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Giné, Xavier, e Ghazala Mansuri. "Together We Will: Experimental Evidence on Female Voting Behavior in Pakistan". American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 10, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 2018): 207–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20130480.
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In many emerging democracies women are less likely to vote than men and, when they do vote, are likely to follow the wishes of male household and clan heads. We assess the impact of a voter awareness campaign on female turnout, candidate choice and party vote shares. Geographic clusters within villages were randomly assigned to treatment or control, and within treated clusters, some households were not targeted. Compared to women in control clusters, both targeted and untargeted women in treated clusters are 11 percentage points more likely to vote, and are also more likely to exercise independence in candidate choice, indicating large spillovers. Data from polling stations suggests that treating 10 women increased female turnout by about seven votes, resulting in a cost per vote of US$3.1. Finally, a 10 percent increase in the share of treated women at the polling station led to a 7 percent decrease in the share of votes of the winning party. (JEL D72, J12, J16, O12, O17, Z13)
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Coleman, Stephen. "The Effect of Social Conformity on Collective Voting Behavior". Political Analysis 12, n.º 1 (2004): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpg015.
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This article investigates the effect of social conformity on voting behavior. Past research shows that many people vote to conform with the social norm that voting is a civic duty. The hypothesis here is that when conformity motivates people to vote, it also stimulates conformist behavior among some voters when they decide which party to vote for. This produces a distinctive relationship between voter turnout and the distribution of votes among parties—a relationship not anticipated by rational choice theory. I test a mathematical model of this behavior with linear and nonlinear regression analyses of state-level data for presidential elections in the United States from 1904 to 1996, longitudinal data on parliamentary elections in Western Europe over most of the twentieth century, and cross-sectional data for recent elections in Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and Russia. The results generally validate the model.
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Stegmaier, Mary, Kamil Marcinkiewicz e Michael Jankowski. "The Effects of Electoral Rules on Parliamentary Behavior". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, n.º 4 (27 de setembro de 2016): 885–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416670240.
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Do different types of preferential-list PR systems create different incentives for how Members of Parliament vote? To examine this, we compare the quasi-list system of Poland, where only preference votes determine which candidates win seats, to the flexible-list system in the Czech Republic, where the 5 percent preference vote threshold required to override the party ranking of candidates gives the party greater power in influencing which candidates become MPs. We analyze roll call votes in the 2007–2011 Sejm and the 2010–2013 Czech Chamber of Deputies and, after controlling for party and MP characteristics, we find that in both countries, MPs with lower preference vote shares are more likely to vote along with their party. But, when we compare the strength of this relationship, we observe substantial differences. The magnitude of this relationship in the Czech Republic is ten times stronger than in Poland, which can be attributed to the more prominent role Czech electoral rules give to the party.
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Agbo, Benedict Obiora, Chidiebere Anthony Ezinwa e Ijeoma Geraldine Ewelu. "Influence of Yiaga Africa Vote Buying Media Campaign on the Attitude of Voters in Enugu State". International Journal of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Essays 8, n.º 1 (1 de julho de 2024): 27–50. https://doi.org/10.37745/ijngoe.16/vol13n12750.
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This study examines the Influence of Yiaga Africa vote buying media campaign on the attitude of voters in Enugu state. The objectives include; to ascertain the Enugu state level of awareness about Yiaga Africa vote buying media campaign; to determine the extent Yiaga Africa vote buying media campaign influences the attitude of voters in Enugu state; to determine the extent Yiaga Africa vote buying media campaign influences the behavior of voters in Enugu state, and to evaluate the challenges militating against Yiaga’s campaign against vote buying in Enugu state. The research design used for this study is the Descriptive survey method. The population of the study is 1450000, the sample size of 400 was determined using the Taro yamane formula while the sampling technique used is the Random Sampling Technique. Findings from the study reveals that Yiaga Africa votes buying media campaign influenced the attitude of voters in Enugu state and the campaign influenced the behavior of voters in Enugu state to a large extent it was also found that the challenges affecting the acceptance of Yiaga Africa campaigns against Vote buying is poverty and the attitude of politicians. The researchers recommended that there should be an introduction of electronic voting system which could potentially reduce the act of votes buying and selling in elections. It was also recommended that Nigerian government should create employment opportunities and reduce the level of poverty that makes people susceptible to criminal, financial and material inducement. More so, Yiaga Africa needs to intensify voter education and enlightenment campaigns on the negative implications of vote trading. In conclusion, Yiaga Africa should create awareness on the incidence of vote buying so that electoral fraud and manipulation of voters will reduce.
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Southwell, Priscilla. "Vote-by-Mail: Voter Preferences and Self-Reported Voting Behavior in the State of Oregon". American Review of Politics 28 (1 de julho de 2007): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2007.28.0.139-146.
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This research analyzes the results of a recent survey in Oregon in order to assess recent opinion on vote-by-mail and also to estimate the effect of vote-by-mail on the turnout of various demographic and partisan groups. The results show that Oregonians have maintained their overwhelming support for vote-by-mail elections—in particular, women, Independents, Republicans, and older voters. Self-reported responses regarding frequency of voting indicate that women and the employed are most likely to indicate that they have voted more often since the adoption of vote-by-mail. This survey also suggests that this increased turnout under vote-by-mail does not give an advantage to a particular party’s candidates.
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Kamijo, Yoshio, Yoichi Hizen, Tatsuyoshi Saijo e Teruyuki Tamura. "Voting on Behalf of a Future Generation: A Laboratory Experiment". Sustainability 11, n.º 16 (7 de agosto de 2019): 4271. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11164271.
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This paper investigates a new voting rule wherein some people are given extra votes to serve as proxies for future generations. We predict that this voting scheme affects the voting behavior of those who do not receive an extra vote (i.e., single-ballot voters) because they are less likely to become a pivot, while proxy voters are expected to behave in support of the future generation. To test this prediction, we compare three scenarios wherein single-ballot voters would cast a vote: (a) one-voter-one-vote scenario wherein all voters cast only a single ballot; (b) a standard proxy-voting scenario wherein other voters cast two ballots, and the second vote is to cast for the benefit of a future generation; and (c) a non-proxy-voting scenario wherein other voters cast two ballots with no explanation for the second vote. The result shows that single-ballot voters are less inclined to vote for the future-oriented option in (c) than in (a). This indicates the potential drawback of the new voting scheme. However, there is no difference in the single-ballot voters’ decision between (a) and (b), indicating that the explanation of the second ballot as the proxy is important for reducing the intergenerational inequality through this voting reform.
