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Samay, M. Ali. "Afghanistan and Pakistan between the US new Strategy and Eurasian Great Powers". Köz-gazdaság 15, n.º 3 (2020): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2020.03.14.
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One of the most intricate matters when it comes to fighting against terrorism in Afghanistan and South Asia is the perpetual conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The role of Pakistan is a central debate in all security, political and economic subjects of discussion in Afghanistan since its dawn of existence as a country. Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, as the President of Afghanistan, believes his country is in a state of an undeclared war with Pakistan. The reason for this is that Pakistan plays a double-standard policy towards Afghanistan by having diplomatic relations with Kabul while actively supports the Taliban and terrorist groups who fight against the Afghan government and conduct terrorist attacks and bombings in the country. India shares the same point of view about Pakistan, thus becoming the most important strategic partner of Afghanistan in the region. Both countries are actively trying to turn the international community and international and Eurasian powers against Pakistan. Recently, the USA’s President has accepted its lobby and diplomacy. Today, America, Afghanistan, and India have a common voice in the fight against terrorism and its regional roots, which are in Pakistan. The practical result of this common voice is the newly shaped America-India-Afghan (AIA) strategic trinity against terrorism and Pakistan. In this article, we focus on: – The US new strategy towards Afghanistan and Pakistan – Afghanistan’s new position in the US foreign policy – The reaction and response of Pakistan, China, and Russia to the US new strategy – The fragmentation and lack of common initiatives among Eurasian large powers as far as the fight against terrorism and other trans-regional threats is concerned – The practical and possible outcome of the newly AIA strategical trinity or shift for the USA, Afghanistan, and Pakistan considering the policies of the regional or Eurasian great powers.
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Siagian, Muhnizar, e Tiffany Setyo Pratiwi. "Narcoterrorism in Afghanistan". Jurnal ICMES 2, n.º 2 (26 de dezembro de 2018): 158–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.26.
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The existence of Afghanistan that dubbed The Golden Cresent is the birthplace of two global terrorist groups namely the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. Nearly 70% of drug activity in Afghanistan has been strongly controlled by Taliban terrorist groups since 2007. Using narcoterrorism and non-traditional security threat conceptual frameworks, this article explains the dynamics of the development of opium production and trade in Afghanistan, the Taliban track record in the opium trade in Afghanistan and the opium trade as a non-traditional security threat in Afghanistan. This article uses descriptive analysis of data obtained from books, journals, and mass media. In this study, there are two important points that obtained. First, the opium business which is a source of funding for the Taliban group is one of the main causes of the continuing acts of terrorism in Afghanistan and a source of various transnational crimes. Second, the opium trade and terrorism are non-traditional security threats that occur due to a combination of opium trade and acts of terrorism which have implications for the internal and external areas of Afghanistan.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Afghanistan and Terrorism". New Perspectives Quarterly 18, n.º 4 (janeiro de 2001): 55–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0893-7850.00443.
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Susilowati, Ida, Nur Rohim Yunus e Muhammad Sholeh. "United States Intervention Against Terrorism in Iraq". SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i 5, n.º 1 (16 de abril de 2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjsbs.v5i1.10372.
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Abstract: Terrorism is a crime committed by a group of people to frighten, terrorize, intimidate a country's government. In the case of the September 11, 2001 terror that occurred at the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, the United States accused the al-Qaeda group of being behind the attack. Furthermore, the United States attacked Afghanistan and Iraq. America considers the attacks carried out are legitimate because they are carried out to reduce world terrorism crimes. Whereas behind that there is another motive for controlling the oil in the country that it attacked.Keywords: Terrorism, Intervention, United States. Abstrak:Terorisme merupakan kejahatan yang dilakukan oleh sekelompok orang guna menakuti, meneror, mengintimidasi pemerintahan suatu negara. Dalam kasus teror 11 September 2001 yang terjadi pada World Trade Center dan Pentagon, Amerika Serikat menuduh kelompok al-qaidah di balik serangan tersebut. Selanjutnya Amerika Serikat melakukan penyerangan terhadap Afghanistan dan Iraq. Amerika menganggap serangan yang dilakukan adalah sah karena dilakukan untuk meredam kejahatan terorisme dunia. Padahal di balik itu ada motif lain untuk menguasai minyak yang ada di negara yang diserangnya.Kata Kunci: Terrorisme, Intervensi, Amerika Serikat
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Rafique, Naila. "COUNTERING MEASURES OF TERRORISM IN PAKISTAN". Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Research 2, n.º 02 (30 de dezembro de 2019): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37605/pjhssr.2.2.6.
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Terrorism and sectarian violence has started since the creation of the Pakistan. Terrorism is the deliberate use of unlawful force or violence to achieve goal that is political or ideological nature. Special Anti-terrorist courts enforce the Anti-terrorism laws of the Pakistan and system nominates organizations and people consisted with terrorism. Different factors are responsible to make Anti-Terrorism law. A number of extremist challenges faced by Pakistan that are ethnic and religious groups. The Pakistan government established committees to encourage sectarian harmony and religious tolerance. Pakistan support Taliban in Afghanistan, which make the way safe for militancy and also for terrorists. The anti-terrorism law has massive implication on Pakistan by different ways. Pakistan has been effected economically, politically, socially and militarily. According to Pakistan Finance Ministry, that counter terrorism campaign has caused unemployment in affected areas, which increased poverty. The listing of these proscribes organizations is also one of the factor to make anti-terrorism law. To gauge the impacts of anti-terrorism law, so there is technological impediment inhabits a particular incident of terrorists. Due to this hurdle unintended results happened and they transferred the attack. This law also desisted the activities of those groups who are involved in funds rising, money laundering and participation in terrorist activities. This law has sustainable effect on civil freedom rights and values. Some decision maker was also condemned this act on account of personal liberties. The additional powers of this act have been produced inimical result to combat terrorism.
