Dissertationen zum Thema „History, Middle Eastern|History, United States“

The thesis examines Western complicity in covertly aiding, concealing and covering up Israel's nuclear weapons program and the implications that process had on the Soviet Union and Egypt during the Cold War. At the circumvention of the democratic process, Dimona's history is defined by shadowy scientism, obsequious journalism, secretive bureaucracies, clandestine corporatism and great power imperialism. In late October 1956 Israel acquired from France an atomic weapons reactor, with construction beginning in the Negev desert at Dimona during late 1957 or early 1958. During the ensuing years Israel received heavy water from Norway and Great Britain and uranium from Gabon, Argentina and South Africa. The atomic project was covertly funded by private Jewish donations from Canada, London, Paris and Wall Street. As early as 1958 factions within the State Department, Atomic Energy Commission and CIA factions were cognizant of Dimona's existence yet the bureaucracy chose to remain silent. When Dimona was unveiled by the media in December 1960, the White House salaciously denied possessing any foreknowledge of the reactor's nature, status or origins. The CIA-controlled and Jewish-dominated U.S. media obsequiously followed the state script by informing the public that Dimona was dedicated towards peaceful ends. During the 1960s the U.S. conducted pre-arranged tours of the facility, provided Israel with uranium and missiles to guard the reactor, covered up Israel's nuclear ambitions following China's first atomic test in October 1964, and refused to pressure Israel to sign the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Even though Dimona was the key catalyst of the conflict, the U.S. also suppressed Israel's nuclear program from emerging as the defining subject of the Six Day War. Armed with intelligence deriving from Israeli sources, in early 1966 the Kremlin began utilizing Cairo as a proxy mouth piece to rhetorically denounce Israel's atomic agenda as Soviet relations with Egypt and the Arabs grew more intimate. In a failed attempt to destroy the reactor, the U.S.S.R. instigated the Six Day War crisis by fabricating false intelligence concerning Israeli troop concentrations and overflying the reactor with its most advanced plane in late May 1967.

The Failure of Mehdi Bazargan How the Revolutionary Council, the Clerical Oligarchy, and United States Foreign Policy Undermined the Liberal Democracy of Iran in 1979 The aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that the downfall of Mehdi Bazargan and the Provisional Government is due less to the deliberate manipulations of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, as depicted in popular narratives, than to both the conflicts between rival power centers in the government, foreign influence, and Bazargan’s administrative mismanagement, poor leadership skills, and failure to successfully project his own vision.

The conclusions of this thesis were reached based on leading secondary sources from both Western and Iranian writers, as well as the extensive use of contemporary news sources, revealed internal Iranian government communiques, and archived interviews with principle actors.

The thesis identifies the rival power centers at conflict in Iran during the Provisional Government Era from February — November 1979 as Bazargan’s Provisional Government, the Revolutionary Council, Ayatollah Khomeini’s evolving concentration of power, and U.S. foreign policy. Chapter one describes the oppositional background of Bazargan, illuminates his own vision for Islamic government, and introduces his deliberate methodology for instituting revolution.

Chapter two explains the rival power centers at play during the Provisional Government Era. The Provisional Government is depicted as Bazargan’s main source of support, the legal administrators of the transitional government, and as such, it represents his vision. The Revolutionary Council, dominated by clerics loyal to Khomeini, referred to as the clerical oligarchy, represent diverging agendas within the clerical leadership who operated in Khomeini’s name but often without his explicit consent. The clerics within the Revolutionary Council exerted their greatest usurpation of Bazargan’s legal authority through their control over the extralegal revolutionary committees and the judiciary, circumventing his ability to provide state-controlled security and enact state-sanctioned justice. Khomeini lacked consolidated control in the early months of the Provisional Government Era, instead relying on the infighting between the government and the Revolutionary Council, and allowing for the popular momentum of the revolution to guide his political moves, but ultimately exercised decisive action to consolidate all political authority. Finally, the thesis argues that U.S. foreign policy had been to support the Provisional Government through intelligence-sharing, hoping that by supporting the liberal democratic stream of power they could offset the radical religious stream and undermine Khomeini’s personal influence.

Chapter three reveals how Bazargan chose to react to the challenges each rival power center presented. Despite the momentum of the popular revolution, Bazargan insisted in moderating the tone and progress of change, ignoring how ineffective his methods were in effecting positive change.

The purpose of this study is to explore how the Arabic novel can and does challenge the conventional characterization of what constitutes constructive Middle East historiography. The thesis draws on a case study of undergraduate history course syllabi in order to highlight a number of crucial issues related to Arabic literature and the production of modern Middle East history. My analysis of the syllabi concludes that in general, Arabic novels in translation are part of a varied group of resources selected by a professor in order to complement the "official" histories provided by textbooks and government documents. The novel is deemed helpful because it often describes the "ordinary" or daily life of people. Also, the novel is presented as the contribution of an "indigenous voice" to the historical narrative.

Implicit in the call for educational reform in the teaching of social studies has been the suggestion that pursuing inquiry-based principles will lead to improvement in student achievement. The purpose of this study was to compare the effectiveness of two types of pedagogy: traditional and inquiry-based upon student achievement as measured by a standards-based, state administered examination. Second, this study examined the relationship between the treatment teachers' level of implementation and student achievement. A nonequivalent control group posttest and experimental design was used in this study. Subjects involved in this study include 84 secondary American history teachers and their respective students from a large urban public school district in Texas. The sample consisted of two groups, one taught by traditional/didactic instruction (n=48) and the other taught by inquiry-based pedagogy (n=36). Data for this study were collected using a classroom observation protocol based upon the level of use rubric developed by the concerns-based adoption model. An analysis of variance (ANOVA) (p<.05) was used to measure the effects of inquiry-based instruction and traditional pedagogy on student achievement. Student achievement results were measured by the Texas Assessment of Knowledge and Skills (TAKS) for American history, grades 8 and 11. The study found that mean scores of the Grade 8 History Alive! group were significantly higher than the scores of the control group, but not for the Grade 11 History Alive! group. However, a comparison of mean scores by teachers' level-of-use suggested that the more faithful the teacher in designing standards-based lessons and delivering them through inquiry, the greater retention of American history student's knowledge about the subject.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Theatre and Drama, 2007.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-05, Section: A, page: 1735. Adviser: Ronald H. Wainscott. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Jan. 12, 2008)."

