Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Sociology, Ethnic and Racial Studies|Sociology, Demography“

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1

Lewis, Christopher. „LATINOS AND THE PRINCIPLES OF RACIAL DEMOGRAPHY“. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, Nr. 1 (2019): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000134.

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AbstractU.S. federal agencies should treat Latinos as a racial or quasi-racial group in demographic data collection, rather than an ethnic or pan-ethnic group, as they do currently. Survey data must rely on self-reported racial and ethnic identification. But people often identify their own race differently from how others perceive them. In order for self-reported survey data to be useful for the enforcement of antidiscrimination law, it is important that it tracks how others perceive the respondents’ race and ethnicity, not just how they see themselves. To capture racial perceptions of Latinos, government surveys need to balance three subsidiary criteria: the promotion of self-reported racial identifications that are useful as a proxy for the perceptions of others; the ability to measure intra-group differences in how Latinos are racially perceived; and the extent to which Latinos are collectively perceived as a race. A survey format that treated Latinos as a racial group would likely be more amenable to these goals than the current format, but there are some areas, which this paper identifies, where further empirical research is needed in order to be sure.
2

McDaniel, Susan A., Shiva S. Halli, Frank Trovato, Leo Driedger und Harry S. Hiller. „Ethnic Demography: Canadian Immigrant, Racial and Cultural Variations.“ Social Forces 72, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1993): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579864.

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3

Forste, Renata, und Marta Tienda. „What's Behind Racial and Ethnic Fertility Differentials?“ Population and Development Review 22 (1996): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2808008.

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4

Westhues, Anne, und Joyce S. Cohen. „Ethnic and Racial Identity of Internationally Adopted Adolescents and Young Adults“. Adoption Quarterly 1, Nr. 4 (22.06.1998): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j145v01n04_03.

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5

Thornton, Russell, und Jamshid A. Momeni. „Demography of Racial and Ethnic Minorities in the United States: An Annotated Bibliography with a Review Essay.“ Contemporary Sociology 14, Nr. 5 (September 1985): 602. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069535.

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6

Brockerhoff, Martin, Murray Friedman und Nancy Isserman. „The Tribal Basis of American Life: Racial, Religious, and Ethnic Groups in Conflict“. Population and Development Review 24, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1998): 880. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2808037.

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7

Marcelli, Margaret, Elizabeth Nutt Williams, Kelly Culotta und Benjamin Ertman. „The Impact of Racial-Ethnic Socialization Practices on International Transracial Adoptee Identity Development“. Adoption Quarterly 23, Nr. 4 (16.10.2020): 266–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10926755.2020.1833393.

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8

Perez, Anthony Daniel, und Charles Hirschman. „The Changing Racial and Ethnic Composition of the US Population: Emerging American Identities“. Population and Development Review 35, Nr. 1 (März 2009): 1–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2009.00260.x.

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9

Teitelbaum, Michael S. „Political demography: Powerful forces between disciplinary stools“. International Area Studies Review 17, Nr. 2 (Juni 2014): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865914534428.

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The interconnections between politics and the dramatic demographic changes underway around the world have been under-attended by the two research disciplines that could contribute most to their understanding: demography and political science. Instead this area of “political demography” has largely been ceded to political activists, pundits and journalists, leading to often exaggerated or garbled interpretation. The terrain includes issues that now rank among the most politically sensitive and contested in many parts of the world, engaging high-level attention including that of numerous presidents and premiers: alleged demographically-determined shifts in the international balance of power; low fertility, population aging, and the sustainability of public pension and other age-related systems; international migration; national identity; compositional shifts in politically sensitive social categories (ethnic/religious/racial/linguistic/national origin); and human rights. Moreover it now is apparent that many governments (and nongovernmental actors too) have actively been pursuing varieties of “strategic demography”, in which one or more of the three key demographic drivers (fertility, mortality, migration) have been deployed—consciously if not always explicitly—as instruments of their domestic or international strategies. The prospects for the coming decades seem to be for more of the same, and it would well behoove political scientists and demographers to employ their considerable knowledge and analytic techniques in ways that could improve public understanding and moderate the excessive claims and fears that prevail.
10

Pearson, Jay A. „CAN'T BUY ME WHITENESS“. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 5, Nr. 1 (2008): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x0808003x.