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Speckhard, A. "Understanding Suicide Terrorism". Nervenheilkunde 36, n.º 04 (2017): 245–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1627010.
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SummaryAs a terror tactic, suicide terrorism is one of the most lethal as it relies on a human being to deliver and detonate the device. Suicide terrorism is not confined to a single region or religion. On the contrary, it has a global appeal, and in countries such as Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan it has come to represent an almost daily reality as it has become the weapon of choice for some of the most dreaded terrorist organizations in the world, such as ISIS and al-Qaeda. Drawing on over two decades of extensive field research in five distinct world regions, specifically the Middle East, Western Europe, North America, Russia, and the Balkans, the author discusses the origins of modern day suicide terrorism, motivational factors behind suicide terrorism, its global migration, and its appeal to modern-day terrorist groups to embrace it as a tactic.
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Cornell, Drucilla. "Facing Our Humanity". Hypatia 18, n.º 1 (2003): 170–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2003.tb00786.x.
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This article argues that U.S. aggression against Afghanistan must be challenged through our support of the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) and their political program. It does so not only by considering competing judgments about what constitutes women's rights, but also through an appeal to the Kantian ideal of humanity and its relation to how we can re-think both terrorism and the treatment of those accused of terrorist activity.
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Tariq, Muhammad, Manzoor Khan Afridi e Ahmed Saeed Minhas. "An Analysis of Insurgency in Afghanistan (2001- 2016)". Global Social Sciences Review III, n.º II (30 de junho de 2018): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-ii).09.
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Afghanistan has been wrapped in insurgency since the Russian withdrawal in 1979, followed by civil war. The emergence of Taliban to power with their self-styled type of imposition of Islamic law compelled the great powers to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan. September 2001 was a turning point in the history of Afghanistan as the NATO forces made their entry under the garb of security. The establishment of a democratic government in the country could not help in uprooting terrorism and insurgency from the country. Since the period of Russian Withdrawal, the country witnessed different eras of Taliban and the democratic governments coupled with the NATO mission. It is a fact that during the long stay of the presence of coalition forces in Afghanistan, insurgency could not be completely uprooted since new threats from different groups of insurgents have overpowered the country. Some of the provinces are hit hard by insurgency and terrorism. Efforts to hold peace talks were always dashed to the ground when the ISAF started its military operations against the terrorists.
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Cahalan, Lauren, Seth R. Gitter e Erin K. Fletcher. "Terrorism and women’s employment in Afghanistan". Oxford Development Studies 48, n.º 2 (2 de abril de 2020): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600818.2020.1760813.
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Rane, Prasad P. "NATO's Counter-Terrorism Strategies in Afghanistan". Strategic Analysis 31, n.º 1 (8 de junho de 2007): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160701353548.
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Trubalska, Justyna. "Counter-terrorism system in Poland: selected issues". Zeszyty Naukowe Akademii Sztuki Wojennej 105, n.º 4 (28 de agosto de 2017): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.3529.
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Abstract Today we are seeing a systematic development of terrorist organisations in the world. Social, economic and political problems in Africa and the Middle East, as well as religious fundamentalism generate threats of terrorism. If we consider in this context both Poland’s geopolitical situation, and involvement in stabilisation operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, those factors make our country a potential target for terrorist attacks. Although for years the level of terrorist threat in Poland is assessed as low, the risk analysis of this kind cannot be underestimated in the context of the analysis of internal security of the state. The main aim of this article is to answer the question whether there is an effective counter-terrorism system in Poland. This is done by attempting to capture the essence and demonstrating its unique features by analysing its individual components, i.e. regulations, entities forming the analysed system and relationships between the indicated elements.
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Ibrahim, Muhammad, e Razia Mussarat. "Pak-American Interest in Democratic Afghanistan Post Election 2014". Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, n.º 4 (5 de março de 2015): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i4.7188.
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Pak-America has interested in democratic Afghanistan. The global community has focused on reconstruction and reformation of national institutions for formulation of institutional policies. The democratic model of governance deals democratic institutional development. The global community facilitated security issues in the Afghan for presidential elections 2014. American and NATO forces decided to evacuate Afghanistan after transfer of power post-election 2014. The purpose of paper is definitive objectives of democratization in Afghanistan. Pakistan suffered socially, economic and politically especially in tribal areas as a neighbouring country. Afghanistan based terrorist organization attacked twin towers of U.S.A. The implication of study will support for guidance at the issue of terrorism which has intense effect on civilized world. The descriptive analysis used as tools of research for accomplishment of paper. The findings become helpful in developing awareness in masses for democratization in Afghanistan. The vibrant role of media strengthened democratic institutions which lessened extremism in region. The paper will explain historical context and different political and democratic transformation eras in Afghanistan.
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Eka Payani, Ni Luh Bayu Purwa. "Pengaruh Serangan 9/11 terhadap Perkembangan Dinamika Keamanan Internasional". Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 5, n.º 1 (1 de maio de 2016): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.5.1.28-41.2016.