The purpose of this study was to explore systematically the interaction among nation states by focusing on a single case of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict, specifically the symbolic rhetoric in presidential speeches. This study seeks to increase our knowledge about international crises, and any possible patterns and fluctuations in presidential symbolic rhetoric toward the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 1948-1992 period. The central objective is to explore whether changes in symbolic rhetoric may be related to the escalation of the conflict, as well as investigating numerous parameters of the rhetoric itself. The measure of presidential symbolic rhetoric was tested in seven Middle East countries: Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Syria. Theoretically the study adopts Edelman's classification method in distinguishing between referential and condensational symbols. Attention in this study is paid to condensational symbols or symbolic commitment (i.e pride, anxieties, patriotism), and whether the use of those symbols in the Middle East might have been related to three other primary variables: actual conflict in the Middle East, United States military and economic aid to the region, and U.S. political initiatives in the region. In addition, we focused on five distinct conflict periods to see whether changes in symbolic rhetoric patterned itself differently before, during, and after the five crises. The principle conclusion of this research is that the Arab-Israeli conflict was an important issue symbolically to U.S. policy makers, and the presidents of United States lean toward positive symbols. These symbolic commitments tend to increase during the escalation process, and the amount of attention and symbols decreased when war de-escalated. From these results it is possible to assert that presidential perceptions reacted to events as they developed in the region. Convergence between rhetoric and conflict in this specific study suggests that symbols are important political and social indicators in the way policy makers perceive certain issue-areas, and this rhetoric relates to important political events in the Middle East.

This thesis sketches out the history of Ottoman-Arab emigration from Greater Syria to the United States and to Argentina from the late nineteenth century up to the end of World War I, relying primarily (but not solely) on the related documents preserved in the Ottoman Archives. It depicts a wide range of this emigration history, including the scale and the number of immigrants, the causes behind emigration, the ways that emigrants managed to reach the Americas, the attitudes of Ottoman governments toward them, and the ways that emigrants adapted to their host societies. The thesis analyses the Ottoman-Arab emigration phenomenon from social and economic perspectives and in the larger context comprising other European population movements to the New World during this period, which has been called 'the Age of Mass Migrations'.

History
Ph.D.
My dissertation, Racing the City: Intentional Integration and the Pursuit of Racial Justice in Post-WWII America, examines the creation, experience, and meaning of intentionally integrated residential space in the latter half of the twentieth century. Entering into the growing historiographical conversations on post-war American cities and the northern civil rights movement, I argue that with a strong commitment to maintaining residential cohesion and a heightened sense of racial justice in the wake of the Second World War, liberal integrationists around the country embarked on grassroots campaigns seeking to translate the ideals of racial equality into a blueprint for genuine interracial living. Through innovative real estate efforts, creative marketing techniques, and religious activism, pioneering community groups worked to intentionally integrate their neighborhoods, to serve as a model for sustainable urbanity and racial justice in the United States. My research, centered on the northwest Philadelphia neighborhood of West Mount Airy, chronicles a liberal community effort that confronted formal legal and governmental policies and deeply entrenched cultural understandings; through this integration project, activists sought to redefine post-war urban space in terms of racial inclusion. In crafting such a narrative, I challenge much of the scholarship on the northern struggle for racial justice, which paints a uniform picture of a divisive and violent racial urban environment. At the same time, my dissertation explores how hard it was for urban integrationists to build interracial communities. I portray a neighborhood struggling with the deeper meanings of integrated space, with identity politics and larger institutional, structural, and cultural forces, and with internal resistance to change. In that sense, I speak to the larger debates over post-WWII urban space; my research, here, implies a cultural explanation complementing the political and economic narratives of white flight and urban crisis that scholars have crafted over the last two decades. This is at once the story of a group of people seeking to challenge the seeming inevitability of segregation by creating an economically stable, racially integrated community predicated upon an idealized vision of American democracy, and it is the story of the fraying of that ideal.
Temple University--Theses

The following work examines the personal diplomacy between James A. Baker, III and Eduard A. Shevardnadze at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s and their cooperation that led to the initiation of a new peace process in the Middle East inaugurated by the Madrid Conference of 1991. The paper addresses the importance of the personal element in international diplomacy and situates it in the context of a particular time framework that marked the end of the Cold War and which resulted in significant geopolitical changes across the globe. While recognizing the importance of larger events, such as the attempts to restructure the Soviet economy and society, this thesis argues for the significance of the personal relationship between James A. Baker, III and Eduard A. Shevardnadze in establishing a cooperative response to Iraqs invasion of Kuwait and, ultimately, to laying the groundwork for the Madrid Peace Conference. The research was conducted based on government sources, personal accounts, interviews, including personal interviews with former USSR Minister of Foreign Affairs and ex-President of Georgia, Eduard A. Shevardnadze, and former U.S. Ambassador to Senegal, Mark Johnson, as well other primary and secondary sources in English, Russian, and Georgian languages available at the time.