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AbstractA basic tenet of public health is that there is a robust relationship between socioeconomic status and health. Researchers widely accept that persons at average or median levels of socioeconomic status have better health compared to those at lower levels—with a detectable, if diminishing, gradient at even higher levels of socioeconomic status. The research on which this tenet is based, however, focuses largely on Whites, especially on White men. Yet according to the full range of extant findings, the magnitude and in some cases the direction of this relationship vary considerably for other demographic groups.I argue that the failure to clearly qualify study conclusions when they are restricted to the study of Whites impedes our understanding of the varying relationship between socioeconomic status and health for different demographic groups. Such an impediment is particularly harmful when considering health inequalities among populations defined by race and ethnicity. Frameworks and models based on traditional socioeconomic measures may mask heterogeneity, overestimate the benefits of material resources, underestimate psychosocial and physical health costs of resource acquisition for some groups, and overlook the value of alternative sociocultural orientations. These missed opportunities have grave consequences: large racial/ethnic health disparities persist while the health disadvantages of Black Americans continue to grow in key aspects. A new knowledge base is needed if racial/ethnic health disparities are to be eliminated, including new guiding theoretical frameworks, reinterpretations of existing research, and new empirical research. This article aims to initiate discussion on all three dimensions.
11

Sall, Dialika. „Convergent identifications, divergent meanings: the racial and ethnic identities of second-generation West African youth“. African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal 12, Nr. 2 (02.01.2019): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17528631.2018.1559785.

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12

Lee, Taeku. „FROM SHARED DEMOGRAPHIC CATEGORIES TO COMMON POLITICAL DESTINIES“. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, Nr. 2 (2007): 433–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070245.

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Little controversy remains about the profound shifts in the demographic landscape of the United States since the mid-1960s. Far more controversial is whether this transformation will bring about a new politics of race. This paper argues that a key to settling this debate is a clearer specification of the “identity-to-politics” link: the nexus between a population defined by shared racial and ethnic labels and a collective group politics based on those definitions. The paper articulates some potential pitfalls in how this nexus is commonly specified in empirical research and proposes an approach that distinguishes five key processes that are typically lumped together in linking shared demographic categories to common political destinies: definition, identification, consciousness, venue selection, and choice. The paper describes an example of this approach (the case of ethnoracial classification and the empirical measurement of race) and concludes by discussing its potential utility and limitations.
13

Osborn, Hannah J., Nicholas Sosa und Kimberly Rios. „Perceiving demographic diversity as a threat: Divergent effects of multiculturalism and polyculturalism“. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, Nr. 7 (05.11.2019): 1014–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430219880606.

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The growing racial/ethnic diversity in the United States can be perceived as threatening to White Americans. The present work examines how interethnic ideologies—different ways of framing ethnic diversity—moderate perceptions of threat and political conservatism among White Americans exposed to a passage about the US becoming a “majority-minority” nation. Across 3 studies, we found divergent effects of multiculturalism and polyculturalism within the context of growing diversity. Priming multiculturalism increased perceived threats to the ingroup’s power and status, which in turn led to greater endorsement of conservative political views (Studies 1 and 3) and warmer feelings toward a conservative political figure (i.e., Donald Trump; Studies 2 and 3); however, these relationships were attenuated and sometimes reversed among participants primed with polyculturalism. We discuss implications for how interethnic ideologies influence White Americans’ threatened responses to increasing diversity.
14

Coll, Joseph A. „Demographic Disparities Using Ranked-Choice Voting? Ranking Difficulty, Under-Voting, and the 2020 Democratic Primary“. Politics and Governance 9, Nr. 2 (15.06.2021): 293–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3913.

