as a prominent challenge to the security of all members of NATO so the fight against terrorism became a key priority for NATO. Consequently, the NATO experienced a significant transformation since 2001 in order to have an effective and active role in the fight against transnational terrorism. In this thesis, Afghanistan operation of NATO is evaluated in terms of NATO&rsquo
s readiness to deal with soft security threats such as transnational terrorism effectively. The thesis argues that despite the significant achievements of NATO in the fight against terrorism in Afghanistan, NATO has not yet become quite effective in dealing with transnational terrorism since the Alliance is still primarily designed to deal with conventional hard security threats. This thesis has five main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. In the second chapter NATO&rsquo
s security concerns and its stance with regard to terrorism in the Cold War and post-Cold War era is discussed. The third chapter continues with the examination of NATO&rsquo
s transformation after the 9/11 attacks in terms of fight against transnational terrorism. The fourth chapter explores the Afghanistan operation of NATO. The fifth chapter is the conclusion.

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9

Gunnvall, Björn. "Klorgasbomber i Afghanistan : En jämförande fallstudie om hot och konsekvenser för svenska enheter i Afghanistan". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-2758.

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Från oktober 2006 till juni 2007 genomfördes en rad attacker i Irak där man använde bilbomber lastade med klorgasbehållare. Hundratals människor exponerades för gasen och attackerna fick stora konsekvenser för koalitionens agerande. Denna uppsats granskar attackerna för att analysera de krav som ställdes på aktören som genomförde dem. Därefter appliceras kraven på den motståndare som Sveriges insats i Afghanistan möter för att belysa hotbilden för svenska enheter att bli utsatta för en liknande attack. Vidare beskrivs de konsekvenser som hotbilden får för insatsen. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att motståndaren i Afghanistan skulle kunna genomföra en klorgasattack om denne uppfyller vissa kriterier som rimligen skulle kunna uppfyllas. Konsekvenserna för den svenska insatsen är att man, om möjligt, bör undersöka motståndarens kvalitativa kapacitet kopplat mot klorgasens användande, övervaka flödet av klorgas i sitt operationsområde samt öva grundläggande soldatfärdigheter för självskydd.

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10

Holmgren, Johan. "Terrorism : And its connection to failed states". Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-8090.

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Through the increase in globalization over the last twenty years the world has become ’smaller’. The many positive aspects of the phenomenon sometimes make us overlook the negative aspects of globalization. Just as economic markets and communication has moved beyond national borders one of the most negative aspects of society has also become global, namely terrorism. As terrorism has moved on to the global spectrum so has the prevention of terrorism. National governments that are trying to combat terrorism have begun to realize that problems that other nations are facing in another continent could eventually affect their national security. Other nation states that are experiencing state failure may become a national security risk. The aim of this thesis is to examine if global terrorist organizations take advantage of the many problems that a nation faces when it is subject to state failure. It has not been to examine the phenomenon of global terrorism itself or why certain nation states fail. It has rather been to see if there is a connection between the two and if so, how do global terrorist organizations take advantage of these opportunities?

The most famous, or infamous, global terrorist organization al Qaeda has on many occasions used the fact that a state is experiencing failure to their advantage. Many of the more common problems that a failed state will face (loss of territorial control, disastrous domestic economy, and bad leadership) have been exploited by al Qaeda who have been able to build an effective infrastructure, build training cams and religious schools, and gain public support in two of the most troubled nations in the world; Afghanistan and Sudan.

The conclusion that can be drawn from this examination of the connection between global terrorism and failed states is that terrorist organizations have on several occasions taken advantage of the problems associated with state failure in order to become stronger and build a working infrastructure. It is, however, important to note that terrorism is very rarely the reason fore state failure. Furthermore, the fact that a sate is experiencing state failure does not automatically mean that it will be a breathing ground for global terrorism.

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11

Nuri, Mahdi. "Fatemiyoun : En begreppsutredande och teoriprövande studie av begreppet ”terrorism” applicerat på Fatemiyoun". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-99916.

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During the last decades the word ”terrorism” has a whole different meaning. Brutality has increased and terrorists of today show no mercy on civilians and innocent people.Fatemiyoun, the Iran-supported brigade (Afghani citizens) have immigrated to Iran to take part in war in a third country, Syria. This type of military activity has created great anxiety in Afghanistan and in the rest of the middle East.In this study the concept ”terrorism”will be used in regard of the Fatemiyoun activities and the implementation of threat and violence in Syria.The issue focused on in this study will be if Fatemiyon can be regarded a terrororganisation or not.I will be using two definitions and two theories. These definitions and theories are applied to actual material concerning the presence of Fatemiyoun in Syria. This is connected to the IRGC and the Iranian government's political concern to expand shiism.There are already some studies on the connection between states and terror groups. The choice to analyze militia groups has favoured the study as Fatemiyoun is a militia group and as a result Fatemiyoun is regarded a terrorist organisation in these theories.Fatemiyoun as a new phenomenon is also a motive for further studies concerning the relation between Iran and its militia groups.

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12

Williamson, Myra Elsie Jane Bell. "Terrorism, war and international law: the legality of the use of force against Afghanistan in 2001". The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2594.

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The thesis examines the international law pertaining to the use of force by states, in general, and to the use of force in self-defence, in particular. The main question addressed is whether the use of force, which was purported to be in self-defence, by the United States, the United Kingdom and their allies against al Qaeda, the Taliban and Afghanistan, beginning on 7 October 2001, was lawful. The thesis focuses not only on this specific use of force, but also on the changing nature of conflict, the definition of terrorism and on the historical evolution of limitations on the use of force, from antiquity until 2006. In the six chapters which trace the epochs of international law, the progression of five inter-related concepts is followed: limitations on the resort to force generally, the use of force in self-defence, pre-emptive self-defence, the use of forcible measures short of war, and the use of force in response to non-state actors. This historical analysis includes a particular emphasis on understanding the meaning of the 'inherent right of self-defence', which was preserved by Article 51 of the United Nations' Charter. This analysis is then applied to the use of force against Afghanistan which occurred in 2001. Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the US and the UK notified the United Nations Security Council of their resort to force in self-defence under Article 51. Each element of Article 51 is analysed and the thesis concludes that there are significant doubts as to the lawfulness of that decision to employ force. In addition to the self-defence justification, other possible grounds for intervention are also examined, such as humanitarian intervention, Security Council authorisation and intervention by invitation. This thesis challenges the common assumption that the use of force against Afghanistan was an example of states exercising their inherent right to self-defence. It argues that if this particular use of force is not challenged, it will lead to an expansion of the right of self-defence which will hinder rather than enhance international peace and security. Finally, this thesis draws on recent examples to illustrate the point that the use of force against Afghanistan could become a dangerous precedent for the use of force in self-defence.