A growing trend in Mississippian research in the archaeology of the southeastern United States stresses the need to shift away from categorizing generalizations (e.g., the concept of chiefdoms) that have been used to characterize Mississippi-period (A.D. 1000-1600) societies and advocates elucidating the unique occupational histories of Mississippian communities. This dissertation follows this trend with the goal of identifying and interpreting the particular historical and developmental trajectory of the Yon mound and village site (8Li2), a Fort Walton Mississippian site situated in the middle Apalachicola River valley, northwest Florida. Since its initial recording by Clarence Bloomfield Moore at the turn of the 20th century, Yon has been intermittently investigated by various researchers, but the data from these multiple investigations until now have been severely underreported or not reported at all. In this dissertation, these archaeological data from Yon are synthesized and used to identify the site's particular developmental history. The study proceeds through a careful examination of Yon's radiocarbon dates, artifact assemblage, platform mound construction, structural remains, and to a lesser extent, subsistence data, in an effort to tease apart its occupational components and contextualize them within the wider Fort Walton and Mississippian milieu. To this end, particular attention is given to the wider Fort Walton manifestation of the Apalachicola-lower Chattahoochee River valley and the Rood and later Lamar Mississippian regional variants that were located upriver from Yon in the upper reaches of the lower Chattahoochee River valley. This study demonstrates that Yon emerged rather precipitously as a Middle Fort Walton period center circa A.D.1200, a time marked by initial mound construction and the first intense village occupation at the site, which was preceded only by a very small, pre-Fort Walton, Swift Creek occupation there around A.D. 320. Probable antecedent events at a nearby Fort Walton mound center, Cayson (8Ca3), as well as contact with Rood Mississippian groups to the north are hypothesized as influencing Yon's Middle Fort Walton development and florescence. Evidence indicates that this initial Middle Fort Walton occupation was followed by an occupation of Lamar groups. Regional data and radiocarbon evidence from Yon suggest that this Lamar component likely began during protohistoric times (circa A.D. 1600) and continued into the late seventeenth to early eighteenth centuries. It is hypothesized that this Lamar occupation was the result of Lamar groups migrating down the lower Chattahoochee-Apalachicola River in the wake of European contact. As a whole, this study represents the most complete documentation of the occupational history of any Fort Walton mound center to date. As such, it can provide an important foundation for future studies of Fort Walton mound centers and sites in the Apalachicola-lower Chattahoochee River region.

The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.

The curriculum developed in this project was designed to meet the requirements of the Clay County gifted program. It provides a comprehensive American history curriculum, discovery through the Civil War, to promote mastery of the content area, increase involvement and interest of students in learning through the reduction of irrelevant and redundant material, and encourage individual initiative for one/sown investigations. The program consists of a series of independent studies in which the teacher is a facilitator who sets the stage and encourages students' endeavors. The study units developed for this project include objectives representing all levels in Bloom/s Taxonomy. The curriculum was evaluated by pilot-testing and surveying the students involved, as well as by surveying a team of teachers of the gifted and a university faculty member in social studies education.

Nashville, Tennessee, is known as the Athens of the South because of its reputation as a center of learning. The city’s commitment to education goes back to the days of its founding as a village on the extreme Western frontier of the United States. In 1785, five years after Nashville was first settled, Davidson Academy, an advanced classical school, was established. At the same time, numerous private schools operated in the Nashville area, providing many of the region’s children with a basic education. During the first quarter of the nineteenth century Nashville moved closer to becoming a major educational center. In 1806 Davidson Academy was rechartered as Cumberland College. Financial problems forced Cumberland College to suspend operation in 1816, but it reopened in 1825 and was rechartered as the University of Nashville the following year. In 1817 the Nashville Female Academy, which by 1860 was the largest and one of the most renowned schools for females in the nation, opened. Other private schools served Nashville as well; most were simple grammar schools that taught the basics, but some advanced schools operated as well. During the 1820s and 1830s, there were some efforts to establish state supported schools for the poor, but they failed because many poor parents refused to send their children to these “pauper’s schools,” as the state supported schools were commonly called. By 1850 Nashville’s educational landscape was on the verge of change. Financial difficulties forced the University of Nashville to close in 1850, but in 1855 it resumed operation after merging with the Western Military Institute and flourished until the Civil War. During the 1850s, the Medical Department of the University of Nashville and Shelby Medical College opened. Both schools enjoyed great success, and by 1860 Nashville was second only to Philadelphia as a center of medical learning. Also, during the 1850s Nashville established a successful system of public schools for all the city’s children. However, the Civil War would interrupt the city’s progress in education. Despite Nashville’s prominence in education, no comprehensive study of the city’s antebellum educational development exists. Based on several primary sources, most of which are available in the Tennessee State Library and Archives, and numerous secondary sources dealing with antebellum Nashville, this thesis represents an attempt to describe antebellum Nashville’s educational development.

The so-called Crusader States established by European settlers in the Levant at the end of the eleventh century gave rise to a variety of Latin literary works, including historiography, sermons, pilgrim guides, monastic literature, and poetry. The first part of this study (Chapter 1) critically reevaluates the Latin literary texts and combines the evidence, including unpublished materials, to chart the development of genres over the course of the twelfth century. The second half of the study (Chapters 2–4) subjects this evidence to a cultural-rhetorical analysis, and asks how Latin literary works, as products by and for a cultural elite, appropriated preexisting materials and developed strategies of their own to construct a Frankish cultural identity of the Levant. Proceeding on three thematically different, but closely interrelated, lines of inquiry, it is argued that authors in the Latin East made cultural claims by drawing on the classical tradition, on the Bible, and on ideas of a Carolingian golden age. Chapter 2 demonstrates that Latin historians drew upon classical traditions to fit the Latin East within established frameworks of history and geography, in which the figures Vespasian and Titus are particularly prevalent. Chapter 3 traces the development of the conception of the Franks in the East as a “People of God” and the use of biblical texts to support this claim, especially the Books of the Maccabees. Chapter 4 explores the extent to which authors drew on the legend of Charlemagne as a bridge between East and West. Although the appearance of similar motifs signals a degree of cultural unity among the authors writing in the Latin East, there is an abundant variety in the way they are utilized, inasmuch as they are dynamic rhetorical strategies open to adaptation to differing exigencies. New monastic and ecclesiastical institutions produced Latin writings that demonstrate an urge to establish political and religious authority. While these struggles for power resemble to some extent those between secular and ecclesiastical authorities and institutions in Western Europe, the literary topoi the authors draw upon are specific to their new locale, and represent the creation of a new cultural-literary tradition.
Classics