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The 9/11 took place fifteen years ago yet still becoming one of theworst tragedies in American history. This also changed the face ofinternational security. Before terrorist attack became headlines in allinternational news networks, states all over the world still concerned about conventional security where war could only conducted by states. Now, states especially western states need to face the challenge come from non-states threat. To see what changes the terrorist attack in New York brings to international security, here I will explain three major effects. The three effects are based on American Foreign Policy towards terrorism which was adopted by almost countries; the emergence of Global War on Terrorism, Regime Termination in Afghanistan and Iraq, and World Focus on Jihadist Movement by Al-Qaeda and ISIS. By using explainative method, these indicated variables will explain how 9/11 changed the face and the dynamic of international security.Keywords: 9/11, terrorism, international security, regime termination, jihadist movement.
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Viano, Emilio C. "Unholy Alliances and their Threat: The Convergence of Terrorism, Organized Crime and Corruption". International Annals of Criminology 58, n.º 1 (maio de 2020): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cri.2020.18.
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AbstractSince the tragedy of September 11, 2001 (9/11) there have been a growing awareness and recognition of the expanding threat presented by the transmutation and convergence of international organized crime and terrorist groups. There is a semantic debate on whether these organizations are “converging” or “transforming.” Regardless, this worrisome development is complicated and progressively difficult to combat and calls for law enforcement, intelligence and military interventions. While the United States and other countries have been dealing with the post-9/11 world of persistent problems like Iraq, Afghanistan, al Qaeda, “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS), Syria, and more, the links between organized crime and terrorism could prolong these challenges and generate further disruptions and menace to global security and development. There are strong operational needs and requirements that bring organized crime and terrorists together for collaboration and even seamless transitions within the same general operation. However, there are substantial hurdles that make a total teamwork between the two groups not so easily achievable. For example, organized crime normally avoids the publicity and the indiscriminate killings often used by terrorists. However, it is clear that the merging of international organized crime and terrorist groups is growing and presents unique challenges and opportunities. This paper examines this ongoing transmutation, convergence and cooperation between transnational organized crime and terrorism, and offers examples and recommendations on how to prevent it and defeat it.
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Saikal, Amin. "Afghanistan, terrorism, and American and Australian responses". Australian Journal of International Affairs 56, n.º 1 (abril de 2002): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710220120801.
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Rahmany, Gulab Mir. "Social Development Through International Relations". Khazanah Sosial 3, n.º 1 (22 de fevereiro de 2021): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v3i1.10711.
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With the horrific incident on September 11 in the US, the US armed forces entered Afghanistan to shut the door to terrorism. Now, Afghanistan opens a new page for Afghanistan's internal and external political system. Afghanistan as a country that has pursued regional cooperation from neighboring countries, especially from India. India is the most promising country for Afghanistan's foreign policy and diplomatic relations in areas such as economic, cultural, technical, capacity building, military and other growth. The purpose of this study is to examine the development process of the two countries India and Pakistan in an effort to establish international relations. With a qualitative approach This research resulted in India being one of the countries which, after September 11, 2001, and the leadership of the Taliban, succeeded in gaining more opportunities for the people of Afghanistan. His non-hostile contributions to Middle Eastern and Middle Eastern countries have created a special place for the people of Afghanistan. India after independence in 1947, started friendly relations with Afghanistan two years later, until now, has enthusiastically and dedicably made their contribution to Afghanistan. The people of Afghanistan in this case get many benefits from India's bilateral relations, namely the construction of the Salma Dam in Herat, Delaram Road Development, Allotment of 1000 Afghan Student Scholarships in Human Resource Development per year, the Repair of the Afghan Foreign Minister Complex, the establishment of the Afghan Parliament Building, the Opening of Chabahar Port, Strengthening the Equipment of the Afghan Military Forces, Air Corridors, and India's efforts to get Afghanistan to gain Membership in Regional Cooperation Bodies such as SAARC, BRICS, Asia Heart 'Istanbul Process'.
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Bergne, P. "Review: Unholy Wars@ Afghanistan, America, and International Terrorism * John K. Cooley: Unholy Wars@ Afghanistan, America, and International Terrorism". Journal of Islamic Studies 13, n.º 2 (1 de maio de 2002): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/13.2.223.
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Halverscheid, Susanne, e Erich H. Witte. "Justification of War and Terrorism". Social Psychology 39, n.º 1 (janeiro de 2008): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335.39.1.26.
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Abstract. In this study, examples of war and terrorism from both Western and Arab countries were examined with respect to the underlying ethical positions of justifications that have been publicized. In a rating process, we analyzed speeches and explanations of (1) the American government justifying the military strikes in Afghanistan (2001-) and the war in Iraq (2003-), (2) the Red Army Faction justifying terrorist attacks they perpetrated in Germany (1972-1984), (3) the former President of Iraq justifying the war against Iran (1980-1988), and (4) members of Al Qaeda justifying terrorist acts (2001-2004). The ethical justification patterns are presented, compared, and discussed with respect to the influences of culture and type of political violence. The results reveal significant differences between the kinds of aggression as well as between Western and Arab countries, with the cultural factor proving to be more essential.
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Pherali, Tejendra, e Arif Sahar. "Learning in the chaos: A political economy analysis of education in Afghanistan". Research in Comparative and International Education 13, n.º 2 (junho de 2018): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745499918781882.
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Afghanistan is often characterised as a ‘failed’ or ‘fragile’ state in terms of state ‘functionality’, lacking in capacity to provide security and wellbeing to its citizens and failing to prevent violent conflict and terrorism. Since 2001, education has become a major victim of Afghanistan’s protracted crisis that involves international military interventions, fragile democracy and growing radicalisation. Drawing upon qualitative interviews with educational officials and practitioners in Afghanistan and critically examining the literature in education and conflict, we argue that Afghanistan’s education is caught in the nexus between deteriorating security conditions, weak governance and widespread corruption, resulting in rebel capture of educational spaces for radicalisation and violent extremism. More broadly, we contend that education faces the risk of capture for radicalisation in contexts where state fragility and fundamentalism intersect. Finally, we highlight some critical issues relating to educational programming in conflict-affected contexts.