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13

Tripathi, Deepak. "A critical study of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars : interests, motives, actions and the makings of a culture of violence". Thesis, University of Roehampton, 2012. https://pure.roehampton.ac.uk/portal/en/studentthesis/a-critical-study-of-the-afghanistan-and-iraq-wars(06436b67-7f40-4a3c-b5b6-0970e7c49926).html.

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This submission includes two studies, based primarily on the use of historical archives, of the Afghan wars from 1978 and the Iraq War from 2003. Breeding Ground: Afghanistan and the Origins of Islamist Terrorism (2011) is a study of various layers of the Afghan conflict: the 1978 communist coup; the 1979 Soviet invasion and America’s proxy war against the Soviet occupying forces in the 1980s; and the rise of the Taliban in the 1990s. It shows how Islamist groups allied to the West against Soviet and Afghan communism turned into enemies of the United States, with consequences including the September 11, 2001 attacks, President George W. Bush’s retaliation against the Taliban in Afghanistan, and the invasion of Iraq. Overcoming the Bush Legacy in Iraq and Afghanistan (2010) is an analysis of the George W. Bush presidency in terms of its “war on terror.” The books thus study the Afghan and Iraqi conflicts in the context of United States foreign policy, with particular emphasis on the interests, actions and motives of actors in the conflicts and the interactions between internal and external actors. The central argument is that these factors contributed to the development of a “culture of violence,” defined as that “condition in which violence permeates all levels of society and becomes part of human thinking, behavior and way of life,” and how this provided space for “terrorist” groups to operate.

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14

Rivas, Althea. "Revisiting the security-development nexus : a critical analysis of the international intervention in Afghanistan". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/47863/.

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15

Thomas, Daniel. "The Use of Force: Hard Offensive Counterterrorism". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1566914942650583.

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16

McCullough, Benjamin P. "Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan: A Last Ditch Effort to Turn Around a Failing War". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1406041482.

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17

Latimer, William Scott. "What can the United States learn from India to counter terrorism". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FLatimer.pdf.

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18

Palm, Erik. "Vilka incitament kan förklara Sveriges engagemang i Afghanistan? : En undersökning ur ett liberalistiskt, ett realistiskt och ett konstruktivistiskt perspektiv". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31448.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the incentives behind Sweden’s decision to engage in the Afghanistan conflict. The method used to fulfil the purpose of the study is content analysis. The material that has been used in the study is various books and articles concerning Sweden in Afghanistan, Swedish foreign policy and perspectives in political science. The study is multi-theoretical and thus the analysis explains the incentives from a liberal, a realist and a constructivist point of view. The conclusion of the study is that identity has a great part in explaining the incentives for Sweden to engage in Afghanistan, especially because of the transformation in strategy and foreign policy that has taken place since the end of the cold war. Other factors, such as peace building and national interests also are incentives supported by the material used in the study. Yet, perhaps they are first and foremost connected by the constructivist idea of identity.

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19

Goodhart, Andrew T. "The Goldwater Nichols Act of 1986 and American Counterinsurgency: Comparing Afghanistan and Vietnam". Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1219627255.

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20

Saraiva, Rodrigo Motta. "Legítima defesa ou represália? O uso da força no conflito armado de 2001 no Afeganistão". Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2135/tde-02122009-164104/.

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Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar as ações militares lideradas pelos EUA no Afeganistão, em 2001, como resposta aos notórios ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro daquele ano contra o WTC e o pentágono, tendo como o foco confrontar os argumentos jurídico-políticos dos EUA utilizados no sentido de qualificar suas ações militares no referido conflito armado pretensamente sob a égide da legítima defesa, com os argumentos jurídicos trazidos pelas normas, usos e costumes e doutrina do direito internacional. Na primeira parte do trabalho, são relatados, mediante a utilização da doutrina internacional, e de documentos de política externa, os fatos envolvendo o conflito armado no Afeganistão de 2001, expondo os principais acontecimentos, segundo uma ordem cronológica, abordando também as Resoluções da ONU sobre tais eventos. Também será exposta uma breve síntese contendo uma contextualização histórica e geopolítica sobre o Afeganistão. Na segunda parte do trabalho, são destacadas algumas das seqüelas produzidas por tais fatos, quais sejam: a Estratégia de Segurança Nacional dos EUA, lançada em 2002, também conhecida como a \'Doutrina Bush\', com a respectiva política de ataques preventivos; e a subseqüente e polêmica invasão militar norte-americana ao Iraque em 2003, que ficou conhecida como a Segunda Guerra do Golfo. Finalmente, na terceira parte do trabalho, faz-se um enfrentamento mais direto dos argumentos utilizados pelos EUA para legitimar, sob o manto da legítima defesa individual ou coletiva, o uso da força contra o Afeganistão, expondo, para tanto, contra-argumentos lastreados no Direito Internacional vigente, contendo, em primeiro lugar, a evolução histórica da regulação do uso da força e do sistema de segurança coletiva, a imperatividade das normas internacionais que autorizam o uso da força, e suas exceções legítimas. Demonstrada a solidez dos arts. 2 (4) e 51 da Carta da ONU, e da Resolução 3314/74 da Assembléia-Geral da ONU, \"Definição de Agressão\", conclui-se pela ausência, no conflito objeto deste estudo, do elemento caracterizador da legítima defesa, o ato de agressão atribuível a um determinado Estado (o Afeganistão); da usurpação das limitações ao seu exercício: a proporcionalidade e provisoriedade da situação criada; bem como alertando-se sobre os riscos inerentes na redução dos requisitos previstos pelo artigo 51 da Carta das Nações Unidas.
This dissertation aims to analyze the actions led by the U.S. military forces in Afghanistan, in 2001, in response to the notorious terrorist attacks occurred on 11 September 2001 against the WTC and the Pentagon, mainly focusing on comparing all legal and political arguments which U.S. claim to qualify their military actions in the aforementioned armed conflict under the aegis of self-defense, with the legal arguments brought by the rules, practices and customs of international law and doctrine. In the first part of the work, by using the international doctrine, and documents of foreign policy, the facts involving the armed conflict in Afghanistan in 2001 are reported outlining the main events, according to a chronological order, and also addressing the UN Resolutions on such events. It will also be exposed on a brief contextualization of Afghanistan\'s history and geopolitical situation. In the second part of work, some of the sequels produced by such facts are highlighted, which are the following: the U.S. National Security Strategy, launched in 2002, also known as the \'Bush Doctrine\', containing its policy of preventive attacks, and also the subsequent and controversy U.S. military invasion of Iraq in 2003, which would became known as the Second Gulf War. Finally, in the third part of the work, there will be a more direct confrontation between the arguments used to legitimize the U. S. actions against Afghanistan, under the mantle of individual or collective self-defense, and therefore the counter-arguments supported by the existing international law, that will inc1ude, firstly, the historical evolution of the regulation of the use of force and the collective security system, the imperative international law that grants the legitimate exceptions for the use of force. Whereas there will be demonstrated the consistency of the artic1es 2 (4) and 51 of the UN Charter and the Resolution 3314/74 of the UN General Assembly, \"Definition of Aggression\" it is conc1uded that in this specific armed conflict, an essential element of self-defense is not present: an aggression attributable to a specific state (Afghanistan); and also are missing all the limitations required during self-defense exercise: the proportionality and the provisional character of the created situation in Afghanistan; lastly it is underlined the inherent risks of reducing the requirements established by Article 51 of the UN Charter.