Spanish Imperial Missionary Activity and Indian Politics in "La Florida," 1565-1597 in this paper, I argue that Catholic missionization of Calusa, Tequesta, and Guale people in sixteenth-century "La Florida" must be understood not simply as a Spanish colonial endeavor but as a collaboration with native leaders, who encouraged it as a means of increasing their own social and political power. I show that missionization was only successful as long as the presence of friars and a Spanish garrison benefited native leaders. Missionaries were expelled when their upkeep became a burden—that is, when they were no longer a source of socially valuable status items or military assistance against neighboring groups. Euro-Inuit at Wolstenholme Post, 1909-1946: Arctic Foxes and Neighborly Bonds This paper is a case study of white-Inuit relations at the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) Wolstenholme trading post. I show how Inuit influence over the twentieth-century white fox trade contributed to the development of neighborly bonds between Inuit trappers and HBC traders. in the early twentieth century, the eastern Arctic was Inuit territory, far from white Canadian society, and there were multiple entities clamoring for a trading partnership with Inuit. The pressing need to retain Inuit patronage, the communal nature of surviving arctic winters, and the unique backgrounds of the HBC men meant that the latter learned Inuktitut, donned Inuit clothing, hunted and traveled with Inuit, and established friendships with them that went far beyond fur trade business.

The history of the Lloyd family at Wye Plantation in Talbot County, Maryland, from the 1650s to the early 1770s refines and complicates the dominant historical narrative of the rise of a native-born Protestant planter elite in colonial Chesapeake scholarship. First, the Lloyds were a wealthy and politically prominent Protestant family that benefited from close ties to Catholics up to the end of the colonial period. Second, in contrast to traditional histories of the colonial Chesapeake that emphasize the raising and marketing of tobacco, Wye Plantation's history attests to the importance of grain and livestock farming on a commercial scale, in addition to tobacco production, on the upper Eastern Shore since the seventeenth century.;This study examines the strategies of the Lloyd family to build their wealth and influence in Maryland in the context of the colony's political, economic, and social development. In the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the Lloyds forged kinship ties to Maryland's Catholic gentry, to Quakers, and to the Bennetts of Virginia and Maryland. With these connections, the plantation's trade with London and the West Indies expanded. In the mid- eighteenth century, Edward Lloyd III used his status as a trusted client within Lord Baltimore's patronage network to develop Wye Plantation as a locus of power. Upon his death in 1770, his son moved aggressively to preserve assets that would be the basis of his own independence.;This dissertation uses an interdisciplinary approach to document Wye Plantation's history. Sources include probate records, government proceedings, the Lloyd Papers and the Calvert Papers at the Maryland Historical Society, the Cadwalader Collection at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and portraits by Charles Willson Peale.;While plantation ownership remained the basis of social and political authority in the colony, each generation of the Lloyd family made use of the home plantation in context- specific ways. This thesis examines change in the uses of a Chesapeake plantation, and the meanings attached to plantation ownership, from the point of view of each generation of the Lloyd family during the colonial period.

This senior thesis is a study of the change over time of American perceptions of how natural public lands are to be utilized. American interactions with nature are analyzed and synthesized into the role of the conqueror, conservationist, and preservationist. These competing ideologies have shaped our nation and public lands. Looking specifically at the Eastern Sierra Nevada of California, the thesis investigates how the federal land management agency of the United States Forest Service has incorporated these competing roles into one management plan. The thesis analyzes a visitor guide to the area from 1925 and 2014 to see how different ideals were incorporated into the management and promotion of the area to tourists. Additionally, the thesis investigates how the environmental preservation ideology has limited access to public land and how the resort model of tourism has grown while primitive recreation opportunities have been diminished.

The deposition of Imam Muhammad al-Badr in September 1962 was the culmination of a Yemeni nationalist movement that began in the 1940s with numerous failed attempts to overthrow the traditional religious legal order. Prior to 1962, both the USSR and Egypt had been cultivating alliances with al-Badr in an effort to secure their strategic interests in South Arabia. In the days following the 1962 coup d'état, Abdullah Sallal and his cohort of Yemeni officers established a republic and concealed the fate of al-Badr who had survived an assault on his Sana'a palace and whose supporters had already begun organizing a tribal coalition against the republic. A desperate appeal by Yemeni republicans brought the first Egyptian troops to Yemen. Saudi Arabia, pressured by Egyptian troops, border tribal considerations and earlier treaties with the Yemeni Imamate, supported the Imam's royalist opposition. The battleground between Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser and al-Badr was transformed into an arena for international conflict and diplomacy. The UN mission to Yemen, while portrayed as a symbol of failed and underfunded global peacekeeping at the time, was in fact instrumental in establishing the basis for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. Bruce Condé, an American philatelist, brought global attention to the royalist-republican struggle to control the Yemeni postal system. The last remnants of the British Middle East Empire fought with Nasser to maintain a mutually declining level of influence in the region. Israeli intelligence and air force aided royalist forces and served witness to the Egyptian use of chemical weapons, a factor that would impact decision-making prior to the 1967 War. Despite concurrent Cold War tensions, Americans and Soviets appeared on the same side of the Yemeni conflict and acted mutually to confine Nasser to the borders of South Arabia. This internationalized conflict was a pivotal event in Middle East history as it oversaw the formation of a modern Yemeni state, the fall of Egyptian and British regional influence, another Arab-Israeli war, Saudi dominance of the Arabian Peninsula, and shifting power alliances in the Middle East.