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Sangar, Kaneshko. "Afghanistan’s significance for Russia in the 21st Century: Interests, Perceptions and Perspectives". Politics in Central Europe 12, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 2016): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2016-0004.
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AbstractSince President Barack Obama set the end of 2014 as the deadline to complete the planned troop withdrawal from Afghanistan, numerous commentators have sought to assess Russia’s Afghan policy since September 11, 2001 and anticipate Moscow’s strategy in ‘post-2014’ Afghanistan. This paper maintains that an assessment/evaluation of Afghanistan’s significance for Russia in the current system of international relations is needed to understand Moscow’s current and future Afghan strategy. Hence, the aim of this study is to identify and analyse the major factors, which lead to a conceptualization of Russia’s interests in Afghanistan. When assessing Russia’s interests in Afghanistan, one must take into account a plethora of significant issues, including Putin’s ‘great-power’ rhetoric; geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic rivalries in the wider region; security threats such as the illegal narcotics emanating from Afghanistan and global terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism; the rivalry and competition for energy resources; and control over pipeline routes and energy corridors. The analysis of these substantiating factors demonstrate why in the 21st century the Afghan problem remains a significant challenge to Russia’s ‘great power’ identity, to its international strategy abroad, to its strategically important ‘near abroad,’ and to the country’s domestic socio-economic policy
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Nosenko, T. "Long War against Terror". World Economy and International Relations, n.º 4 (2010): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-4-31-41.
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In the article, different reasons for the long-lasting war against international terrorism under the Islamist banner are analysed. Notwithstanding the "Al-Qaeda's" weakening, since autumn 2001, many new groups have sprung up threatening the international security. Till now, the war has been waged only against terrorists, but no serious attention has been paid to neutralization of radical Islamism as an ideology causing terrorism. In connection with the military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan, anti-western feelings have been growing up breeding radical Islamism. It is emphasized in the article that the antiterrorist coalition in its present state is unable to fulfill its mission. It can become really efficient only if Muslim régimes would increase their input into the common struggle. Standing on the ground of traditional Islam they could easier curb Islamism and thus cut the roots of terrorism.
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Freedman, Lawrence D., Norman Friedman, Williamson Murray, Robert H. Scales e Anthony H. Cordesman. "Terrorism, Afghanistan, and America's New Way of War". Foreign Affairs 83, n.º 1 (2004): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033850.
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Sharma, B. "The Dynamics of Peace and Conflict in Afghanistan-Pakistan Region and Implications for Regional Security". Journal of International Analytics, n.º 2 (28 de junho de 2015): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-2-42-48.
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The article describes in detail all aspects of situation in Afghanistan and most recent trends of regional co-operation with a view of assistance being rendered to Afghanistan in combating narcotics, terrorism, restoring its agriculture, political transition to democracy. The projects of building transportation corridors from Central Asia via Afghanistan to the South Asia and Arabian Sea are discussed. Prospects of peace building require participation of Pakistan and India in the creation of secure environment in the region.
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Mirdad, Mohammad Ayub. "Taliban insurgency and transnational organized crime nexus". Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 33, n.º 3 (31 de agosto de 2020): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v33i32020.266-277.
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Afghanistan has been demolished by more than three decades of the ongoing war since the war against the Soviet Union started in 1979. The Afghanistan-Pakistan region provides a geographically secure location and a space of opportunity for organized crime and terrorist groups. This paper aims at exploring the Taliban nexus with organized crime groups in Afghanistan and the region through Makarenko’s crime-terror continuum theory. The method of this study is qualitative through the descriptive-analytical approach. The growing connection between insurgents and organized crime poses essential challenges to the region. Each group has developed both criminal and terrorist elements while not relinquishing its original organizing principle. Afghanistan is a war-torn country and weak governance, terrorism, narcotics, illegal mining, poor border control, and widespread corruption provide the perfect opportunity for convergence of the Taliban with organized criminal and insurgent groups in the region. The Taliban and organized crime groups are involved in kidnapping for ransom, drug trade, extortion, and exploitation of natural resources. The finding indicates that, although the objectives of the insurgent and organized crime organizations differ widely, these enabling variables are also suitable for organized crime organizations. The primary objective of organized crime is to gain profit, and the objective of the insurgent is to contest the state power and promote political change through violence. The economic sources are the primary main reason why the two organizations converge.
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Halbach, Uwe. "Afghanistan 2014: Shadows over Central Asia?" Security and Human Rights 24, n.º 2 (2013): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02402005.
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How will the withdrawal of ISAF forces from Afghanistan in 2014 affect the states of Central Asia and other parties with interests in the region? What will the effect be on economic interests (the “New Silk Road”) and will risks such as drug trafficking and cross-border terrorism increase? This paper considers these questions with specific reference to the Afghanistan policies of the Central Asian states.
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Ishaque, Waseem, Muhammad Bilal e Muhammad Usman. "EXPLORING OPTIONS OF RAPPROCHEMENT WITH TALIBAN ON THE PERPETUAL STATE OF WAR IN AFGHANISTAN". Global Political Review 1, n.º 1 (30 de dezembro de 2016): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(i-i).02.