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21

Mahmood, Tariq. "The Durand Line : South Asia's new trouble spot /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FMahmood.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy, Feroz Hassan Khan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-104). Also available online.

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22

Seibel, Kevin S. "Perceptions of ideological imperialism why the establishment of democracy in the Middle East alone will not defeat Islamist terrorism /". Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491185.

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23

Husain, Samir. "Madrassas: The Evolution (or Devolution?) of the Islamic Schools in South Asia (1857-Present)". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1525347741957091.

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24

Lange, Sven. "Revolt against the West : a comparison of the Boxer Rebellion of 1900-1901 & the current war against terror /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FLange.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Lyman Miller, Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-103). Also available online.

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25

Qureshi, Akhtar. "War in Pakistan the effects of the Pakistani-American War on Terror in Pakistan". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/497.

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This research paper investigates the current turmoil in Pakistan and how much of it has been caused by the joint American-Pakistani War on Terror. The United States' portion of the War on Terror is in Afghanistan against the Al-Qaeda and Taliban forces that began after the September 11th attacks in 2001, as well as in Pakistan with unmanned drone attacks. Pakistan's portion of this war includes the support to the U.S. in Afghanistan and military campaigns within it's own borders against Taliban forces. Taliban forces have fought back against Pakistan with terrorist attacks and bombings that continue to ravage the nation. There have been a number of consequences from this war upon Pakistani society, one of particular importance to the U.S. is the increased anti-American sentiment. The war has also resulted in weak and widely unpopular leaders. The final major consequence this study examines is the increased conflict amongst the many ethnicities within Pakistan. The consequences of this war have had an effect on local, regional, American, and international politics.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Middleton, Samuel L. "The new fight on the periphery : Pakistan's Military relationship with the United States /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMiddleton.pdf.

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Kochai, Tairhe. "Afghanistans väg mot ett fredligt samhälle? : Institutionalisering innan liberalisering". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-64752.

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Peacebuilding has been in the spotlight since the Cold War and forwards. Peacebuilding received great attention after the 9/11 incident when the United States declared war on terrorism. One of the countries that have suffered from war and conflict ever since the invasion of the Soviet Union, is Afghanistan. Afghanistan is a country in central Asia that has been involved in much aging in the past 35 years. Several international organizations such as the UN, the Swedish Afghanistan Committee, NATO and international countries have shown interest in peacebuilding in Afghanistan. But the path to achieving a peaceful Afghan society is an extremely difficult challenge that affects both Afghan institutions and the people of afghan society. Rebuilding or creating peace in a country affected by conflict has proven to be difficult in Afghanistan. Due to the country's situation, there is a constant change. To create peace, peace builders should focus on what aspects should be rebuilt for peacebuilding to move towards a more peaceful society. Research's theory institutionalization before liberalization Roland Paris argues that to reach a peaceful society the organization should rebuild effective institutions before the introduction of economic and democratic reforms in society. To rebuild the rule of law, the military forces should be stabilized as an institution in the rule of law. The military forces should be fully developed to protect the country from threats, including terrorism that limits peacebuilding and has a major impact on the rule of law.

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Benga, Ndjeme Arthur. "La contribution de l'Europe au processus de résolution de la crise de l'État en Afghanistan". Thesis, Nancy 2, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009NAN20006/document.