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Ranked choice voting (RCV) has become increasingly popular in recent years, as more jurisdictions in the US adopt the voting system for local, state, and federal elections. Though previous studies have found potential benefits of RCV, some evidence suggests ranking multiple candidates instead of choosing one most preferred candidate may be difficult, with potential demographic disparities linked to age, gender, or racial or ethnic identity. Further, these difficulties have been assumed to cause individuals to improperly fill out RCV ballots, such as ranking too many or not enough candidates. This study seeks to answer three interrelated questions: 1) Which demographic groups find it difficult to rank candidates in RCV elections? 2) Who is more likely to cast under-voted ballots (not ranking all candidates)? 3) Is there a relationship between finding RCV voting difficult and the likelihood of casting an under-voted ballot? Using unique national survey data of 2020 Democratic primary candidate preferences, the results indicate most respondents find ranking candidates easy, but older, less interested, and more ideologically conservative individuals find it more difficult. In a hypothetical ranking of primary candidates, 12% of respondents under-voted (did not rank all options). Despite their perceived increased difficulty, older individuals were less likely to under-vote their ballot. No other demographic groups consistently experienced systematic differences in ranking difficulty or under-voting across a series of model specifications. These findings support previous evidence of older voters having increased difficulty, but challenge research assuming difficulty leads to under-voting, and that racial and ethnic groups are disadvantaged by RCV.
15

Mehta, Purvi. „Diaspora as Spokesperson and Watchdog: Laxmi Berwa, VISION, and Anti-Caste Activism by Dalits in the United States“. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 21, Nr. 1 (01.03.2021): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.21.1.2020-11-06.

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In 1978, Dalit immigrants in New York and New Jersey came together to form the first anti-caste organization in the United States: Volunteers in the Service of India’s Oppressed and Neglected (VISION). A transnational activist organization with a specifically diasporic focus, VISION was created to advocate for India’s Dalits. This article analyzes the activism—protest, advocacy, and consciousness-raising—of VISION and one of its chief architects, Dr. Laxmi Berwa. Throughout the 1980s and afterwards, Berwa and members of VISION staged protests at venues large and small, appealed to international human rights organizations, and built cross-racial and ethnic alliances with other minoritized groups, especially African Americans. Their activism was instrumental in increasing the global visibility and awareness of the problem of caste and to building a transnational network of support for India’s Dalits. Anti-caste activism also shaped the formation of identity and community abroad; it exposed significant caste-based fissures in the Indian diaspora and revealed alternative ways of being, imagining, and utilizing a diasporic identity from what is often assumed in studies of Indian Americans. This article argues that transnational activism by Berwa and VISION helped constitute a new community in the United States, a community of overseas anti-caste activists, in short, a Dalit diaspora.
16

Abramowitz, Alan, und Jennifer McCoy. „United States: Racial Resentment, Negative Partisanship, and Polarization in Trump’s America“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, Nr. 1 (20.12.2018): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218811309.

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Growing racial, ideological, and cultural polarization within the American electorate contributed to the shocking victory of Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. Using data from American National Election Studies surveys, we show that Trump’s unusually explicit appeals to racial and ethnic resentment attracted strong support from white working-class voters while repelling many college-educated whites along with the overwhelming majority of nonwhite voters. However, Trump’s campaign exploited divisions that have been growing within the electorate for decades because of demographic and cultural changes in American society. The 2016 presidential campaign also reinforced another longstanding trend in American electoral politics: the rise of negative partisanship, that is voting based on hostility toward the opposing party and its leaders. We conclude with a discussion of the consequences of deepening partisan and affective polarization for American democracy and the perceptions by both experts and the public of an erosion in its quality.
17

Reft, Ryan. „The Metropolitan Military: Homeownership Resistance to Military Family Housing in Southern California, 1979-1990“. Journal of Urban History 43, Nr. 5 (18.06.2015): 767–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144215590582.

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Despite its dependence on military investment, large segments of the Sunbelt have always expressed ambivalence toward military housing. From 1941 to 1973, real estate interests served as the primary resistance to the construction of military housing; however, during the 1970s, due to economic changes, tax revolts, New Right fiscal and social policies, and the transformation to the all-volunteer force (AVF), opposition to military housing transferred from real estate interests to homeowners. From 1979 to 1990, the Navy’s attempt to construct military family housing in San Diego encountered angry homeowners who resented the tax exempt status of housing and accused military households of overburdening school infrastructure, reducing property values, and spreading social dysfunction. Demographic changes resulting from the AVF yielded more families and greater ethnic and racial diversity, which failed to align with suburban norms and thereby marginalized service households socially and politically.
18

Dickerson vonLockette, Niki T., und Jacqueline Johnson. „LATINO EMPLOYMENT AND RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION IN METROPOLITAN LABOR MARKETS“. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, Nr. 1 (2010): 151–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x10000147.