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Afghanistan since the Soviet Invasion in 1979 and later by the USA in 2001 on the pretext of Global War on Terrorism (WoT) has remained in a perpetual state of war even after the collapse of the USSR and before US invasion. The fragile state with a lack of central government and dysfunctional state institutions has created serious international and regional security issues with an influx of refugees, drugs, and above all terrorism. The instability in Afghanistan has created national security problems for Pakistan and despite enormous sacrifices and instability, Pakistan is in the eye of storms for not doing enough despite US active military presence. The USs willingness to engage the Taliban for an honorable exit strategy and ensuring that the government in Afghanistan is more representative, are in fact positive signals which need to be capitalized by engaging all parties to the conflict.
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Ross, Jeffrey Ian. "Global Responses to Terrorism: 9/11 Afghanistan and Beyond". Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, n.º 2 (junho de 2005): 526–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905449999.
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Global Responses to Terrorism: 9/11 Afghanistan and Beyond, Mary Buckley and Rick Fawn, eds., New York: Routledge, 2003.In the aftermath of 9/11, book publishers have been relatively quick to release works that somehow capitalize on the public's demand for insight with respect to terrorism and groups such as Al-Qaeda. Many of the monographs have been the work of journalists, others the efforts of scholars, and some the writings of practitioners. Still other books have been the result of collaborations, either in edited or co-authored forms, among writers from different backgrounds, training and experience.
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Lorch, Jasmin. "Terrorism in Bangladesh". Asian Survey 60, n.º 4 (julho de 2020): 778–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.4.778.
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Bangladesh continues to face a threat from Islamic terrorism. However, the drivers of this phenomenon remain under-studied. Research has traced terrorism in Bangladesh to wider processes of Islamization; a political context marked by conflict between the country’s two main political parties and by authoritarian governance; the institutional weakness of the Bangladeshi security and justice system; and international factors, such as the Afghanistan War, influences from the Gulf, and more recently the Rohingya refugee crisis, as well as the increased interest of al-Qaeda and the Islamic State in South Asia. Based on an analysis of the literature and interviews, I argue that while the growth of terrorism in Bangladesh has been a complex process in which all of these factors have interacted, different constellations of them have been decisive at different historical stages.
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Rahimi, Haroun. "Hawala as credit: recognizing how hawala supports the business climate in Afghanistan". Journal of Money Laundering Control 23, n.º 1 (2 de janeiro de 2020): 224–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-07-2019-0053.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore the role of hawala in supporting Afghanistan’s business climate. It illustrates the use of hawala as credit and its importance for the local merchant community. Design/methodology/approach The empirical data presented in this article draws from more than 83 semi-structured interviews with Afghan merchants, business leaders, hawaladars and judicial officials, conducted between March and August 2017 in five major provinces of Afghanistan, namely, Kabul, Herat, Balkh, Nangarhar and Kandahar. These five provinces collectively represent half of Afghanistan’s economy, one-third of Afghanistan’s total population and more than four-fifth of Afghanistan’s urban population. The commercial courts that sit in these five provinces hear more than 90% of total commercial disputes in the country. Findings In Afghanistan, despite their reputation for being the bankers of terrorists and criminals, hawaladars primarily serve Afghan merchants – the overwhelming majority of their customers – helping them cope with an uncertain business climate. Within supply chains, Afghan importers rely on credit-hawala to protect themselves from the interruptions of cash flow that are prevalent throughout the Afghan economy. Practical implications Drawing on extensive field research, this article highlights how hawala stabilizes financing and markets in Afghanistan, arguing that while hawala regulations are necessary to counter abuse of hawala, regulators must be cognizant of how hawala is used in financing of legitimate businesses, or they will exacerbate the problems of access to credit. Originality/value While the historical studies of hawala reveal its inextricable link with trade financing, the current hawala literature completely neglects hawala systems’ contemporary financing role. Instead, the literature is completely dominated by the globalization trend of terrorism, money laundering and worker migration. Neglecting the trade financing role of hawala causes policymakers not to appreciate the impacts of hawala regulations on the trade fully. Overlooking hawalas’ role in financing transnational trade also results in the exclusion of an important group of stakeholders – namely, merchant-users of hawala services who are the main beneficiaries of hawaladars’ financing services – from the process of regulation of hawala systems. The main reason that hawala regulations have failed to gain tractions in countries such as Afghanistan is that these regulations have not been cognizant of the multifaceted functions of hawala markets and do not include all stakeholders in the regulation process.
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Polko, Paulina. "Unexpected Terrorists? Polish Links to ISIS". Internal Security 11, n.º 2 (17 de fevereiro de 2020): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.8209.
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Poland is regarded as a country relatively free from Islamic terrorist threat. According to official statements, the four-level terrorism threat scale assessed the terrorism threat in Poland as low (‘zero’). The Islamic minority living in Poland is small and very specific, connected with the historical background of the country and well integrated. For years, relations with most of the Islamic countries were good, or even very good, until the beginning of the XX century when Poland got involved in operations in Iraq and Afghanistan and became a member of the anti-ISIS coalition. That might have attracted the attention of Al-Qaeda and ISIS to the country and its citizens as possible targets of attacks. Surprisingly, 20 to 40 Polish citizens went to Iraq or Syria to fight as foreign fighters (FTFs). More than 10 per cent of Polish criminals wanted by the Interpol is charged with participation in the terrorist organization (ISIS). The article aims to present the relations between this Central European country and the jihadist terrorist organization and to reverse the common belief that Poland has no links to ISIS and no reasons to regard the organization as its serious problem.
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Chigudu, Daniel. "The Extent of Al-Qaeda’s Presence in Africa: Security Threats and Policy Implications to the U.S." Journal of Scientific Papers "Social development and Security" 11, n.º 2 (18 de abril de 2021): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33445/sds.2021.11.2.4.