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Cinar, Selin. "Define and Explain the Concept of Rationality in the Context of Voting and Political Behavior". Advances in Social Science and Culture 5, n.º 4 (28 de setembro de 2023): p28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/assc.v5n4p28.
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Voter behavior is the study of how people vote at the time of voting and what factors influence their voting behavior through political participation. According to Harrop and Miller, voting behavior is influenced by the sociological aspects of individuals or societies, such as occupational groups, origins, gender, and age, while for politicians; voting is influenced by political programs and campaigns implemented by politicians. The aim of this research paper is to investigate the rationality of voting and voter behavior in both sociological and political ways and to present the characteristics that should be present in order to vote rationally.
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Adhinata, Made Bayu Permana. "Vote Buying dan Perilaku Pemilih Pemula: Kasus Pemilihan Gubernur Bali 2018 di Tabanan". Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 10, n.º 2 (31 de outubro de 2019): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.10.2.2019.157-169.
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This article discusses vote-buying as a phenomenon in the 2018th Bali local head election process which affects the voting behavior of youth voters in Tabanan Regency. This research applies to qualitative methods. The research found that there is a linkage of giving money and gift as a form of aid to the society before and during the election can affect youth voter voting preferences. This article argues that the preference of youth voters influenced by their communities where they live and they herded to choose what community say so. Vote-buying in the form of ‘aid’ are liked by the community and youth voter seen it as something ordinary in the socio-political situation. With vote-buying strategy, the candidate can easily obtain a vote, especially from youth voter who has not yet decided their choice. In addition, vote-buying became a kind of magnet to attract youth voter sympathy.
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Garrett, John C., e Charles I. Brooks. "Effect of Ballot Color, Sex of Candidate, and Sex of College Students of Voting Age on Their Voting Behavior". Psychological Reports 60, n.º 1 (fevereiro de 1987): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1987.60.1.39.
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College students were asked to vote for one of two hypothetical candidates for political office. Three studies examined the influence of color of ballot (pink or green), sex of candidate, and sex of voter. Men generally preferred a green ballot and women preferred pink. Also, men tended to vote for men, and women tended to vote for women. Color of ballot interacted with candidate's sex in an unexpected way. For both male and female voters, the highest preference shown for a candidate was when the candidate was the same sex as the voter but whose platform was printed on the less favorable color.
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ABOU-CHADI, TARIK, e LUKAS F. STOETZER. "How Parties React to Voter Transitions". American Political Science Review 114, n.º 3 (23 de abril de 2020): 940–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000155.
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This letter investigates how voter transitions between parties affect parties’ policy positioning. While a growing literature investigates the role of election results as signals for parties’ policy adaption, it has mostly focused on vote changes of individual parties. However, parties do not know only whether they have won or lost in an election; they also have detailed information on which parties they won votes from and which parties they lost votes to. We make two arguments about how voter transitions should affect the strategic policy choices of political parties. First, when a party has lost votes to another party it will adapt its policy positions toward that party. Second, parties that have overall lost more votes become more likely to adapt their positions. Making use of a data set on individual voter transitions and party positions we can demonstrate that voter transitions indeed affect parties’ competitive behavior.
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Obermeier, Sebastian, e Stefan Böttcher. "Protecting a Distributed Voting Schema for Anonymous and Secure Voting Against Attacks of Malicious Partners". International Journal of E-Services and Mobile Applications 3, n.º 3 (julho de 2011): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jesma.2011070103.
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A distributed protocol is presented for anonymous and secure voting that is failure-tolerant with respect to malicious behavior of individual participants and that does not rely on a trusted third party. The proposed voting protocol was designed to be executed on a fixed group of N known participants, each of them casting one vote that may be a vote for abstention. Several attack vectors on the protocol are presented, and the detection of malicious behavior like spying, suppressing, inventing, and modifying protocol messages or votes by the protocol is shown. If some participants stop the protocol, a fair information exchange is achieved in the sense that either all votes are guaranteed to be valid and accessible to all participants, or malicious behavior has been detected and the protocol is stopped, but the votes are not disclosed.
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Devine, Christopher J., e Kyle C. Kopko. "Did Gary Johnson and Jill Stein Cost Hillary Clinton the Presidency? A Counterfactual Analysis of Minor Party Voting in the 2016 US Presidential Election". Forum 19, n.º 2 (1 de setembro de 2021): 173–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-0011.
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Abstract Hillary Clinton won the national popular vote for president in 2016, but lost to Donald Trump in the Electoral College. Trump’s margin of victory in several decisive battleground states was smaller than the combined vote for the two leading minor party candidates: Gary Johnson, of the Libertarian Party, and Jill Stein, of the Green Party. The perception that Johnson and Stein “stole” the 2016 presidential election from Clinton is widespread, and potentially consequential for future minor party candidacies, but it has not yet been rigorously tested. In this article, we extend the analysis of minor party voting in the 1992 election from Lacy, D., and B. C. Burden. 1999. “The Vote-Stealing and Turnout Effects of Ross Perot in the 1992 U.S. Presidential Election.” American Journal of Political Science 43 (1): 233–55, by using data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to estimate a multinomial probit model of voting behavior—including outcomes for vote choice and abstention—and calculate the predicted probabilities that Johnson and Stein voters would have voted for another candidate or abstained from voting, had one or both of these candidates been excluded from the ballot. We then reallocate Johnson’s and Stein’s votes accordingly, to estimate Clinton’s and Trump’s counterfactual vote shares nationally and within key battleground states. Our analysis indicates that Johnson and Stein did not deprive Clinton of an Electoral College majority, nor Trump the legitimacy of winning the national popular vote. We estimate that most Johnson and Stein voters would have abstained from voting if denied the choice to vote for their preferred candidate, and that most of Johnson’s remaining voters would have supported Trump.