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Le concept de gestion de crise, auquel s’ajoute subrepticement son corollaire, la prévention des conflits, est l’un des champs d’expression contemporaine de la capacité des sujets de Droit international à contribuer efficacement au maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. L’Europe, acteur stratégique formé et forgé à partir des actes de Politique étrangère de l’UE et la coopération des Etats membres, ne tient surtout pas à manquer ce rendez-vous ; d’autant plus que l’agrégat d’activités que suscite la gestion des crises privilégie le traitement civil aux opérations militaires, instruments au pouvoir duquel l’Europe évalue exceptionnellement sa puissance. La contribution de cet acteur à la résolution de la crise de l’Etat en Afghanistan lui donne l’opportunité de confirmer cette dynamique, sans pour autant sous-entendre qu’il renonce à l’emploi de la force dans les relations internationales. En effet, l’implication de l’Europe à la gestion de la guerre civile d’Afghanistan, à l’exercice solidaire de la légitime défense reconnue aux Etats-Unis après les dramatiques attentats du 11 Septembre 2001 et à la mise en oeuvre de l’Accord de Bonn sur la reconstruction post-taliban est le fruit d’une volonté consciente et cohérente d’affirmer sa personnalité sur la scène internationale. L’établissement de la Mission EUPOL Afghanistan aux fins de promotion des principes de l’Etat de droit, des valeurs de la démocratie et du respect des Droits fondamentaux des hommes et des femmes peut donc être perçu comme un défi pour l’engagement collectif de l’UE et de ses Membres dans les enjeux de sécurité internationale qui se jouent en Asie Centrale au prisme de l’Afghanistan. La nomination d’un Représentant spécial de l’Union européenne pour l’Afghanistan et le Pakistan élargit manifestement cet horizon
The crisis management completed by conflict prevention, is one of the fields of contemporary expression of the ability of international subjects to effectively contribute to global peace and security. Europe, strategic power formed and forged from the UE foreign policy acts and Member States cooperation can not miss this particular agenda. All activities required for crisis management prefer use civilian mechanisms. The European power does not assessed for the use of force. The contribution of this new strategic actor in resolving the Afghanistan state’s crisis gives him an opportunity to confirm that way. But it does not reject completely the use of force to keep, make or re-establish and build peace. Indeed, the Europe involvement in the management of the afghan civil war, his contribution in the self-defence recognized to the United States after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 and the implementation of the Bonn Agreement is the result of a conscious and coherent statement of European international capacity. EUPOL Afghanistan establish to promote the Rule Of Law, democratic values and respect for fundamental rights of human beings can be see as à challenge to the collective commitment of the EU and its state members in international security issues open in Central Asia through the afghan case. Appointing a Special Representative of the European Union for Afghanistan and Pakistan, Europe clearly extends this outlook

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Åkerdahl, Helena. "Response to the Terrorist Attacks of September 11 : De etniska grundantagandenas påverkan på USA:s konfliktrelation under kriget i Afghanistan". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-59606.

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Denna studie syftar till att undersöka om den grundläggande synen på identiteter USA:s ledande politikers besitter går att utläsa i strategiskt viktiga tal med koppling till USA:s insats i Afghanistan. Syftet är också att undersöka vad dessa synsätt haft för inverkan på konfliktrelationerna i detta fall. Den besvarar därför vilken grundläggande syn George W. Bush och Barack Obama uppvisat gällande identiteter. Den berör också vilken påverkan dessa identitetssyner haft för USA:s konfliktinställning och hur det förklarar konfliktutvecklingen. För att besvara dessa frågeställningar presenteras ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av Carol Bacchis teori om problemformuleringens betydelse samt de essentialistiska och konstruktivistiska perspektiven. Ramverket binds sedan samman i en konkurrerande och en samverkande konfliktmodell, som definierar de följder olika identitetssyner har på konfliktrelationerna. Dessa egenskaper används sedan tillsammans med de essentialistiska och konstruktivistiska perspektiven för att kategorisera studiens empiriska material genom en förenklad variant av Bacchis What’s the problem represented to be? – approach. Materialet består av George W. Bushs tal ”Response to the Terrorist Attacks of September 11”, 2001, hans ”andra installationstal”, 2005 och Barack Obamas tal ”the Way Forward in Afghanistan and Pakistan”, 2009. Analysen av talen visar att konflikten 2001 var essentialsitisk och konkurrerande för att sedan 2005 till stor del klassas som konstruktivistisk och samverkande. 2009 definieras den sedan helt av konstruktivismen och en samverkande konfliktrelation. Därmed visar studien att det finns en relation mellan den bakomliggande synen på etniska identiteter och den typ av konfliktrelation som utvecklas. De bakomliggande antagandena och de konfliktrelationer som uppvisats har även kunnat förklara konfliktutvecklingen då de antaganden som uppvisats stämt överens med den utrikespolitik som rått vid de olika tidpunkterna.

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Masson, Anne-Sophie. "Le droit de la guerre confronté aux nouveaux conflits asymétriques : généralisation à partir du conflit Afghan (2001-2013)". Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMLH03.

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Le conflit afghan (à partir de 2001) peut être considéré comme un nouveau conflit asymétrique reprenant les caractéristiques des conflits asymétriques classiques (rapport de force disproportionné entre les belligérants) à l’exception de la territorialisation, remplacée par l’appartenance à une idéologie commune. En conséquence, le champ de bataille y est devenu secondaire, la guerre est devenue cognitive. La séparation entre la paix et la guerre s’est atténuée à tel point qu’il est devenu impossible de compartimenter le droit de la guerre en fonction de l’intensité du conflit ou de son internationalisation. Faute de s’y être adapté, le droit de la guerre a cessé de faciliter le rétablissement de la paix et a été perçu par les militaires occidentaux comme une entrave aux combats. C’est pourquoi, certains belligérants ont tenté de s’en affranchir en ayant recours à des méthodes de combats illégitimes. Ces effets ont été médiatisés et ont participé à la perte de légitimité des Etats occidentaux allant jusqu’à remettre en question la division du monde en Etats souverains. L’absence de résolution de ces conflits pourrait conduire à une guerre civile globalisée. En réponse, l’harmonisation du droit de la guerre autour de la garantie inconditionnelle des droits inaliénables doit être affirmée par les Etats et les nouveaux acteurs internationaux. Elle pourrait émerger d’un « Parlement mondial », garant du droit international. De plus, l’irréprochabilité morale des belligérants est attendue. Le droit et la place des armées au sein de la société doivent le refléter
The Afghan war (since 2001) may be seen as a new asymmetric conflict. It has all characteristics of the former asymmetric conflicts except territoriality, which has been replaced by ideology. Therefore, the battlefields have been displaced to the cognitive war. The distinction between war and peace became so small that it is now impossible to distinguish the law of war in regard to its intensity or to the implication of several states. The law of wars, due to its lack of adaptation stopped to ease the peace recovery, becoming a hindrance to combat. In consequence, some warriors have been tempted to use forbidden combat methods. Whose effects have been mediatized and took part of the western states legitimacy crisis (and questionning the World division in sovereign states). The lack of conflicts settlement could lead to a worldwide civil war. Unless, law of wars are harmonized through universal core rights mandatory for states and new international actors; a “World Parliament” could protect them. Furthermore, moral integrity of warriors is expected, it may be reflected into the military laws and their position into the civil society

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Schnarr, Patricia. "Good governance in Afghanistan? zivile Strategien und Massnahmen der Entwicklungspolitik gegen den transnationalen Terrorismus und für hinreichendes state building". Nürnberg Seidl, 2005. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2859238&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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32

Wolff, Immanuel. "Afghanistan and the Problem of Legitimacy in International Public Law Implications for the Legitimate Use of Force in Response to Terrorist Attacks /". St. Gallen, 2008. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/05610720001/$FILE/05610720001.pdf.