This study traces the career of Robert Francis Kelley and his influence on American-Russian Relations during the nonrecognition period (1917-1933). The focus of this examination is Kelley's role in formulating, implementing, and sustaining America's anti-communist policy developed and solidified during the 1920s and 1930s. Particular attention is given to the senate recognition hearing of 1924, Kelley's training of future diplomats (George Kennan, Charles Bohlen, et al.), and his contributions to the preparations leading to the United States' recognition of Russia in 1933. Using Kelley's papers and personal correspondence, this study shows the growth of a man and the evolution of a policy.

The primary aim of the thesis is to explore American views towards the Far Eastern Commission in issues related to the Japanese re-armament between 1946 and 1951. This is a topic which has been rarely studied in-depth previously. The focus is on views expressed by the United States’ State Department personnel. The study is based on qualitative research. The main primary sources used are “Foreign Relations of the United States” documents between 1946 and 1952 and documents from the “Rearmament of Japan Part 1: 1947–1952” microfilm collection. These collections include documents from the Department of State and other American organizations. The most important research literature used in the work include Eiji Takemae’s “Inside GHQ: The Allied Occupation of Japan and Its Legacy”, Thomas French’s “National Police Reserve: The Origin of Japan’s Self Defense Forces”, Catherine Edwards’s “U.S. Policy towards Japan, 1945–1951: Rejection of Revolution”, Michael Schaller’s “Altered States: The United States and Japan since the Occupation” and John Swenson-Wright’s “Unequal Allies? : United States Security and Alliance Policy toward Japan 1945–1960”. The study shows that there was a definite change in American State Department’s views towards the Far Eastern Commission during the period under study and the State Department’s initially cooperative attitude gradually changed into increasing skepticism. This work also shows that the Far Eastern Commission had a more significant role in the American decision-making towards Japan during the occupation period than has been previously thought. Even when Americans hoped to increase Japan’s defence capabilities, they had to consider a possible reaction from the Far Eastern Commission. There were two main reasons behind this. The first one was the Cold War. This forced American to avoid actions which could benefit the Soviet propaganda. The second was the American Pacific allies who still distrusted Japan. The State Department hoped to secure other countries’ acceptance for a peace agreement with Japan and was unwilling to take too controversial actions before the peace treaty was secured. This meant that the Far Eastern Commission was able to influence American attitudes towards the re-armament indirectly
Työn päätarkoitus on käsitellä Yhdysvaltain näkemyksiä Far Eastern Commissionia koskien Japanin uudelleenaseistautumiseen liittyvissä kysymyksissä vuosina 1946–1951. Tätä aihetta on harvoin käsitelty kattavasti aiemmin. Työn päähuomio on Yhdysvaltain ulkoasianhallinnon henkilöstön esittämissä näkemyksissä. Työ perustuu kvalitatiiviseen tutkimukseen. Päälähteinä työssä käytetään ”Foreign Relations of the United States” -asiakirjakokoelmia vuosien 1946 ja 1952 väliltä sekä ”Rearmament of Japan. Part 1. 1947–1952” mikrofilmikokoelmaa. Nämä kokoelmat sisältävät sekä Yhdysvaltain ulkoasianhallinnon, että myös muiden amerikkalaisten toimijoiden tuottamia dokumentteja. Tutkimuskirjallisuutena työssä käytetään Eiji Takemaen teosta “Inside GHQ: The Allied Occupation of Japan and Its Legacy”, Thomas Frenchin teosta “National Police Reserve: The Origin of Japan’s Self Defense Forces”, Catherine Edwardsin väitöskirjaa “U.S. Policy towards Japan, 1945–1951: Rejection of Revolution”, Michael Schallerin teosta “Altered States: The United States and Japan since the Occupation” and John Swenson-Wrightin teosta “Unequal Allies? : United States Security and Alliance Policy toward Japan 1945–1960”. Työssä näytetään, että Yhdysvaltain ulkoasianhallinnon mielipiteissä tapahtui selvä muutos Far Eastern Commissionia kohtaan tutkittavina vuosina ja ulkoasiainhallinnon alun perin yhteistyöhön perustuvat näkemykset korvautuivat kasvavalla skeptismillä. Tämän työn on tarkoitus osoittaa, että Far Eastern Commissionilla oli merkittävämpi rooli Yhdysvaltalaisessa päätöksenteossa koskien Japania miehityskauden aikana kuin on aikaisemmin ajateltu. Yhdysvaltalaisten piti ottaa huomioon Far Eastern Commissionin reaktio, kun he pyrkivät lisäämään Japanin puolustuskykyä. Tähän oli kaksi syytä. Ensimmäinen oli kylmä sota, joka pakotti Yhdysvallat välttämäät liikkeitä, joita Neuvostoliitto olisi voinut hyödyntää propagandassaan. Toiseksi, Yhdysvaltain liittolaiset Tyynenmeren alueella eivät edelleenkään luottaneet Japaniin. Yhdysvaltain ulkoasianhallinto halusi varmistaa, että rauhanneuvottelut Japanin kanssa sujuisivat hyvin ja halusi välttää toimia, jotka voisivat vaarantaa Yhdysvaltain tavoitteet neuvotteluissa. Tämän ansiosta Far Eastern Commissionin kykeni epäsuorasti vaikuttamaan yhdysvaltalaisten asenteisiin uudelleenaseistautumista koskien