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García Sánchez, Miguel, e Felipe Botero. "The Power of Political Discussion: Uncovering the Influence of Networks on Vote Choice and its Mechanisms". Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública 12, n.º 1 (30 de setembro de 2023): 159–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/rlop.28163.
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This paper explores the influence of political discussion networks on vote choice. We ask two questions: What type of discussion networks influence vote choice? And, what are the mechanisms through which discussion networks influence voting behavior? We argue that discussing politics with others affects electoral decisions when citizens are surrounded by discussants whose political views are homogeneous and that this influence can operate through two mechanisms: information and social pressure. Using data from a two-wave panel study conducted in Bogotá before and after the 2011 local elections, we find evidence of the effects of social networks on voter behavior. The homogeneity of discussion networks is correlated with a change in vote choice, and this link appears to be driven both by information and social pressure.
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Atkeson, Lonna Rae, Wendy L. Hansen, Maggie Toulouse Oliver, Cherie D. Maestas e Eric C. Wiemer. "Should I vote-by-mail or in person? The impact of COVID-19 risk factors and partisanship on vote mode decisions in the 2020 presidential election". PLOS ONE 17, n.º 9 (15 de setembro de 2022): e0274357. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0274357.
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While the evidence is clear that 2020 voters shifted away from Election Day voting in favor of vote-by-mail and early voting, we know very little about how health risk versus party polarization around risk assessment influenced how and when to vote. We rely on individual-level observational data in the form of high-quality official voter administrative records from the State of New Mexico to ask how pandemic-related risk factors, especially voter age along with partisanship influenced voter decision-making. To identify causal factors, we use a difference-in-differences design and hazard model that compare 2020 general election and primary voter behavior to 2018 and 2016. We find that age and party were large factors in vote mode decisions in 2020, but not in 2016 or 2018. We consider the implications of our findings on how health risk and partisanship interact to influence decision-making.
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Boas, Taylor C. "Pastors for Pinochet: Authoritarian Stereotypes and Voting for Evangelicals in Chile". Journal of Experimental Political Science 3, n.º 2 (2016): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2015.17.
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AbstractHow does a candidate’s religion affect voting behavior in societies without politically salient interdenominational cleavages? Communicating one’s faith should win votes among fellow believers, but in the absence of intergroup competition, it should not directly affect the vote of out-group members. Yet a candidate’s religion can also influence out-group voting behavior via stereotypes that are politically salient. This article uses a survey experiment, conducted prior to Chile’s 2013 election, to examine how priming evangelicals’ historical support for the government of General Augusto Pinochet affects vote intention for an evangelical candidate for Congress. Identifying a candidate as evangelical boosts vote intention among evangelical respondents but does not directly affect members of the out-group. Among right-wing non-evangelicals, the Pinochet prime increases vote intention for an evangelical candidate, but it has no effect for center-left voters. These results suggest that pinochetismo remains salient for a new generation of right-wing voters in Chile.
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Silver, Brian D., Barbara A. Anderson e Paul R. Abramson. "Who Overreports Voting?" American Political Science Review 80, n.º 2 (junho de 1986): 613–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958277.
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The effects of respondent characteristics with regard to the propensity of nonvoters to report that they voted are examined by analyzing the vote validation studies conducted by the University of Michigan Survey Research Center in 1964, 1976, and 1980. Previous research has suggested that vote overreporting derives from the respondent's wish to appear to engage in socially desirable behavior. This earlier research suggests that the only respondent characteristic that is strongly related to overreporting is race; measures of socioeconomic status and of general political attitudes are said to be at most weakly related to the tendency to exaggerate voting. These earlier conclusions are incorrect. We measure the extent of overreporting for the population “at risk” of overreporting voting: those who did not actually vote. Respondents most inclined to overreport their voting are those who are highly educated, those most supportive of the regime norm of voting, and those to whom the norm of voting is most salient—the same characteristics that are related to the probability that a person actually votes. Blacks are only slightly more likely to overreport voting than whites. The pattern of relations between education and vote overreporting is opposite what would be found if those who falsely reported voting fit the typical image of the uneducated, uninvolved, “acquiescent” respondent who is concerned primarily with pleasing the interviewer.
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Cataife, Guido. "An Integrated Model of Vote Choice in Argentina, 2009". Latin American Politics and Society 53, n.º 3 (2011): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00127.x.
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AbstractThis article studies voter behavior in Argentina. Do voters vote based on issues? Do they vote based on economic performance? What segments of the population are more or less likely to do so? What is the relative impact of issues and the economy in vote choice? To provide a reliable answer to these questions, this study uses a mixed-logit model of spatial voting with nonpolicy components. Contrary to the common belief, the analysis finds that issue voting is a statistically significant and important factor. Economic voting is prevalent in the middle and upper classes, but not among poor voters.
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Carvalho, Márcio André de. "How logrolling can explain the failure of the government coalition in Brazil". Revista de Administração Pública 40, n.º 5 (outubro de 2006): 865–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-76122006000500006.
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This article presents an analysis of the behavior of federal representatives in the Brazilian House of Representatives between 1995 and 1998, when a series of constitutional amendments were presented by the president to be voted on by Congress. The objective is to show that the lack of a stable government coalition resulted in costs to society that were not anticipated by the government. The study argues that a logroll - a trade of votes - was the strategy used by the government in order to guarantee the number of votes necessary to approve the amendments. This strategy created a vicious system in which representatives would only vote with the government if they had benefits in return.
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Artabe, Alaitz, e Javier Gardeazabal. "Strategic Votes and Sincere Counterfactuals". Political Analysis 22, n.º 2 (2014): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpt047.
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The random utility model (RUM) of voting behavior can account for strategic voting by making use of proxy indicators that measure voter incentives to vote strategically. The contribution of this article is to propose a new method to estimate the RUM in the presence of strategic voters, without having to construct proxy measures of strategic voting incentives. Our method can be used to infer the counterfactual sincere vote of those who vote strategically and provides an estimate of the size of strategic voting. We illustrate the procedure using post-electoral survey data from Spain. Our calculations indicate that strategic voting in Spain is about 2.19%.