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AbstractThe spatial configuration of minorities relative to Whites in a metropolitan area, or residential segregation, has been identified as a significant barrier to access to employment opportunities for racial/ethnic minorities, including Latinos, in metropolitan labor markets. Dominating the research are tests of place stratification models that focus on segregated ethnic enclaves or the mismatch between minority communities and employment opportunities. Both approaches focus on predominantly Latino neighborhoods and communities, but overlook their structural location and isolation in the broader metropolitan labor market. This study examines whether and to what extent structural characteristics of metropolitan labor markets in which Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans live and work shape their employment opportunities and whether or not these relationships vary across the three Latino native-origin groups. We utilize a unique dataset of the demographic, employment, educational, occupational, and industrial characteristics of the 95 largest US cities. The analyses feature both OLS regression to ascertain if varying levels of segregation across metropolitan areas in 2000 is associated with different levels of employment for Latinos, and a fixed-effects analysis to determine if changes in these structural factors between 1980 and 2000 within the same labor market affect the employment rates of Latinos in that metropolitan area. We find that segregation has a deleterious effect on Latino men's employment; in cities where segregation is worse, their employment rates are lower, and as the cities that they live in became more segregated over the 20 year period of study, their employment rates decreased.
19

Lara-Cinisomo, Sandraluz, Bing Han und Rachel Neuhausen. „Exploring the Role of Depressive Symptoms, Service Members, and Spousal Demographic Characteristics on Military Spousal Employment“. Armed Forces & Society 46, Nr. 3 (20.05.2019): 397–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19848013.

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Military spouses, most of whom are women, often contend with a number of factors that can influence their employment status. Previous studies have examined the role of service-member and spousal demographic characteristics on wives’ employment. However, little is known about the role spousal mental health has on employment while controlling for demographic characteristics. Using repeated-measures logistic regressions, this longitudinal study explored associations between spousal mental health and employment while controlling for service-member and spousal characteristics in a sample of 1,164 women. Fewer depressive symptoms were significantly associated with employment ( p < .05). Spouses of enlisted personnel, women who were older, racial/ethnic minorities, homeowners, or had city stability, had higher odds of employment ( p < .05). Military spouses of active duty service members and those less educated had lower odds of employment ( p < .05). Depressive symptoms and demographic characteristics should guide employment opportunity programs for military spouses.
20

Khan, Mushira Mohsin, Karen Kobayashi, Zoua M. Vang und Sharon M. Lee. „Are visible minorities “invisible” in Canadian health data and research? A scoping review“. International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 13, Nr. 1 (06.03.2017): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-10-2015-0036.

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Purpose Canada’s visible minority population is increasing rapidly, yet despite the demographic significance of this population, there is a surprising dearth of nationally representative health data on visible minorities. This is a major challenge to undertaking research on the health of this group, particularly in the context of investigating racial/ethnic disparities and health disadvantages that are rooted in racialization. The purpose of this paper is to summarize: mortality and morbidity patterns for visible minorities; determinants of visible minority health; health status and determinants of the health of visible minority older adults (VMOA); and promising data sources that may be used to examine visible minority health in future research. Design/methodology/approach A scoping review of 99 studies or publications published between 1978 and 2014 (abstracts of 72 and full articles of 27) was conducted to summarize data and research findings on visible minority health to answer four specific questions: what is known about the morbidity and mortality patterns of visible minorities relative to white Canadians? What is known about the determinants of visible minority health? What is known about the health status of VMOA, a growing segment of Canada’s aging population, and how does this compare with white older adults? And finally, what data sources have been used to study visible minority health? Findings There is indeed a major gap in health data and research on visible minorities in Canada. Further, many studies failed to distinguish between immigrants and Canadian-born visible minorities, thus conflating effects of racial status with those of immigrant status on health. The VMOA population is even more invisible in health data and research. The most promising data set appears to be the Canadian Community Health Survey (CCHS). Originality/value This paper makes an important contribution by providing a comprehensive overview of the nature, extent, and range of data and research available on the health of visible minorities in Canada. The authors make two key recommendations: first, over-sampling visible minorities in standard health surveys such as the CCHS, or conducting targeted health surveys of visible minorities. Surveys should collect information on key socio-demographic characteristics such as nativity, ethnic origin, socioeconomic status, and age-at-arrival for immigrants. Second, researchers should consider an intersectionality approach that takes into account the multiple factors that may affect a visible minority person’s health, including the role of discrimination based on racial status, immigrant characteristics for foreign-born visible minorities, age and the role of ageism for older adults, socioeconomic status, gender (for visible minority women), and geographic place or residence in their analyses.
21

Baker, Regina S. „Why is the American South Poorer?“ Social Forces 99, Nr. 1 (12.12.2019): 126–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soz149.