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33

Denikson, Daniel. "FN-stadgan och Europarätten : En studie av fallet Somaliasvenskarna och de mänskliga rättigheterna beträffande genomförandet i EU av säkerhetsrådets resolutioner om intelligenta sanktioner". Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Behavioural, Social and Legal Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-1320.

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Vilket rättssystem har enligt folkrätten företräde vid konflikt mellan folkrätten från FN, Europakonventionen och gemen-skapsrätten, beträffande giltigheten av säkerhetsrådets resolutioner för bekämpande av den internationella terrorismen, i förhållande till mänskliga rättigheter?

Säkerhetsrådets resolutioner har ändrat karaktär när det gäller att bekämpa världens terrorism. Genom så kallade intelligenta sanktioner är säkerhetsrådets mål nu att frysa egendom för enskilda individer och företag, utan att de drabbade har någon rätt till rättvis rättegång, efter att dessa svartlistats som knutna till terroristorganisationer. Svartlistningen sker på mer eller mindre godtyckliga grunder som inte finner stöd inom folkrättens regler om jus cogens och säkerhetsrådet har förklarat att i kampen mot terrorismen är det nu tillåtet att med alla medel slå tillbaka hot mot fred och säkerhet.

Mänskliga rättigheter utvecklades inom FN och dess stadga tillkom före Europakonventionen och torde i princip ha företräde framför konventionen och Europadomstolens praxis, vid tillämpning av principen lex posterior derogat priori.

Dock har det tillskapats ett rättssystem av nytt slag (sui generis) inom gemenskaps-rätten, med ett starkare skydd för mänskliga rättigheter; i synnerhet egendomsrätten och rätten till rättvis domstolsprövning. Vid tillämpning av principen lex specialis legi generali derogat, torde dessa regler ha företräde framför de generella reglerna från FN.

EG-domstolens förstainstansrätt har i fallet Somaliasvenskarna (T-306/01) förklarat sig själv och unionen som bunden av FN:s stadga och säkerhetsrådets resolutioner och därmed åsidosatt egendomsskyddet och rätten till rättvis rättegång för unionsmedborgare.

I fallet går rätten emot tidigare praxis från EG-domstolen, genom att förklara unionen som bunden av FN-stadgan och genom att tilldela EU-rådet en kompetens som inte står att utläsa i fördragen.

En oroväckande fråga är vilka rättigheter som kommer att inskränkas framledes. För framtiden bör unionen sätta en tydlig gräns för när de mänskliga rättigheter som man under så lång tid byggt upp skall kunna inskränkas.

Medlemsstaterna bör anta en gemensam ståndpunkt där man deklarerar att gemenskapens grundläggande rättigheter och friheter inte kan inskränkas på godtyckliga grunder.

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Wen, Yang Kuang, e 溫洋廣. "The George W.Bush's Counter Terrorism in Afghanistan: The perspective strategy". Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/04182482655879373579.

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碩士
國防大學政治作戰學院
政治研究所
99
In 2001, Al Qaeda initiated the 9-11 terrorist attack on the United States, which shocked the globe, and changed President Bush’s strategy for the outside world, elevating anti-terrorism to the level of national security strategy. It emphasizes unilateral and preemptive strikes, without being restrained by international systems. According to the Beaufre’s total strategy, “strategy” is lifted from the military framework, and it is no longer restricted to using war to achieve objectives, but rather lists the military, politics, diplomacy, and economics as strategic tools at the same level, which interact in operation to achieve the objective of total strategy. The fight against terrorism is long-term resistance. In terms of Beaufre’s strategic thought, indirect strategy is very important in this context. However, Bush thought that the American military power was sufficient to achieve psychological effects for terrorism, so the total strategy was focused on the military, while the strategies in other categories accommodated military strategy. The military operation in Afghanistan quickly resulted in success, but in the stage of national reconstruction, strategies in economy, diplomacy, and politics should become the main focus. However, then the United States attacked Iraq, which asserted Bush’s use of military strategy as the core of total strategy. This has resulted in a split in the domestic camp that supported anti-terrorism, and there were waves of anti-American voices. Many countries began doubting American behavior on the international stage, and politically and diplomatically there were problems against the United States. The attack on Iraq affected anti-terrorism activities of the United States in Afghanistan, which have resulted in great limitations on the freedom of activity by the United States. With “external actions” being limited, and “internal actions” of material forces being worn away by the Taliban, it is fated to be mired in a Vietnam War-like obstacle. When Afghanistan was attacked, the three indicators of objective, military power, and freedom of movement all would have allowed the United States to execute the Clausewitz strategic form, and the American total strategy still could have supported its policy goals. However, there was too much optimism on military force and too much belief on the psychological effect on the enemy through material forces, so the Iraq War continued. This broadened the objects for the United States onAfghanistan and the anti-terrorism issue, but its military power was unable to find peace in both locations at the same time, and has been weakened by local rebel forces; this has caused the United States to be in a quagmire.

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Williamson, Myra E. J. B. "Terrorism, war and international law the legality of the use of force against Afghanistan in 2001 /". 2007. http://adt.waikato.ac.nz/public/adt-uow20070716.103819/index.html.

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Kalibová, Lenka. "Afghánský konflikt: časoprostorová analýza bojových aktivit hnutí Tálibán". Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-415091.

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This diploma thesis deals with the temporal and spatial distribution of Taliban terrorist attacks in Afghanistan. It covers the period since the start of the Operation Enduring Freedom in October 2001, when the troops of the United States and their allies invaded the country, until the end of 2018. This thesis aims to find out what targets Taliban attacked during the reported period, and whether there is a link between the frequency of terrorist attacks and the real events that took place at the time of the attacks. The secondary aim of this work is to place the results obtained by the analysis into a broader geographical context. Using geographic information system, this thesis evaluates spatial differences in the localization of Taliban terrorist attacks. Data of the Taliban attacks were obtained from the Global Terrorism Database, and the maps were created in ArcGIS software. Within the temporal analysis window, the frequency of attacks is related to the timeline of predetermined important events, such as elections, religious and national holidays and decisions of foreign parties about their activities in the region. It was found that the increased frequency of Taliban attacks was related to the Afghan elections or the decisions of foreign parties about their operations in the region. The...