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Smith, Daniel A. "Homeward Bound?: Micro-Level Legislative Responsiveness to Ballot Initiatives". State Politics & Policy Quarterly 1, n.º 1 (março de 2001): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000100100104.
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Recent macro-level studies examining the indirect effects of direct legislation on public policy in the American states are decidedly mixed. This study tests whether the macro-level logic of legislative behavior in response to ballot initiatives holds true at the micro-level for individual legislators. I examined the determinants of legislative votes on “counter-majoritarian” legislation—bills that directly challenge the outcomes of earlier statewide ballot initiatives. In 1999, the Colorado state legislature tried to overturn the outcomes of three previous ballot contests. I find that in two of the three cases, a legislator's vote on these bills was related to the vote in his or her district on the respective ballot initiative. This helps explain why many legislators will vote contrary to the outcome of a statewide initiative vote.
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Phillips, Christian. "Wanting, and Weighting: White Women and Descriptive Representation in the 2016 Presidential Election". Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 3, n.º 1 (30 de janeiro de 2018): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.39.
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AbstractThis paper demonstrates that the relationship between wanting a descriptive representative based on gender, and giving that attitude weight in voting decisions, is weakest among White women voters. Among under-represented groups of voters, White women were uniquely positioned going into the 2016 presidential election—they had the option to choose “one of their own” in terms of race and gender. Yet, the majority did not vote for the White woman on the ballot, Hillary Rodham Clinton. This outcome is an opportunity to interrogate how descriptive representation functions in different ways across groups with distinct socio-political positions in American politics. I argue that the relationship between desiring descriptive representation, and giving it weight when deciding for whom to vote for, is different across groups. Using American National Election Survey (ANES) data, I show that this is the case in the 2016 election. Nearly two-thirds of White women who said that electing more women is important, voted for Trump. Moreover, White women's espoused belief in the necessity of electing more women had no significant effect on their ultimate vote choice. In contrast, the same desire for increased descriptive representation based on gender had large, positive, and significant effects on women of color's vote choice. This study bears on extant research considering descriptive representation's importance to voters based only on race, or gender, and on the broader literature linking group identities and voter behavior.
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Lampert, Shlomoi, e Aharon Tziner. "A PREDICTIVE STUDY OF VOTING BEHAVIOR USING LAMPERT'S POLLIMETER". Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 13, n.º 1 (1 de janeiro de 1985): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1985.13.1.1.
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A voting behavior model hypothesizing voting intention as an intervening variable which mediates the relationship between voter attitudes and voting behavior was examined in the framework of the general election in Israel Voter attitudes were assessed via a new attitude scaling device embodying a number of characteristics that make it a promising tool for attitude measurement. Voter attitudes and intentions were collected prior to the elections, while the actual vote was collected after the elections. The model tested primarily via discriminant analysis, has gained considerable support. Implications of the findings are discussed and avenues for future research are suggested.
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Ben-Yashar, Ruth. "Manipulations in Democracy?" Behavioral Sciences 14, n.º 4 (11 de abril de 2024): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/bs14040315.
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Democracy is upheld through the principle of majority rule. To validate the application of democracy, it is imperative to assess the sincerity of voter decisions. When voter sincerity is compromised, manipulation may occur, thereby undermining the legitimacy of democratic processes. This paper presents a general version of a symmetric dichotomous choice model. Using simple majority rule, we show that when a voter receives one or more private signals, sincere voting is an equilibrium behavior. A slight change to this basic model may create an incentive to vote insincerely. We show that even in a more restricted model where every voter receives only one private signal whose level of precision is the same for all the voters but depends on the state of nature, voters may have an incentive to vote insincerely.
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Řádek, Miroslav. "Voting Behavior in Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia". Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, n.º 4 (1 de outubro de 2016): 392–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0019.
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Abstract Department of Political Science at Alexander Dubcek University in Trencin prepared its own exit poll during election day on March 5, 2016. The survey asked seven questions that were aimed at determining the preferences of the respondents concerning not only the current but also past general elections. Interviewers surveyed the choice of political party or movement in parliamentary elections in 2016 as well as preferences in past elections. Followed by questions concerning motivation to vote - when did the respondents decide to go to vote and what or who inspired this decision. The survey also tried to found out how many preferential votes did the voters give to the candidates of political parties and movements. Final question asked about expectations for the future of individual respondents. This article is the information output of the survey. The interviewers were 124 university students and its return was 1,612 sheets. The aim of this paper is to communicate the findings of this unique survey, which is unprecedented in the Slovak political science.
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Moore, G. "The handling of the proposal to conserve the name Acacia at the 17th International Botanical Congress—an attempt at minority rule". Bothalia 37, n.º 1 (18 de agosto de 2007): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/abc.v37i1.308.
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The handling of controversial Proposal 1584 to conserve the name Acacia with a conserved type for the Australian acacias during the Nomenclature Section meeting at the 17th International Botanical Congress (Vienna) in 2005 is reviewed. Through a simple majority vote, this Section adopted rules requiring a 60% majority of votes to approve any proposal to modify the International Code of Botanical Nomenclature and a simple majority to approve all other motions; motions not receiving the required majority were to be rejected. However, for the motion addressing Proposal 1584, 45.1% voted to conserve the type of the name Acacia for Australian acacias, and 54.9% voted to retain the current African type for the name Acacia. Even though this motion failed to get a 60% majority either way as required by the Section’s own rules, Section officials have concluded that the name Acacia is to be conserved for Australian acacias. Treating a motion as approved, even though it received only minority support, also violates the fundamental principle of standard parliamentary procedure—the right of the majority to approve proposals. For Acacia to be formally conserved, the Nomenclature Section needed to approve a motion addressing Proposal 1584 with a majority vote, and this never happened in Vienna. Recommendations are made on how this process might be improved.
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Kostka, Wojciech, e Magdalena Lesińska. "Specyfika systemu pojedynczego głosu przechodniego (PR-STV) na przykładzie wyborów samorządowych w Irlandii i udziału w nich społeczności imigranckich". Historia i Polityka, n.º 35 (42) (14 de maio de 2021): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.001.