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Following a period close to fifteen years of fighting the extremist terrorist group Al Qaeda in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the United States (US) is faced with diverse security threats from affiliates of Al Qaeda in Africa. This study explores the extent of Al Qaeda’s presence in Africa, security threat and policy implications to the US. A qualitative methodology through document analysis and informed by the interpretivist research paradigm was employed. With Al Qaeda’s continued growth, there could be nuclear terrorism, arms and drug trafficking among other threats. Policy recommendations are given for the United States of America.
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الجاسور, م. د. اثير ناظم. "Towards a new global leadership to combat international terrorism". مجلة العلوم السياسية, n.º 53 (20 de fevereiro de 2019): 107–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i53.87.
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In the early 1990s, as the beginning of the new unilateral leadership of global power by the United States, a new climate of rivalry emerged between revolutionary jihad and national jihad. Al-Qaeda has played on both sides to promote its agenda in support of global jihad. The veteran Afghan warriors returned to the Arab world after the play against the Soviet army "infidel" in Afghanistan after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and until the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1990. The Arab world is looking for roles to attract international forces seeking to implement specific projects that need a combat tool . Al-Qaeda has tried to exploit national conflicts and the emergence of sectarian political streams in the Middle East in favor of their organization. They tried to co-opt the jihad volunteers who traveled to Bosnia after the break-up of Yugoslavia in 1992 after the Bosnian army was able to contain them but ended up expelling them in the fall of 1995. A year later, al-Qaeda achieved greater success in supervising the training of Pakistani fighters who were smuggled into Kashmir to play a combat role In Afghanistan and elsewhere. Al-Qaeda members have also succeeded in excluding local supporters of Kashmir's independence and mixing the cards between national independence,
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Kaukas, Erikas. "SECURITY EFFECTIVENESS AND COUNTER TERRORISM EFFORTS: CASE OF AFGHANISTAN". Journal of Security and Sustainability Issues 2, n.º 3 (2013): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.9770/jssi.2013.2.3(4).
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Griffin, Michael. "Picturing America’s ‘War on Terrorism’ in Afghanistan and Iraq". Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism 5, n.º 4 (novembro de 2004): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884904044201.
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Atran, Scott. "A Question of Honour: Why the Taliban Fight and What to Do About It". Asian Journal of Social Science 38, n.º 3 (2010): 343–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853110x499918.
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AbstractAfghanistan is not like Iraq. What may work well in Iraq, or elsewhere, may not be a wise policy in Afghanistan. The original alliance between the Taliban and Al-Qaeda was largely one of convenience between a poverty-stricken national movement and a transnational cause that brought material help. Unlike Al-Qaeda, the Taliban are interested in their homeland, not ours. The Taliban know how costly keeping Qaeda can be. Even if the Taliban took control of Afghanistan it is not clear that Al-Qaeda would be welcome again. Afghanistan and the tribal areas of Pakistan must be dealt with on their own terms. There’s a good chance that enough of the factions in the Taliban coalition would decide for themselves to disinvite their troublesome guest if we contained them by maintaining pressure without trying to subdue them or hold their territory, intervening only when we see movement to help Al-Qaeda or act beyond the region. We’re winning against Al-Qaeda and its kin in places where anti-terrorism efforts are local and built on an understanding that the ties binding terrorist networks today are more cultural and familial than political or ideological.
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Khitab, Tayyab Ur Rahman. "Media Framing of Bilateral Security Agreement between Afghanistan and USA". Global Mass Communication Review III, n.º I (30 de dezembro de 2018): 18–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2018(iii-i).02.
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Security in the region is one of the most important matters in international studies because it had many ups and downs during last decades. Although International Society leading U.S. sent troops to Afghanistan in order to fight against international terrorism, but still security challenges are remained the same. However, currently there is more consideration on roots of terrorism in Pakistan, but they are going to withdraw troops from Afghanistan after 2014. Some countries were pessimistic on presence of U.S. because they think U.S. has interests in Asia, controlling China, Russia and Iran. But others are worrying about future of region; especially that extremism is being expanded to the east part of China, Central Asia, and even to the south borders of Russia. Strategic agreement between Afghanistan and U.S. may have both negative and positive effects and impacts on security in the region. This research paper investigates Afghan media towards bilateral security agreement between Afghanistan and USA and its impact on regional peace and security. For this purpose, it examines the type of coverage's about security agreement get in newspapers. Content analysis of news reports from years 2014 to 2017 has done in order to know the framing of security agreement. Results reveal that media has been releasing favorable, natural and unfavorable coverage on security agreement.
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Opini, Bathseba M. "After Shock". American Journal of Islam and Society 21, n.º 3 (1 de julho de 2004): 131–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.1771.
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This anthology, a feminist standpoint on the 9/11 terrorist attacks, engagescritical feminist voices to counteract the United States’ specious justificationsof hatred, violence, and vengeance against Afghanistan and Muslimsin general following the tragedy. The authors relate the preeminence andpolitics of the West to violence in the Middle East, parts of Asia, Africa, andSouth and Central America. Their objective is to deconstruct the hypocrisyentangled in the West’s politics, particularly the Bush administration’s unilateral,patriarchal, misogynist, and masculinist foreign policies and actionsthat help create and sustain terrorism. The authors also seek to show that9/11 is not the only act of terrorism; rather, there are different acts of terrorinflicted on innocent people globally.While many writings have condemned 9/11, only a few depictwomen’s perspectives. Much of the literature focuses on men’s viewsabout the war. Moreover, non-western women have hardly written anythingthat could be said to document feminist viewpoints on the war. AfterShock: September 11, 2001 – Global Feminist Perspectives reveals theinvisibility of women’s voices in condemning terrorism and in formulatingresponses to the terrorist attacks. The anthology utilizes the voices ofwomen from different nationalities, professions, and cultural backgrounds,and thus fills a significant gap: feminist voices on terror and war.This book is one of the most welcome developments in voicing women’sperspectives on terrorism.The anthology is divided into two parts. Part 1, “Reactions,” has threesections framed by three questions: “Whose Terrorism? 12 September to 7October; Whose War? 8 October to 13 November ; and Whose Peace? 14November to 8 March.” Captivating pieces in the first section include Robin ...