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Cheng, Chih-Huai, e 鄭智懷. "On Strategic Thought of He Bo Shi Bei Lun- A Case of U.S. War on Counter-Terrorism in Afghanistan". Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/jhhhmj.

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碩士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所碩士班
102
In this thesis, the research subject is the strategic thought of He Bo Shi Bei Lun writing by He qufei, which based on the “document analysis” research methods and adopts military strategy and political strategy as its research approach. For investigate the value of strategic thought of He Bo Shi Bei Lun, this thesis uses the case of U.S. War on Counter-Terrorism in Afghanistan (2001-2014) to examine the applicability and limitation of strategic thought in the war of today. The first chapter in this thesis, it discusses internal strategic environment and external strategic environment of the Northern Song Dynasty. The research concludes that both of the strategic environment are interacting and influencing each other. Because of the interaction, the prevailing custom of scholar discussing military science was been formed in the intermediate stage of Northern Song Dynasty and He Bo Shi Bei Lun can be published in the China’s history. The second chapter in this thesis, which uses military strategy research approach to analyze He Bo Shi Bei Lun in three parts: buildup, governance, and use of military force. In this analysis, first, buildup of military force has three points: doctrine of elite troops, brain-trust, and army comprised of national. Second, the opinion of governance of military force includes generalship and commanding soldiers, in this chapter our discuss tend to emphasize on generalship. The former contains leadership and civil–military relations; the latter focuses on the principle of commanding soldiers by law. Finally, the ideas of use of military force are discussing the importance of circumstances and flexibility of using military force. The third chapter in this thesis, which uses political strategy research approach to analyze He Bo Shi Bei Lun by four indicators: the government’s organizational force, the people’s centripetal force, the society’s stable force, and the international supporting force. In the first indicator about government’s organizational force, leader should keep its power certainly and use it to keep government stable. Second, the part of the people’s centripetal force, which indicates popular sentiment can influence the result of war and the transition of regime. So, the authorities should hold the heart of people. Third, the idea of society’s stable force, which is decision- maker, needs to carry out the policy that separate different ethnic groups to prevent ethnic conflict. The last anatomy in this chapter, international supporting force, it point out the importance of diplomacy, and then think that government should use diplomacy method to increase the possibility to win a war. After the second and third chapter, which uses military strategy and politics strategy to analyze He qufei’s strategic thought. The forth chapter uses the Case of U.S. War on Counter-Terrorism in Afghanistan (2001-2014) to examine the value of strategic thought in modern. In sum, He qufei’s strategic thought still has merit in modern, but some part of his thought also has limitation because it is limited by the factor of space and time.

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HOLUB, Michal. "Boj proti terorismu na národní a mezinárodní úrovni". Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398896.

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Terrorism is a modern and constantly developing problem which has been threatening and noticeably affecting the protected interests and built-up values of states. Terrorist groups strive to spread fear, violence, opinions, and ideas to reach their goals through attacks on the population. Today, even countries that have not faced this threat yet, are confronted with this problem. Modern trends and new technologies along with the migration crisis cause that we face this threat in our homes more than ever before. The upraise of The Islamic State can be considered as a phenomenon of today, which has infected practically whole world and gives a space to various individuals to commit terrorist attacks under the auspices of this organization, or just provides instructions on committing such acts for any reason and with different aims. It is necessary to respond adequately to this threat, and it is necessary not to remain only with regret after every terrorist attack. It is essential to monitor the latest trends in terrorist attacks same as fighting against them, which in consequence will help us to set up operational procedures how to deal with these kind of incidences. There is also a need for a strong political spectrum which understands that these measures will never be profitable or popular, however its necessary it keeps supporting them.

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Su, Yi-jen, e 蘇怡甄. "A Preliminary Study of the Anglo-American Special Relationship From the Aspect of Anti-Terrorism in the Cases of the 911 Incident and the War in Afghanistan". Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44746796143323349273.

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碩士
南華大學
歐洲研究所
99
Anglo-American Special Relationship is a unique and important phenomenon in international relations. The nature of friendly relationship between two countries not only lies on the considerations of real-life political interests, but also the similar history backgrounds, cultures, the language and kinship, etc. Additionally, since World War II, Britain and America has had close cooperation on politics, economic, foreign affairs and military defenses and also the tacit agreement and amity developed by bilateral officials during cooperation. Consequently, Anglo-American special relationship is not only the indispensable Three Circles Doctrine for Postwar Britain, but also the primary priority for all previous British Prime Ministers to formulate diplomatic policy. In the face of increasing disagreement and strained situation from both sides of the Atlantic during the post-Cold War era, the British, as the communication bridge for America and Europe, is in a quandary and Anglo-American relationship therefore died away in the late nineties. However, 911 attacks and the War in Afghanistan provide a turning point of Anglo-American Special Relationship for Blair Government. Accordingly, the purpose of this article adopts anti-terrorism to primarily investigate the development and changes of Anglo-American Special Relationship during 911 attacks and the War in Afghanistan to explain the positions of Britain and America for diplomatic policy against terrorism and the influence on Anglo-American Special Relationship.

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Lorenzo, Ronald. "Puritan Military Justice: American War Crimes and the Global War on Terrorism". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2012-05-10611.

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Exploring Puritanical cultural habits in the 21st century American military, the following study focuses on U.S. Army courts-martial in the Global War on Terrorism. The study uses Emile Durkheim's original sociological interpretation of crime and deviance. That interpretation is linked with responsibility as described by Durkheim's follower Paul Fauconnet in Responsibility: A Study in Sociology ([1928] 1978) and with a new cultural reading of Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism ([1905] 1976). The study is an inductive, descriptive examination of the Puritanical aspects of American military culture based on its treatment of acts labeled as deviant and criminal in the Global War on Terrorism. Four sets of war crimes are included in the study: Abu Ghraib (which occurred in Iraq in 2004), Operation Iron Triangle (which occurred in Iraq in 2006), the Baghdad canal killings (which occurred in Iraq in 2007), and the Maywand District killings (which occurred in Afghanistan in 2010). My data include primary data collected through participation and observation as a consultant for courts-martial related to all the cases except Abu Ghraib. Records of trial, investigation reports, charge sheets, sworn statements, and other documentation are also included in the study as secondary data sources. The study illuminates how unconscious, Puritan cultural habits color and shape both military actions and their perceptions. I explore Puritanism and its influence on military law, responsibility, revenge, "magic" (in its sociological sense), and narcissism. The study concludes with observations and recommendations for changes in U.S. military law.