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The aim of the article is a critical analysis of the electoral system of a single transferable vote on the example of local elections in Ireland and its evaluation from the point of view of key participants: voters, political parties and new players – immigrant candidates. The organization of elections, the vote counting methods and the rule of transfer of votes to seats as well as the influence of the electoral system on political parties strategies and voter behavior are presented in detail. In principle, the proportional system should be more friendly to independent candidates and small interest groups, but the case of immigrant candidates running in the elections in Ireland shows that in practice it is difficult for new players to achieve election success without the support of political parties. The analysis is based on a diverse sources, the review of academic literature and statistical data is complemented by the results of qualitative research – the in-depth interviews with Polish candidates running in the local elections in Ireland in the years 2009–2019.
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Adida, Claire, Jessica Gottlieb, Eric Kramon e Gwyneth McClendon. "When Does Information Influence Voters? The Joint Importance of Salience and Coordination". Comparative Political Studies 53, n.º 6 (15 de outubro de 2019): 851–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019879945.
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Scholars argue that access to information about a politician’s programmatic performance helps voters reward good performers and punish poor ones. But in places where resources are made conditional on collective electoral behavior, voters may not want to defect to vote for a strong legislative performer if they do not believe that others will. We argue that two conditions must hold for information about politician performance to affect voter behavior: Voters must care about the information and believe that others in their constituency care as well. In a field experiment around legislative elections in Benin, voters rewarded good programmatic performance only when information was both made relevant to voters and widely disseminated within the electoral district. Otherwise, access to positive legislative performance information actually lowered vote share for the incumbent’s party. These results demonstrate the joint importance of Salience and voter coordination in shaping information’s impact in clientelistic democracies.
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Jesse, Eckhard. "Die Bundestagswahl 2021 im Spiegel der repräsentativen Wahlstatistik". Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, n.º 1 (2022): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-1-53.
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Germany’s representative election statistics, which accompany the Bundestag elections since 1953 (except 1994 and 1998), are unique in the electoral world . They show the effective voter turnout in ten age classes as well as gender- and age-based voting behavior . They also provide information on vote-splitting, voting in presence or by mail-in-ballot and on inva- lid votes . The Union’s loss of 11 .9 percentage points among men and 5 .9 percentage points among women constitutes the largest gender-specific difference in 2021 . With regard to voting behavior in different age groups, the Union and the SPD turned out to be “old par- ties” . Whereas both underperformed among younger voters, the “young parties” - Greens and FDP - were able to gain in this group . The electoral behavior of Die Linke’s voters are somewhat conflicted: Its results among senior voters were best in the East, but worst in the West . The AfD was the party with the largest electoral gender gap: it received votes from 13 .0 percent of male and 7 .8 percent of female electors . Although neither age nor gender determines electoral behavior, Germany’s representative election statistics have been indis- pensable for electoral research over time .
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Däubler, Thomas, Thomas Bräuninger e Martin Brunner. "Is Personal Vote-Seeking Behavior Effective?" Legislative Studies Quarterly 41, n.º 2 (25 de abril de 2016): 419–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12119.
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Kernell, Georgia. "Giving Order to Districts: Estimating Voter Distributions with National Election Returns". Political Analysis 17, n.º 3 (2009): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpp002.
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Correctly measuring district preferences is crucial for empirical research on legislative responsiveness and voting behavior. This article argues that the common practice of using presidential vote shares to measure congressional district ideology systematically produces incorrect estimates. I propose an alternative method that employs multiple election returns to estimate voters' ideological distributions within districts. I develop two estimation procedures—a least squared error model and a Bayesian model—and test each with simulations and empirical applications. The models are shown to outperform vote shares, and they are validated with direct measures of voter ideology and out-of-sample election predictions. Beyond estimating district ideology, these models provide valuable information on constituency heterogeneity—an important, but often immeasurable, quantity for research on representatives— strategic behavior.
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Button, Eric D., e Anne B. Diallo. "Voting Behavior of Active Duty Military Spouses: Trends in Interest and Participation". Armed Forces & Society 46, n.º 3 (27 de janeiro de 2020): 351–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19901295.
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Despite the expansion of absentee voting protections as recently as 2016, Service member spouses have not enjoyed the same level of voting protections as Service members. Active duty military spouses, uniquely positioned between military service and civilian life, are arguably as important to the election process as their Service member counterparts. Thus, we examine the voting behaviors of this underserved and seldom studied subpopulation. Matsusaka’s information theory–based economic model of voter turnout provides our framework for identifying determinants that shape the voting interest and participation of active duty military spouses. We analyze the Federal Voting Assistance Program’s 2010 Post-Election Voting Survey of Active Duty Military Spouses utilizing logistic regression models. We found that voting interest and participation were increased among respondents who planned to vote, received more election information, voted within the previous 6 years, and who were older; however, voting interest and participation were not diminished by absentee status.
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Rupiarsieh, M. Si. "Voter Behavior in The Regional Head Election at Blora Regency in Pandemic Era Year 2020". Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 9, n.º 2 (23 de fevereiro de 2022): 240–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.92.11815.
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Covid-19 pandemic, destroy all aspect of social and state life, including political process in the election of Regional Head. Many peoples doubt the regional head election can be done well. They think peoples will ignore the Democratic process in pandemic situation. The lack of preparation of the organizers to the unpreparedness of the election officers. Many peoples were still afraid to leave their house, because the pandemic situation was getting worst. Moreover, there were PKPU No. 13 Year 2020, which prohibits any form of campaign or other physical activity, and must be carried out using media or online. In other side, voter participation at Blora Regency in year 2020, instead of decreasing, but actually increasing, from 71.61 % to 77,47 % compared to 2015 Regional Head Elections. It is very interesting condition to research of voter behavior on Regional Head Election at Blora Regency in year 2020. This study will use the quatitavie approach to get the data by interview and survey from The Election Commission, the political party leader, public figure and the candidat. The data is also taken from related documents. Based on the theory and the result of this study, it shows that the increase of voter participation, because the people who live in Blora Regency or those who return home to Blora, are in jobless condition in pandemic condition. They can use the right to vote. The voter behavior is match with sosiological of voter behavior, as a result of pandemic condition and political condition. The goverment policies of Enforcement of Restrictions on Community Activities has impact to economic factors. It makes the economic life is very hard. This external factors influence the peoples to use their righrt to vote. In pandemic situation the jobless peoples get donations through the election activity. The novelty of this study is external factors that comes suddenly. This situation can change the voter behavior to use they right to vote, according to who is able toalleviate their economic needs. And the sociological approach of this study is depend on family factors, religion, the same political party. It is an acquired preference for long time.