In most ways, The Mountain Eagle is an ordinary community oriented weekly newspaper, and indeed, a close examination of the paper will reveal that it focuses mostly on community news in Letcher County Kentucky, a small county in the mountains of eastern Kentucky. It carries holiday recipes, neighborhood news, and coverage of local government, school boards and sporting events. But a closer examination of the paper and its history reveals a different kind of community weekly. The Mountain Eagle is one of the most recognized, commented upon, and decorated community newspapers in the United States. Since Tom and Pat Gish took the paper over in 1957, the Gishes and their newspaper have been shunned by their neighbors, boycotted, and the paper’s offices were fire-bombed in 1974. And yet, the paper survived and continues to report the news, honesty and without bias. Although Tom Gish was born and raised in the coal fields of Letcher County both Gishes were “city journalists” when they came to Whitesburg. Pat worked for The Lexington Leader and Tom managed the United Press Desk in the state capital of Frankfort. They met while studying Journalism at the University of Kentucky, and pursued careers in the field. Their desire to run a small-town newspaper brought them to Whitesburg, Tom’s hometown. Their insistence on doing their jobs the way they had been trained soon put them at odds with the Fiscal Court, the School Board, the coal operators, and the elites who ran Letcher County. Coal mining drove the economy, and the county operated on a near feudal basis, with people owing fealty to elected officials and coal companies, and none of the controlling interests liked the idea of seeing their activities on the front page. This dissertation is a chronological examination of The Mountain Eagle and its publishers during period between 1957, when the Gishes took over the newspaper, to 1977, when the Federal Surface Mining Reclamation and Control Act was signed into law. During that period, Letcher County and the United States experienced the assassination of a president, the War on Poverty, the Vietnam War, and the widespread use of strip mining to gouge rich veins of coal out of the Appalachian Coalfields. Strip mining soon became the most common method of extracting coal in the country, and its effects on the steep hillsides of eastern Kentucky became the focus of much of The Eagle’s news and editorial activity. Both Gishes said many times that it had never been their intention to become crusaders or to take on any particular group. But as they began to undertake what they saw as their primary job, that of reporting on the news of the county, they began to experience obstacles in reporting on civic activities, which by Kentucky law were supposed to be open to the public. In an introductory speech delivered to the Rotary Club in the county seat of Whitesburg, Tom Gish pointed out that while there were a lot of things about the newspaper that he liked and intended to keep, there were other areas where he thought the paper could be improved. One of those areas was in the coverage of civic events, primarily the meetings of the fiscal court, the various city councils, and the board of education, the first of the controlling bodies to come into conflict with the newspaper. Pat Gish did most of the reporting, and when she started attending school board meetings, she learned that while she might be tolerated, she would certainly not be welcomed. The board initially told the paper that their meetings were closed, only one person at a time was allowed into the board chamber, and they were there to discuss their business with the board and then leave. Tom Gish informed them that the Kentucky Open Meetings Law gave the press access to public meetings and grudgingly, the board allowed Pat to attend. But they refused to provide her with a chair, so she had to stand during meetings that often lasted for several hours, even while she was pregnant with her second child. Tom Gish also began to attend meetings to provide a basis for the editorials he wrote asking for improvements in county-wide education. This came during a period when Kentucky Schools were under investigation by the state legislature and Whitesburg Attorney Harry Caudill, who represented the county in the General Assembly, chaired a committee that delivered a scathing report on Kentucky schools, and called particular attention to education in eastern Kentucky. Caudill’s guest editorials and Letters to the Editor began to appear in The Mountain Eagle during this period and marked the first phase of a long collaboration between Caudill and Gish that addressed a broad range of issues that affected the region. Not long afterward, one of the board members, the physician who had delivered Tom Gish and owned several businesses in the county, announced that he would withdraw his advertising from the paper and the “word went out” that teachers had been forbidden to purchase the paper. Tom Gish later said that newsstand sales had skyrocketed during this and subsequent boycotts. Tom Gish joined his wife in covering the Letcher County Fiscal Court and they soon angered the judge and magistrates by reporting that magistrates had voted themselves a substantial pay raise. Although the court had initially welcomed the newspaper at meetings, they soon passed an ordinance to make at least part of their meetings closed. This was another violation of the Open Meetings Act and the Attorney General weighed in on the newspaper’s behalf. A long-running feud developed between The Eagle and the court that included several efforts to de-certify the paper as the newspaper with the largest circulation. This meant that all legal documents, including ordinances and other court actions had to be published in The Eagle before they became law. These publications, along with bond advertisements from coal companies and other legally required publications were a significant source of the newspaper’s income. The feud with the court finally came to a head in 1974 when the County Judge Executive and Sheriff ignored threats to blow the newspaper’s offices up just weeks before the paper was fire-bombed by a former Whitesburg City Police officer, who had resigned after being named in several articles concerning police brutality. The Mountain Eagle’s involvement with the War on Poverty and its advocacy for strip mine regulation brought the paper into the national spotlight. Many of the national reporters who published articles on Appalachian poverty that captured the nation’s imagination and sympathy came directly through the offices of The Mountain Eagle, and the Gishes often served as their guides to eastern Kentucky. The New York Times’ initial report on the endemic poverty that plagued eastern Kentucky, which captured Senator John F. Kennedy’s attention during his campaign for the 1960 Democratic presidential nomination, came after Times Reporter Calvin Trillen spent time at the Gish home in Whitesburg and toured the region with them. Tom and Pat Gish became deeply involved in efforts to alleviate suffering in the region and spent so much time testifying before congressional committees and on other poverty related activities during the War on Poverty, the paper often came out late and suffered financially. Tom Gish frequently wrote editorials that praised the federal government’s efforts, but just as often, his editorials were among the most scathing in the country, when he felt that it was too little, too late. The newspaper had a complex relationship with the coal industry. Tom Gish’s father was a mine superintendent with South East Coal Company, one of the larger companies in the county. Tom saw underground coal mining as the logical basis for the economy in the region, but he also advocated for diversifying the economy so it would not be entirely dependent on a single industry. When he visited a strip mine in eastern Letcher County with his father Ben, both men were horrified at the destruction visited on a small community there and Tom began to call for strip mining to be outlawed all together or at the very least, strictly regulated. This began a twenty-year struggle that finally came to fruition with the 1977 Federal Surface Mining Reclamation and Control Act. But the legislation was far from perfect and not only codified strip mining in federal law, but also opened the door for the even more destructive practice of mountain top removal. The Mountain Eagle’s involvement with the War on Poverty, along with their opposition to strip mining, also angered some people in Letcher County, and the Gish family was shunned by many of their neighbors, and the paper was boycotted by some advertisers. Efforts to undermine them were rampant and threats from coal operators were frequent. When a Molotov Cocktail was finally thrown through the window of the newspaper’s offices in 1974, many of the residents of Whitesburg turned their backs on the Gishes. They still managed to get the next edition out the week following the fire, although the paper was put together in the family’s living room, and the family moved their home to a rural part of the county, but kept the offices in Whitesburg because it was the county seat. For the next three years, the paper devoted a significant amount of space to the events surrounding the prosecution of the arsonists, but they still focused heavily on county news. The 1976 Scotia Mine disaster, when two methane explosions claimed the lives of 26 men at Oven Fork in Letcher County took their full attention for much of the entire following year. The Mountain Eagle has survived into the 21st Century, and the Gishes and their paper won a number of national awards for excellence and courage in journalism, along with several major awards for their contribution to freedom of the press. Both Tom (2008) and Pat (2014) have since died and their son Ben is the Editor and the only member of the Gish family still working at the newspaper. Letcher County has experienced many of the same changes as the rest of the country, but the economy never expanded past coal mining, so when the coal industry collapsed in 2015, the rest of the county economy failed with it. Unemployment is high now and many of the younger families have left seeking employment elsewhere. Tom Gish’s prediction that eastern Kentucky could eventually find itself mostly with very young and very old recipients of government assistance living there has come true and the region is currently struggling to find a way to manage. The Mountain Eagle has suffered too, but it still manages, and it still adheres to the masthead slogan, “It Screams."