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Khan, Jamil Ahmed. "War on Terror in Regional and Trans-Regional Context". JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 12, n.º 2 (11 de julho de 2018): 2713–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v12i2.7451.
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Terrorism from the longer time has attracted many of the experts in history and present times to work on it with a quest to find out the causes and look for its cure. This article, I have made an endeavor to discuss terrorism from different aspects examining the history of the creation of different terrorist organizations; the research analyzes the latest Talibanization phenomenon. Before and after the 9/11 tragedy, there had been many discussions that seemed to have pondered upon “Good Talibans†and “Bad Talibansâ€, the study intends to make sense to both these terminologies by giving each of it sufficient time to have a clear understanding by examining through rich literature that illustrates both these terminologies candidly and categorically. The work on this topic is one of its kind that is unbiased that not only explains the mistakes being committed by the countries where the rogue elements like Al-Qaida and Taliban prevailed or are still prevailing, Though Afghanistan is in the focus but it has also pointed out the wrong policy decisions in different phases of time by the United States of America during the fight against terrorism.
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Raza, Aamer. "Counterinsurgency and Human Security". Review of Human Rights 4, n.º 1 (30 de agosto de 2019): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35994/rhr.v4i1.93.
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In this article I take up the counterinsurgency policy and practice of the US armed forces in Afghanistan and Iraq. By focusing on the Counterinsurgency Manual 2006, I highlight how the US counterinsurgency policy did not fully incorporate the concept of human security. Accordingly, the counterinsurgency operations that were carried out in the wake of the War on Terrorism failed to ensure human security to the vulnerable segments of the populations in Afghanistan and Iraq.
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Safdar, Aasima, Samia Manzoor e Ayesha Qamar. "British Public Perception towards Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq". Global Regional Review III, n.º I (30 de dezembro de 2018): 503–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).37.
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This article seeks to explore the perception of the British informants regarding the Afghanistan war 2001 and Iraq war 2003. Heavy users of British media were interviewed. The present article adopts the qualitative approach and ten in-depth interviews were conducted by the British informants. It was found that the British informants considered the 9/11 attacks as a tragic incident and Al Qaeda was held responsible for this. They supported their governments policies to curb terrorism but they highly condemned human causalities during the Afghanistan and Iraq wars. Particularly, they condemned their governments policy about Iraq war 2003. Regarding, the British media coverage of these wars, there was mixed opinion. Some of them considered that British media gave biased coverage to the wars however; few thought that media adopted a balanced approach. Overall, they stressed that the government should take responsible action against terrorism and human causalities should be avoided.
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Konarovskiy, M. "Afghan Challenges and their Impact on Reconfiguration of Foreign Military Presence". Journal of International Analytics, n.º 4 (28 de dezembro de 2015): 118–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-4-118-125.
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Against the background of wide range of the “Islamic state” terrorismin the Middle East, the aggravating civil war in Afghanistan does not reduce the threat of destabilization beyond Russia’s southern borders. The Taliban’s terrorism in IRA is recently becoming even more diversified through the infiltration of the IS ideology and militancy to IRA northern enclave. Reshaping of the US and NATO military presence in that country did not help to stabilize the situation that is facing the whole complex of unresolved problems. This reality urged Washington to prolong the military presence till 2017 amid new efforts to strengthen its positions in Central Asia.
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Ambrosio De Nelson, Sonia. "Southeast Asian Press Coverage of Terrorism and the Bali Bombing". Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 20 (10 de abril de 2004): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v20i0.32.
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The war against terrorism is being carried out not only in Afghanistan where it was first declared but also in the media around the world. Southeast Asia became a focus of international attention after the U.S. administration identified the region as the second front in the fight against terrorism following the attacks in the United States on 11 September 2001. The perception that the region is a cradle for terrorism was reinforced by the Bali bombing in October 2002. The event was the first major terrorist attack after 11 September, and the worst act of violence against foreigners in Indonesia, a country that has been under continuous international pressure to be decisive in the fight against terrorism. Although the media can function as the source of people's information, it can provide interpretations of the social construction of ideas and images. Like the media in all parts of the world, the media in Southeast Asia function within some form of governmental, societal, and economic constraints. Journalists are encouraged to support their governments' efforts to develop the nation and instil a sense of national identity. In such a setting journalists, consciously or not, end up not only reflecting but also spreading the dominant view of the society's elite. This transnational comparative study involving three mainstream English-language newspapers from Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore examines the reportage of the Bali bombing.
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Iqbal, Sabira, Saqib Ullah Khan e Atta Ullah Jan. "China's Growing Influence in Afghanistan and its Impacts on Pakistan in the Post-2014 Era". Global Political Review V, n.º III (30 de setembro de 2020): 133–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).13.