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Walter, Stefanie, Elias Dinas, Ignacio Jurado e Nikitas Konstantinidis. "Noncooperation by Popular Vote: Expectations, Foreign Intervention, and the Vote in the 2015 Greek Bailout Referendum". International Organization 72, n.º 4 (2018): 969–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000255.
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AbstractWhen popular referendums fail to ratify new international agreements or succeed in reversing existing ones, it not only affects domestic voters but also creates negative spillovers for the other parties to such agreements. We explore how voters respond to this strategic environment. We use original survey data from a poll fielded just one day before the 2015 Greek bailout referendum—a referendum in which the stakes for other countries were particularly high—to investigate how expectations about the likely foreign response to a noncooperative referendum outcome influence voting behavior and to what extent foreign policymakers can influence those expectations. Our analysis of the Greek referendum shows that such expectations had a powerful effect on voting behavior: voters expecting that a noncooperative referendum outcome would force Greece to leave the eurozone were substantially more likely to vote cooperatively than those believing that it would result in renewed negotiations with the country's creditors. Leveraging the bank closure that took place right before the vote, we also show that costly signals by foreign actors made voters more pessimistic about the consequences of a noncooperative vote and substantially increased the share of cooperative votes.
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Wong, Janelle. "Getting Out the Vote among Asian Americans in Los Angeles County: The Effects of Phone Canvassing". AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 2, n.º 2 (2004): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus2.2_49-66_wong.
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Asian Americans are the fastest growing segment of the population yet have one of the lowest voter turnouts. The article provides some explanation why this is so, and political mobilization is one of the causes given. There is an experimental voter mobilization conducted in high-density Asian American communities in Los Angeles County, calling the treatment group to encourage them to vote. The difference between the control group and the treatment group is explained. The purpose of the experiment is to understand the political behavior of Asian Americans, a group who exhibit a lower voter turnout. The methods employed allow researches to accurately measure the effectiveness of mobilization on voter turnout. Another goal of the article is to figure out strategies to harness limited sources within a community to mobilize Asian Americans to vote. A list of the findings of the study and policy implications is discussed.
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Anderson, Lisa R., Charles A. Holt, Katri K. Sieberg e Beth A. Freeborn. "An Experimental Study of Strategic Voting and Accuracy of Verdicts with Sequential and Simultaneous Voting". Games 13, n.º 2 (30 de março de 2022): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/g13020026.
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In a model of simultaneous voting, Feddersen and Pesendorfer (1998) consider the possibility that jurors vote strategically, rather than sincerely reflecting their individual information. This results in the counterintuitive result that a jury is more likely to convict the innocent under a unanimity rule than under majority rule. Dekel and Piccione (2000) show that those unintuitive predictions also hold with sequential voting. In this paper, we report paired experiments with sequential and simultaneous voting under unanimity and majority rule. Observed behavior varies significantly depending on whether juries vote simultaneously or in sequence. We also find evidence that subjects use information inferred from prior votes in making their sequential voting decisions, but that information implied by being pivotal in simultaneous votes does not seem to be reliably processed.
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Onayinka, Toyin Segun, Adebayo John James, Chinyere, M. Ignatius e George Adekola Fehintola. "ELECTION CAMPAIGNS AND VOTE-BUYING IN NIGERIA: MEDIA STUDY PERSPECTIVES". Gusau Journal of Sociology 4, n.º 2 (20 de maio de 2024): 269–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.57233/gujos.v4i2.21.
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The study examined the dynamics of vote-buying and election campaigns in Nigeria within the media study perspectives. It focuses on the multifaceted dimensions of election campaigns, political campaign strategies and the phenomenon of vote buying. Despite Nigeria's 23 years of uninterrupted democratic rule since the Fourth Republic commenced in 1999, the persistence of vote buying poses significant challenges to the integrity and legitimacy of the electoral process. The study employs a qualitative descriptive approach with secondary data to conduct an in-depth review of existing literature to reveal the elements embedded in election campaigns and vote buying practices. It explored the communication systems and mass media strategies deployed in vote buying transactions thereby revealing the socio-behavioral patterns of Nigerian voters. The study applies the agenda setting theory to explain how political agenda influences voters’ expectations and perceptions. It subsequently identified stimulus words and phrases deployed in election campaigns that enable vote buying practices thereby revealing the relationship between political campaigns and vote buying in Nigeria. It also identified poverty, unemployment and the absence of robust institutions as causes of vote buying. It establishes the understanding of agenda-setting theory to elucidate the complex dynamics between campaign communication and voter behavior, providing insights for future empirical studies and policy interventions aimed at safeguarding the integrity of Nigeria's electoral process. The study therefore recommends the need for policies that will mitigate the influence of inducements on the electoral process.
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Nashmena, Heeba, Subha Malik e Madiha Nadeem. "Impact of Civic Responsibility on Decision to Vote among Adults". Journal of Research in Social Sciences 10, n.º 2 (25 de julho de 2022): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.52015/jrss.10i2.188.
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Globally, the engagement of citizens in civic responsibility and politics is considered critical for the nurturance of democratic culture. In this context, this study was conducted to understand the citizens’ attitude toward civic responsibility and the decision to vote along with factors considered influential in determining this attitude. It was a mixed-method study. For a quantitative study, a survey was conducted by collecting data from 300 respondents: 150 from the rural background and 150 from the urban background. Quantitative results revealed that educated respondents belonging to the urban area and falling in the category of high monthly income are more likely to cast vote because according to them their vote can bring change, the vote is their responsibility and vote brings a real representative, whereas uneducated people belonging to the rural falling in the category of the low monthly income group are found more motivated for voting without casting vote. Additionally, the political identity of the candidate tends to influence the voting behavior of adults and it was also seen that age is an important demographic factor in determining the voting trend. Civic responsibility was found positively correlated with a) Reasoning which implies that voting is a responsibility and duty, b) Personal identity of the candidate, and c) Integrity which is the political experience of the candidate. Qualitative analysis of respondents living in urban and rural areas found that vote is a responsibility, people cast votes for the development of the country, and women's empowerment or equal right. However, respondents of both groups, rural and urban found to have a negative perception of politics and barriers to women’s voting. These findings can be used as an important source of information for policymakers to design special policies and initiatives to promote civic responsibility and the right of casting votes for the citizens.