This thesis explains the development of a website for eighth graders about the Battle of Gettysburg. One purpose of the project is to provide several primary source documents, pictures, video from a reenactment of the Battle of Gettysburg, clips from movies about the Civil War, and other material that suppport the students in their learning. The second purpose is to fulffill standard 8.10 of History-Social Science Content Standards for eight grade. This project will help students fulfill this requirement.

This thesis examines a constitutional amendment adopted by the State of Maine in 1893 as part of an electoral reform package. It stated that any man who could not read the State Constitution in English or write his name on or after January 3, 1893 was not qualified to vote. Although some of the amendment's supporters claimed the measure would raise the quality of the state electorate, most supported it because it targeted immigrants, more particularly, French Canadian immigrants. Anglo-Republicans who supported the amendment discriminated against French-Canadians, who were Catholic, spoke French, and chose acculturation rather than assimilation. The amendment was meant to disenfranchise a large proportion of these voters, as many of them were illiterate, French speaking migrants. However, the impact of the amendment proved to be limited. It did not affect Franco-American allegiances to politicians or political parties they thought best supported their wants and needs. This may be why the amendment was quickly forgotten and is not mentioned in any published history of Maine. Statistics collected from the 1910 census, English and French language newspapers of Lewiston, and an out of state newspaper provide much of the primary sources for this work.

This dissertation explores the factors shaping American foreign policy toward secessionist crises since the end of the Cold War. The main research puzzle is the following: Why is it that, facing the resurgence of secessionist movements in the last 15 years, the United States reacted to it by supporting the territorial integrity of central states in some cases (Serbia, Somalia, Moldova), while recognizing the independence of secessionist states in other cases (Croatia, Eritrea, East Timor)? How can this apparent inconsistency be explained? This dissertation argues that regional stability is the main U.S. interest when responding to secessionism. It asserts that, when facing a secessionist crisis, the American government will choose the option (i.e. supporting state integrity or secessionism) that provides the greatest expected gain of regional stability depending on the evolution of the crisis. This explains why the American government's response to secessionism fluctuates from one case to another.
The performed qualitative analysis, which includes cases taken from two regional settings, the Balkans and the Horn of Africa, confirms the effect of the regional stability factor on the formulation of U.S. foreign policy. It shows that the fluctuation of the U.S. response is not caused by political inconsistency but by a coherent set of regional stability interests. The research also proceeds to the measurement of two competing arguments---namely ethnic politics and business interests. Case studies show that these domestic arguments fail to account for the research puzzle under investigation and that the regional stability argument consistently offers better explanations and predictions. Thus, this dissertation challenges liberal claims that domestic politics define foreign policy.