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Martin, Alexandra. ""Believe it or not, this is Afghanistan!" : la mise en scène "culturelle" de la guerre dans les entraînements militaires aux États-Unis". Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/24655.

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La thèse porte sur la mise en scène de la guerre dans les entraînements militaires aux États-Unis. Elle étudie des faux villages moyen-orientaux qui servent pour l’entraînement de pré-déploiement en Irak et en Afghanistan. On retrouve ces villages sur diverses bases militaires, comme au National Training Center (NTC) de Fort Irwin (Californie), où une douzaine de faux villages afghans et iraquiens ont été construits depuis 2007 dans le contexte de la contre-insurrection afin de préparer les troupes aux guerres de type urbaines et asymétriques. Dans ces environnements immersifs, l’armée américaine tente de reproduire les paysages socioculturel et religieux où se tiennent les missions : mosquées, salons de thé, marchés extérieurs, maisons traditionnelles forment le décor. Afin de préparer les soldats au terrain humain, une rencontre culturelle est simulée entre eux et la population locale à travers des jeux de rôle. Des acteurs, qui sont parfois d’origine afghane et iraquienne, sont embauchés pour jouer la population locale, ce qui servirait à prévenir un certain « choc culturel » anticipé sur le terrain et augmenter la sensibilité culturelle des soldats. Des experts de l’industrie du cinéma comme des pyrotechniciens et des artistes-maquilleurs participent également à ces simulations pour les rendre plus « réalistes » à travers leurs effets spéciaux. La thèse étudie les rationalités et les technologies à l'œuvre dans les faux villages et les manières dont elles soutiennent cette mise en scène « culturelle » de la guerre. Elle examine les pratiques matérielles et discursives des performances qui s’y déroulent. En quelles instances les exercices de simulation s’inscrivent-ils dans un régime de représentation racialisé? Comment l’orientalisme américain est-il articulé dans ces espaces? Quels mythes politiques et discours dominants circulent dans ces géographies fictives? La thèse problématise la représentation et la production de savoirs sur l’autre. Ce faisant, elle participe à la discussion sur l’altérité entamée par plusieurs courants théoriques et champs disciplinaires dont elle s'inspire, notamment les cultural studies, les critical race theories et la critique postcoloniale. L’analyse est basée sur une observation de courte durée au NTC. Le Centre offre des visites guidées de la base qui permettent au public d’assister à une journée d’entraînements dans les faux villages. J’ai participé à deux reprises à ces « NTC Box Tours ». J’ai également mené des entrevues semi-dirigées avec plus de vingt vétérans d’Iraq et d’Afghanistan afin de discuter avec eux de leur expérience d’entraînement de pré-déploiement et du rôle de la culture dans les simulations militaires.
The thesis looks at the performance of war in military training in the US. It studies the mock Middle Eastern villages that are used for Iraq and Afghanistan pre-deployment training. These villages are found on several military bases such as the National Training Center of Fort Irwin (California), where a dozen of oriental towns were implemented since 2007 in order to prepare the troops for urban and asymmetrical type of warfare in the context of counterinsurgency. In these immersive environments, the US military tries to reproduce overseas sociocultural and religious landscapes: mosques, tea rooms, street markets, traditional houses and so on form the set. To prepare the soldiers to the human terrain, a cultural encounter between them and the local population is simulated through role play. Actors, sometimes from Iraq and Afghanistan, are hired to enact the local population. This is said to prevent an anticipated “culture clash” on the ground and raise cultural awareness amongst the soldiers. Experts from the filmmaking industry such as pyrotechnics and makeup artists also take part in these simulations – working to make them more “realistic” through their special effects. The thesis examines the rationalities and technologies at stake in the mock villages, and the way they sustain the « cultural » mise en scène of war. The research interrogates the material and discursive practices of the performances taking place in the mock towns. In what instances are the simulation exercices anchored in a racialized system of representation; how is the American orientalism being rearticulated in these spaces; what political myths and hegemonic discourses are circulating in these fictive geographies? The thesis problematizes the ways of knowing and representing the other. Therefore, the research takes part to the discussion on otherness initiated by diverse theoritical accounts and academic fields, such as cultural studies, critical race theories, and postcolonial critique. The analysis is based on a short observation at NTC. The Center offers guided tours of the base, allowing the general public to attend to one day of training in the mock villages. I participated twice in these “NTC Box tours”. I also conducted semi-directed interviews with more than twenty Iraq and Afghanistan veterans, in which they share with me their experiences of pre-deployment training and their thoughts on the place of culture in military simulations.

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Snášel, Filip. "Pakistán: klíčový faktor pro americké působení v Afghánistánu (za vlády George W. Bushe)". Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311222.

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American relations with Pakistan went through various ups and downs from being allied during the Cold war to imposing sanctions in last decade of the twentieth century. After 9/11 attack on World Trade Center and Pentagon Pakistan quickly joined the United States in the War on Terror. In my thesis I analyze positions and influence of Pakistan during invasion to Afghanistan. and seven next years of the Operation Enduging Freedom during George W. Bush administration. At first I concentrate on historical experience of Pakistan and development in the area before american invasion to Afghanistan. I also surveying terrorist movements on Pakistani soil, which are important for later development and are connected to Pakistani secret service ISI. ISI tried some years after 2001 to maintain friendly relations with Taliban and other terrorist groups along Afghan - Pakistan border, but terrorists, basically anti-system movements, wanted to establish in Pakistan and Afghanistan states constituted as Islamic emirates. President Musharraf under pressure of forthcoming events and the United States understood that supporting Taliban is no longer sustainable policy and decided to act against terrorist groups home in Pakistan. This move however triggered suicide bombings and massive uprising which hit in 2006/2007...