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Huet-Vaughn, Emiliano. "Stimulating the Vote: ARRA Road Spending and Vote Share". American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 11, n.º 1 (1 de fevereiro de 2019): 292–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.20170151.
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This paper estimates the impact of public good spending on voting behavior in the United States, using a quasi-experimental design and the distribution of American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) road projects in New Jersey. I find an approximate 1.5 percentage point increase in Democratic Party presidential vote share in areas close to highway and bridge expenditures. I consider two alternative mechanisms: one, a salience mechanism whereby spending and associated “funded-by” signage affect political preferences; the other, a possible political multiplier effect whereby stimulus spending improves local economic outcomes, generating incumbent votes. Evidence is inconsistent with the later explanation. (JEL D72, H41, H54, H76, R42)
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Prastio, Muhamad, Inggrit Dwi Yani e Najwa Alma Mutie. "The Implications of Money Politics on the Neutrality of General Election Votes as an Embodiment of Democracy in Indonesia". Jurnal Hukum In Concreto 3, n.º 2 (20 de julho de 2024): 116–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35960/inconcreto.v3i2.1483.
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Indonesia is a democratic country where the supreme power of government is in the hands of the people. Therefore, the people also participate in general elections as a manifestation of democracy. This study aims to examine the implications of the impact of money politics on the neutrality of election votes. The research method used is normative juridical research used in legal science to analyze applicable legal regulations. This method focuses on research on legal texts and other legal documents, to identify and interpret current legal norms. This research aims to analyze the impact of money politics on vote neutrality in general elections as a reflection of a healthy democracy. The focus is on understanding how money politics affects voter behavior and evaluating the integrity of the democratic process. The main objective is to contribute to developing policy recommendations that can improve fairness and maintain neutrality in elections, strengthening the foundations of an equitable and transparent democracy. The study results indicate that money politics is a form of fraud committed to influence the vote. The conclusion of this study shows that money politics has significant implications for neutrality in general elections.
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DAHLBERG, MATZ, e EVA JOHANSSON. "On the Vote-Purchasing Behavior of Incumbent Governments". American Political Science Review 96, n.º 1 (março de 2002): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402004215.
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In this paper we investigate whether there are any tactical motives behind the distribution of grants from central to lower-level governments. We use a temporary grant program that is uniquely suitable for testing theories of vote-purchasing behavior of incumbent governments. The temporary grant program differs from traditional intergovernmental grants in several aspects, most importantly in the sovereign decision-making power given to the incumbent central government. We find support for the hypothesis that the incumbent government used the grant program under study to win votes. In particular, we find strong support for the Lindbeck–Weibull/Dixit–Londregan model, in which parties distribute transfers to regions where there are many swing voters. This result is statistically as well as economically significant. We do not, however, find any support for the model that predicts that the incumbent government transfers money to its own supporters.
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Maurer, Stephan E. "Voting Behavior and Public Employment in Nazi Germany". Journal of Economic History 78, n.º 1 (março de 2018): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000037.
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This article analyzes whether the German National Socialists used economic policies to reward their voters after coming to power in 1933. Using newly-collected data on public employment from the German censuses in 1925, 1933, and 1939 and addressing the potential endogeneity of the NSDAP vote share in 1933 by way of an instrumental variables strategy based on a similar party in Imperial Germany, I find that cities with higher NSDAP vote shares experienced a relative increase in public employment: for every additional percentage point in the vote share, the number of public employment jobs increased by around 2.5 percent.
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Ramlan Mohd Arshad, Mohd, Norhayati Mohd Salleh e . "Refusal of Youth to Vote in Shah Alam, Selangor, Malaysia". International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, n.º 4.15 (7 de outubro de 2018): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i4.15.22999.
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The involvement of youth in today’s politic will influence the future state of Malaysia. The aim of this research is to study on the antecedents that make youth refuse to vote in Shah Alam. The respondents for this research are the youth whom registered as voter for Shah Alam Parliamentary seat. The main objective of this study is to determine the most significance factor that affected their voting behavior. The respondent of this study was 150 youth voters. Purposive sampling technique have been used with questionnaire as the instruments for collecting data. In determining the relationship between the voting refusal behaviors, Correlation Analysis and Regression Analysis were used. Based on the findings, ignorant is the main antecedent of youth refusal to vote in election. Hence, the government, political parties Election Commission of Malaysia and all beneficiaries must work together to ensure our youth exposed to political system and encourage them to involve in selecting the leaders.
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Adida, Claire, Jessica Gottlieb, Eric Kramon e Gwyneth McClendon. "Response Bias in Survey Measures of Voter Behavior: Implications for Measurement and Inference". Journal of Experimental Political Science 6, n.º 3 (2019): 192–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2019.9.
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AbstractThis short report exploits a unique opportunity to investigate the implications of response bias in survey questions about voter turnout and vote choice in new democracies. We analyze data from a field experiment in Benin, where we gathered official election results and panel survey data representative at the village level, allowing us to directly compare average outcomes across both measurement instruments in a large number of units. We show that survey respondents consistently overreport turning out to vote and voting for the incumbent, and that the bias is large and worse in contexts where question sensitivity is higher. This has important implications for the inferences we draw about an experimental treatment, indicating that the response bias we identify is correlated with treatment. Although the results using the survey data suggest that the treatment had the hypothesized impact, they are also consistent with social desirability bias. By contrast, the administrative data lead to the conclusion that the treatment had no effect.