History
Ph.D.
This study is an analysis of the role educational programming has played in reforming inmates in American correctional institutions between the Jacksonian era and the 1970s. A case study, "Seminary of Virtue" focuses on the educational curriculum at Philadelphia's famed Eastern State Penitentiary, a cutting-edge institution that originated the Pennsylvania System of penal discipline. "Seminary of Virtue" argues that Eastern State Penitentiary's extensive and aggressive educational program reflected a general American belief that correctional institutions should educate inmates as a way of reducing recidivism and thereby "reforming" them. While Americans remained committed to educating inmates, Eastern State's curriculum evolved during its century and a half institutional life. As its emphasis shifted from the religiously oriented "reform" of prisoners in the early nineteenth-century to a medical model of "rehabilitation" a half century later, Eastern State's educational program evolved, shifting from a curriculum of rudimentary literacy skills, religious instruction and an apprenticeship of sorts to industrial education in the mid-nineteenth century and then finally to a traditional academic curriculum in the first third of the twentieth century.
Temple University--Theses

The study of social allies in the field of American Civil Rights and Liberties History is largely an underappreciated aspect of this historical era. This work argues that social allies and their stories are worthwhile histories that are beneficial to the study of American Civil Rights and Liberties using Louisiana lawyer Herman Lazard Midlo as a case study. Midlo worked as a Louisiana lawyer from the 1930s to 1960s and fought tirelessly for the religious liberties of the Jehovah’s Witness community in the state. His story shows how beneficial and consequential the actions of social allies have had and can have on the protection and expansion of civil rights and religious liberties.

This dissertation explores the University of Kentucky’s efforts to develop and implement an “action program” in eastern Kentucky in the 1960s. By the late 1950s, Kentucky’s political, business, and academic leaders had identified eastern Kentucky as the state’s problem area, and they sought strategies to bring the region into the economic and cultural mainstream. This generation of post-war leaders had an uncompromising faith in the power of knowledge, technology, and planning, and University leaders saw their action program as a university-wide effort to address what most would argue was Kentucky’s ugliest problem. This study begins with an examination of the rushed and disorganized Kellogg Foundation-funded Eastern Kentucky Resource Development Project (EKRDP) in 1960. With the national “rediscovery” of Appalachia in the early 1960s and the passage of the Equal Opportunity Act (EOA) and the Appalachian Regional Development Act (ARDA) in 1964 and 1965, University leaders reframed their thinking about how to engage eastern Kentucky in the midst of a War on Poverty. Institutional support for the EKRDP dwindled, and administrators tried to shift the responsibility of the eastern Kentucky program to the newly developed Center for Developmental Change (CDC). However, the leadership of the CDC lacked stability, the faculty who had been the driving force behind the Center did not want to be tied down to Appalachian projects, and the changing expectations for faculty ushered in by the “Oswald Revolution” did not reward interdisciplinary work.

Why has the United States, given its status as the sole remaining superpower following its Cold War victory, been unable to translate its preponderance of power into the outcomes it desires? The system established by the United States over the course of the Cold War does not effectively translate its power into influence in the post-Cold War world. In fact, the way US-Soviet competition shaped global affairs created systemic problems, weak and failing states, terrorism, autocracy and human rights abuse, that cannot be solved by the mechanisms of influence the US relied upon to win the Cold War. However, precisely these issues now dominate the American foreign policy agenda as its strategic objective shifted from defeating communism to maintaining the stability of the liberal world order that resulted from communism’s defeat. The United States, reliant on Cold War era mechanisms of influence, lacks the tools to accomplish these new objectives because these mechanisms were designed to exploit or accept the problems of statehood that now plague the liberal world order. Therefore, for the United States to make effective use of its abundance of power, it must either change its tools or its objectives.

abstract: When the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency recently declassified documents relating to the 1953 Coup in Iran, it was discovered that American involvement was much deeper than previously known. In fact, the CIA had orchestrated the coup against democratically-elected Mohammed Mossadegh. This action was sold to the United States public as being essential to democracy, which seems contradictory to its actual purpose. U.S. political leaders justified the coup by linking it to what Charles Mills calls “racial liberalism,” a longstanding ideological tradition in America that elevates the white citizen to a place of power and protection while making the racial noncitizens “others” in the political system. Political leaders in the United States relied on bribing the American media to portray the Shah as the white citizen and Mossadegh as a racial other, the white citizen was restored to power and the racial other was overthrown.
Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Social Justice and Human Rights 2016

Access to abstract permanently restricted to Ball State community only.
Establishing the research issue -- Methodology -- Literature review -- The era of James Walter Thompson, 1870-1900 -- A new century, a progressive era : 1901-1916 -- The selling problem, 1917-1925 -- Summary, conclusions, implications.
Access to this thesis permanently restricted to Ball State community only.
Department of English

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2009.
"Department of History University of Canterbury" Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-216). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Without a public arena, the women’s abolitionist movement employed traditional women’s activities in conjunction with writing for publication as their rhetorical force. Female antislavery societies incorporated a range of tactics including sewing clothing for escaped slaves, organizing fund-raising bazaars, and petitioning politicians. As with societies of men, women elected recording secretaries, submitted reports and addresses for newspaper publication, and some groups even developed tracts for public distribution. Denied the right to speak publicly, female antislavery societies used organizational documentation not only as a device to record their activities but also as a persuasive tool to shape public opinion. Many of the female antislavery societies communicated through the antislavery press. Local, regional, and national papers published constitutions, resolutions, reports, and addresses of women’s organizations. The Henry County Female Anti-Slavery Society (HCFASS) maintained vigorous publication activities. During their eight-year existence, from 1841 to 1849, the Free Labor Advocate, a regional antislavery newspaper, published HCFASS resolutions and addresses almost every year. In addition to Indiana periodicals, HCFASS leaders sent publication requests to national newspapers. Although scholars have profiled several New England societies, the characteristics of individual societies in the Midwest remain slim. Since the HCFASS achieved the most prolific publication record of any female society in Indiana it provides a strong case study for female antislavery rhetoric in the Midwest.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This thesis looks at the role that public history, expressed through civic pride and public memory, and military history have played in shaping the history of Vincennes, Indiana, from the battle fought by George Rogers Clark to the memorial named after him and finally with the four United States Navy ships named Vincennes.