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43

Kolínský, Prokop. "Narkoterorismus: mezi obchodem s drogami a politickým násilím". Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-387149.

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The main objective of thesis ''Narcoterrorism: Crossroads between drug trade and political violence'' is to describe and analyze the phenomenon of narcoterrorism, a concept that combines in its core the politically-motivated violence, the illicit drug trade, and the use of terrorist methods. The goal will be to establish a comprehensive theoretical framework for the various types of narcoterrorism and the different supportive types that may occur between the politically-motivated or ideological groups, and the drug-trafficking criminal groups. This framework will be later primarily tested on the case of Colombia, where various warring ideological and criminal groups will be observed and analyzed. Other cases that will be secondarily used to further prove the established assumptions, will be focusing on other countries which seen in recent history a surge of political or criminal violence, and are either manufacturing or trafficking illegal drugs. These will include Peru, Mexico, and Afghanistan. In the final section of the thesis, the theoretical framework will be assigned to real historical cases, and a question of the prerequisites of narcoterrorist emergence will be discussed.

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44

Yin-shi, Wu, e 吳穎錫. "Bush Administration''s Anti-Terrorist Policy in Afghanistan, 2001-2004". Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/28713446644065036223.

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碩士
淡江大學
美國研究所
93
After 911 terrorist’s attack, President George W. Bush and his cabinets have National Security Councils that discuss anti-terrorist policy to against Afghanistan in 2001. There are two parts of anti-terrorist policy that included cooperation and military operation with other countries in the world. United States seeks alliance through international regime to condemn Osama bin Laden and his terrorist organization, al Quaeda. President Bush request Taliban to hand over Osama bin Laden. He also align with members of United Nation that passed resolutions to blame, attack and destroy organization and financial system of terrorist group. America also is the global leader of anti-terrorist union. American President also evaluates the situation of anti-terrorist in the world. The Congress has authorized president to use “Enduring Freedom military action to Afghanistan. He decides to use force in Afghanistan. Actually vice president Dick Cheny dominate the cabinet’s policy that launch military to Afghanistan. The Department of Defense has play important role in the operation. United States is sharing the information and logistics with NATO, using air station in the countries of Central Asia and working out with North Alliance in the ground battle. Finally U. S. wins the victory. This issue affects geopolitics in Central Asia that America want to exploit oil there. We should focus on the relationship and interaction of China, Russia and U.S. in that region. I employ decision-making theory of Graham T. Allison, Interpretative case studies of Arend Lijphart to analyze anti-terrorist of Afghanistan. I always cite official and academic papers to find out the policy of truth of Bush Administration.

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45

Tesařová, Šárka. "Mezinárodní intervence - příčina sebevražedného terorismu?" Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404168.

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This diploma thesis aims to explore whether international intervention can be the main cause of suicide terrorism. To determine this causal relation between suicide terrorism and international intervention, it tests Robert Pape's nationalist theory. The research sample of the cases of Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, and Palestine was selected based on the Suicide Terrorism Attack database. The thesis applies the empirical-analytical methodology and the method of multiple case study to confirm or refute the validity of the research hypotheses. The outcome of the thesis is that the main trigger for a suicide terrorist campaign is a significantly stronger adversary, a social climate conducive to self- sacrifice, and an individual sense of hopelessness. The presence of international intervention fulfils all these features, but the theory has its limits - an exclusive focus on foreign intervention and state centrality.

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46

Slavíková, Petra. "Válka proti terorismu na pozadí teorie spravedlivé války". Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304774.

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The day of September 11, 2001 which was primarily seen like an ordinary day was significantly written into the world's history. The worst terrorist attack of all ages were commited in the United States, nearly 3.000 people were killed during the attacks. American administration in response to the attacks declared the "war on terorr", which was mainly represented by military interventions to Afghanistan 2001 and Iraq 2003. Inseparable part of Bush's foreign policy was National Security Strategy, which is the strategic basis for invasion to Iraq, approved on September 2002. This concept of this analysis is dealing with these three concrete events of american foreign policy which are specified on the background of Just War Theory JWT. Concretely on the basis of category jus ad bellum - right to war. The main aim of this work is to explore compatibility of these missions with the principles of just war and find out whether operations were launched justly according to JWT. National Security Strategy NSS - which is discussable in the current international system with the regard of the controversial concept of preemption - is important part of the research too. Pre-emptive strategy is confronted with the just war theory, primarily in the sence whether it is possible to consider preemption like just cause...

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47

Vasko, Timothy. "Human, not too human: a critical semiotic of drones and drone warfare". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4417.

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Taking as its starting point Nietzsche’s and Foucault’s theses on liberalism and war, and Dillon and Reid’s extensive engagement thereof, this thesis offers a critical conceptualization of drones and drone warfare. I argue that deployment of drones specifically over and against bodies and communities in conflict zones in and between Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia, and until recently, Libya, is the material practice of a legal and political doctrine and precedent that has been established and policed most prominently by the United States and its military and intelligence apparatuses since the end of the Cold War. This novel precedent, however - due to its necessarily mutually constitutive relationship with a perceived danger said to be emerging from specific spaces, bodies, and communities in the decolonized and still-colonized worlds - locates its ontological and thus political genealogy in the anthropological knowledge that legally justified the (in)humanity of peoples and communities in these spaces during the era of high imperialism that lasted roughly from the nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. I theorize this as a mode of political, tragic nihilism through a reading of some key theories of Deleuze and Guattari, Foucault, and Nietzsche and specifically, their import to the field of critical security and international relations theory. I demonstrate that the semiotic image of the drone is a highly pertinent point of departure through which we can understand these political stakes of strategic discourses enunciating the imperatives of both the Revolution in Military Affairs as well as recent global counterinsurgency/counterterrorism operations, specifically as they relate to claims about what it is drones are said to productively offer such militaristic projects. Ultimately, I argue that it is through the semiotic image of the drone as a clean, precise tactic that furthers the strategic goals of counterterrorism to target specific bodies that we can begin to politically theorize a particularly malignant political nihilism symptomatic of contemporary liberal societies. However, I also suggest that it is through Nietzsche’s politics of nihilism that we can begin to think about radical critical interventions that resist such a dangerous mode of politics.
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