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Ekasari, Ayu. "PENGARUH LOCUS OF CONTROL, PERCEIVED RISK, VOTER DECISION INVOLVEMENT dan VOTER SATISFACTION TERHADAP VOTING STABILITY PEMILIH". Media Riset Bisnis & Manajemen 6, n.º 2 (2 de novembro de 2020): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.25105/mrbm.v6i2.8141.
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The study examines the electoral psychology of Indonesian voters during the presidential Election 2004 by applying consumer behavior theory. The focus of the research is to explore the effects of locus of control, perceived risk, voter decision involvement and voter satisfaction on voling stability. The results indicated that tocus of control influences perceived risk, then, perceived risk influences voter decision involvement. Nexl, voter decision involvementinfluences voter satisfaction, which in tun influences voting slability. This means that the propensity to vote for the same candidate in the next election is influenced by voters' psychological characteristics.
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Mushchenko, Ya. "FACTORS OF ELECTORAL (NON) PARTICIPATION OF CITIZENS IN THE CONTEXT OF RATIONAL CHOICE THEORY". National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, n.º 1(57) (31 de maio de 2023): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2023.1(57).280809.
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The article is devoted to the study of the factors of electoral (non)participation of citizens in the context of the theory of rational choice. The author pays the main attention to the variables that make it possible to calculate the potential effectiveness of voting for a particular citizen, including the probability of the decisive vote, benefits from voting, and losses from voting. The author emphasizes that, according to the theory of rational choice, citizens make simple calculations to determine whether it is appropriate to vote, taking into account the abovementioned variables. According to the model of rational choice, for the vast majority of citizens, voting is completely irrational, since the weight of one vote is insignificant, the benefits of voting are negligible, and the costs are quite significant. However, most voters spend the resources to show up at the polling station on polling day and cast their own single vote for their preferred candidate. In this case, the paradox of voting arises and the limitations of the theory of rational choice are revealed. The author highlights that several additions or variations of the theory have been presented by the scientific community. In particular, among them, the positive decision to vote is explained by the desire to support the functioning of democratic processes; a sense of civic duty; a desire to minimize maximum losses; faith in the decisive vote; mobilization efforts of politicians; minimal expenses for the voter; a conviction that calculations are impractical. Each amendment is characterized by both advantages for understanding electoral behavior in the context of the theory, and disadvantages, which often come down to ignoring the fundamental variables of the theory and giving the psycho-emotional factor an exceptionally prominent place. The author points out that a reassessment of the initial values of the theory, namely the probability that the single vote will become decisive and the cost of the spent voter`s resources, can lead to a completely new interpretation of the theory and scientific results.
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Syawaludin, Mohammad. "Political Behavior Of Muslim Voters In Giving Vote Of Political Support". Jurnal Syntax Transformation 3, n.º 8 (19 de agosto de 2022): 1058–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jst.v3i8.598.
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This study determines political choices in the legislative general election in Palembang by responding to political realities that are not directly related to religious issues and the creation of voter polarization and voter subjectivity. Political relations between religion and other political instruments are considered something that does not show their identity. In this study, the researcher used a qualitative method with a phenomenological study and a political sociology approach. Followed by content and interpretive analysis, the results of this study found that Muslim citizens have three attitudes, namely; first; positive toward legislative candidates. This means that Muslims know, believe, agree with themselves as voters and vote based on the vision and mission of the legislative candidates. Both neutral attitudes know themselves as voters who care enough about the vision and mission of the legislative candidates. The third negative attitude is when the Muslim community does not know, does not believe, does not agree, and is apathetic.
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Southwell, Priscilla L. "Voting Behavior in Vote-by-Mail Elections". Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy 10, n.º 1 (3 de novembro de 2010): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1530-2415.2010.01218.x.
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McGrane, David. "The 2016 Saskatchewan Provincial Election: The Solidification of an Uncompetitive Two-Party Leader-Focused System or Movement to a One-Party Predominant System?" Canadian Political Science Review 13, n.º 1 (26 de janeiro de 2021): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/20191788.
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This article closely examines campaign dynamics and voter behavior in the 2016 Saskatchewan provincial election. Using a qualitative assessment of the events leading up to election day and data from an online vote compass gathered during the campaign period, it argues that the popularity of the incumbent Premier, Brad Wall, was the decisive factor explaining the Saskatchewan Party’s success.
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Wu, Shianghau. "Spatial Fuzzy C-Means Clustering Analysis of U.S. Presidential Election and COVID-19 Related Factors in the Rustbelt States in 2020". Axioms 11, n.º 8 (15 de agosto de 2022): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/axioms11080401.
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The rustbelt states play a key role in determining the vote turnout in the U.S. elections. The current study attempts to utilize the spatial fuzzy C-means method to analyze the U.S. presidential election in the rustbelt states in 2020. We intend to explore that the U.S. presidential election had related factors, including COVID-19-related factors, such as the mask-wearing percentage and the COVID-19 death tolls in each county of the rust belt states. Contrary to the related literature, the study uses education level, number of house units, unemployment rate, household income, COVID-19-related factors and the share of Republican’s votes in the presidential election. The results indicate that spatial generalized fuzzy C-means analysis has better clustering results than the C-means clustering method. Moreover, the COVID-19 death toll in each county did not affect the Republican’s vote share in the rustbelt states, while the mask-wearing behavior in some regions had a negative impact on the Republican’s vote share.
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Köllner, Patrick. "Upper House Elections in Japan and the Power of the ‘Organized Vote’". Japanese Journal of Political Science 3, n.º 1 (maio de 2002): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109902000166.
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Vote mobilization qua local and national organizations has played an important role in postwar Japanese elections for both Houses of Parliament. However, while there is an abundant literature on personal support organizations (kôenkai) of individual politicians in the Lower House, the role of national organizations for vote mobilization in Upper House elections has so far received only scant attention. The phenomenon of the ‘organized vote’ in postwar Upper House elections in Japan raises a number of questions. How important has it been in terms of voting behavior? What are the factors underlying organized voting? And how has the electoral clout of national organizations changed over time? This article tries to make a modest contribution to the debate on ‘organized voting’. In particular, it addresses the proposition that the ability of national interest groups to mobilize votes has declined significantly. The main empirical point of reference in this article are the 2001 Upper House elections.