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This research paper examines China's growing influence in Afghanistan (post-2014) in the context of the Chinese government's overall approach to Afghan peace and stability. China growing influence in Afghanistan can be seen in three dynamics which are security, economic, and geostrategic, and its impacts on Pakistan have also been explored. This study is based on a mixed research approach means Qualitative cum Quantitative. In the economic field, it has been observed that the Chinese invested in Afghanistan more in the post-2014 as compared to pre-2014. In the security field, the China diplomatic efforts can be seen in the form of treaties and agreements with Afghanistan under Ashraf Ghani's Afghan Unity Government AUG. These efforts are to eradicate terrorism and extremism from Afghanistan as China herself is facing the same issue in its western region. The China vision in the Geostrategic field and its strategy and policy towards Afghanistan are analyzed. These three-tier policies of China in Afghanistan have certain impacts on Pakistan, and these impacts are explored under BRI particular part, which is CPEC Post 2014.
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Cheng, Joseph Y. S. "The Afghanistan Situation and China’s New Approach to the SCO". Asian Survey 55, n.º 2 (março de 2015): 346–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.2.346.
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This article examines China’s concern to prevent terrorism and maintain stability in Central Asia through the SCO. The situation in Afghanistan has raised concerns among SCO member countries and strengthened common interests to maintain the regional organization, regime stability, and economic co-operation within it.
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Garnham, David. "Unholy Wars: Afghanistan, America and International Terrorism: John K. Cooley". Digest of Middle East Studies 10, n.º 2 (janeiro de 2001): 92–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.2001.tb00434.x.
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Caillouet, Ruth R. "The Other Side of Terrorism and the Children of Afghanistan". English Journal 96, n.º 2 (1 de novembro de 2006): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30047124.
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KARZAI, HAMID. "The War Against Terrorism Is Not in Afghanistan, but Pakistan". New Perspectives Quarterly 25, n.º 2 (março de 2008): 71–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5842.2008.00983.x.
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FITUNI, L. L. "THROUGH THE PRISM OF PREDICTIVE АNALYTICS: CULTURAL AND IDEOLOGICAL TRENDS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND THE PROBLEM OF TERRORISM". Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, n.º 2 (2 de novembro de 2017): 110–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-110-127.
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The article is an attempt to predict the main trends of the political, cultural and ideological development of the Middle East in the medium and long term, taking into account the impact of international terrorism. To provide optimal solutions possible the author identifies a number of core components. Basing this selection he offers his vision of the likely behaviour of key state and non-state actors as well as the forthcoming fate of the objects of their attention. In preparing the scenarios, the main methods of predictive analytics were used: statistical analysis, intellectual analysis of data, analysis of patterns and models conducted within the framework of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research project “The Phenomenon of the Islamic State” in the context of the development of a modern Eastern society. “The article is based on an interpretation of the main conclusions and results of using those methods and methodologies. The article asserts that the recent growth of radical Islam in the East and political populism in the West are close root causes. Despite all the differences in the rhetoric and the outward forms, they represent a defensive response on the part of those segments of Eastern and Western societies that have failed to adjust to rigid paradigms of globalization. Intra- and inter-confessional conflicts may become the prevailing form of military threats in the region, beginning around the 2020s. Their heralds are already visible in conflicts in Iraq, Syria, Yemen and, to a lesser extent, in Lebanon, Bahrain and on the east coast of the Arabian Peninsula. Interstate Shiite-Sunni contradictions have so far been limited by political-ideological confrontation and diplomatic demarches, sometimes accompanied by various embargoes, such as the recent Qatar crisis. Even the physical destruction of the selfproclaimed Islamic pseudo-state in MENA will take some time. Under favorable circumstances, ISIS units may be squeezed out of the important settlements of Syria and Iraq within a year. This will not mean the end of ISIS. The experience of the war with terrorist groups in Libya, Algeria, West Africa, Somalia, Afghanistan, and Southeast Asia shows that even when driven out into the desert or sparsely populated areas, fragmented but linked groups of terrorists continue for quite some time to inflict harassing attacks on government forces and objects, to make long sorties and to arrange spectacular acts of terrorism. Most likely, the forces interested in maintaining the problems of international terrorism high on the agenda will not sit idly by but will undertake spectacular and noteworthy actions to keep terrorism issues in the limelight. As a result, the intensity of terrorist attacks in the West may increase, since even limited terrorist attacks in Europe cause more media coverage in the world media than any acts of terrorism in the Middle East. To achieve these goals, new channels and forms of imple mentation of terrorist attacks will be used, such as terrorist acts involving children, ordinary means of transport, during the course of mass and symbolic political events, elections, etc.
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Poya, Sameullah. "ANALYSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND AFGHANISTAN. PROSPECTS FOR AFGHANISTAN’S COOPERATION WITH REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS". Eastern Analytics, n.º 4 (2020): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-04-227-236.
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Analysis of the brief history of the 18-year stay of the United States and NATO in Afghanistan shows that all threats (military- political related to drug trafficking, export of terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism) come from this country. Special attention should be paid to the processes taking place in this country and around it in the near future. Otherwise, the situation in the near future may radically change, unfortunately, first of all, to the disadvantage of the countries of the region and Russia.
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Ullah, Rahman. "The Coronavirus, the War on Terrorism, and the Taliban in Afghanistan". Review of Human Rights 6, n.º 1 (19 de junho de 2020): xliii—xlviii. http://dx.doi.org/10.35994/rhr.v6i1.119.
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In this focus essay I discuss how the Taliban understand coronavirus in Afghanistan. I make the point that they see it as a political event of significance for establishing their legitimacy, as well as to press the US and the Afghan government to come to their terms in the War on Terrorism.