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ABSTRACT While American poverty research has devoted greater attention to poverty in the Northeast and Midwest, poverty has been persistently higher in the U.S. South than in the other regions. Thus, this study investigates the enduring question of why poverty is higher in the South. Specifically, it demonstrates the role of power resources as an explanation for this regional disparity, yet also considers family demography, economic structure, and racial/ethnic heterogeneity. Using six waves (2000–2016) of U.S. Census Current Population Survey data from the Luxembourg Income Study (N = 1,157,914), this study employs a triangulation of analytic techniques: (1) tests of means and proportion differences, (2) multilevel linear probability models of poverty, and (3) binary decomposition of the South/non-South poverty gap. The comparison of means associated with the power resource hypothesis yields the largest substantive differences between the South and the non-South. In the multilevel models, adjusting for power resources yields the largest declines in the South coefficient. Binary decomposition results indicate power resources are the second most influential factor explaining the South/non-South poverty gap. Overall, power resources are an important source of the South/non-South poverty gap, though economic structure and other factors certainly also play a role. Results also suggest an important interplay between power resources and race. Altogether, these results underscore the importance of macrolevel characteristics of places, including political and economic contexts, in shaping individual poverty and overall patterns of inequality.
22

Vasquez, Elias Provencio, Joseph P. De Santis, Holly J. Mata und Leslie K. Robbins. „A Comparison of Sexual Health and Sexual Behaviors by Sexual Orientation among Hispanic Men Residing along the US-Mexico Border“. Men and Masculinities 20, Nr. 4 (26.08.2016): 506–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x16663260.

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Background/significance: High rates of HIV infection and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs) related to high-risk sexual behaviors are a public health problem in the United States. Hispanics have the second highest rates of HIV infection among racial/ethnic minorities. Previous research with Hispanic men has identified a number of factors that influence sexual risk and render Hispanic men at risk for HIV/STIs that vary by sexual orientation. Despite these differences in sexual risk by sexual orientation, no study to date has compared the sexual behaviors of Hispanic men by sexual orientation. Objective: The purpose of this study was to compare the sexual behaviors of a sample of Hispanic men residing along the US-Mexico border by sexual orientation. Method: A descriptive, cross-sectional design was used to collect data from 103 Hispanic men in a US-Mexico border community. The sample included fifty heterosexual men and fifty-three men who have sex with men (MSM). Participants completed two measures of sexual health/sexual behaviors and a demographic questionnaire. Results: Among this sample of Hispanic men, fewer heterosexual men were tested for HIV infection compared to MSM, more MSM reported HIV infection, MSM had higher rates of certain STIs, and MSM reported more sexual partners. MSM were more likely to experience sexual violence. Heterosexual Hispanic men reported lower rates of condom usage when compared to Hispanic MSM. Implications: Hispanic men as a population may engage in high-risk sexual behaviors that place them at risk for HIV/STIs. More research focused on Hispanic men residing along the US-Mexico border can provide the foundation for intervention studies to help this population of men decrease their risk for HIV/STIs.
23

Martiniello, Marco. „Visual sociology approaches in migration, ethnic and racial studies“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 40, Nr. 8 (06.03.2017): 1184–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2017.1295163.

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24

Murji, Karim. „Sociology and the teaching of ethnic and racial studies“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 26, Nr. 3 (Januar 2003): 503–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0141987032000067318.

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25

Banton, Michael. „Teaching ethnic and racial studies“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 26, Nr. 3 (Januar 2003): 488–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0141987032000067309.

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26

Kamo, Yoshinori. „Racial and Ethnic Differences in Extended Family Households“. Sociological Perspectives 43, Nr. 2 (Juni 2000): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389794.

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Prevalence of extended family households and factors associated with them are examined for non-Hispanic whites, African Americans, Asians, and Hispanics using data from the 1990 U.S. Census. Nuclear family households and three distinct types of extended family households (upward, downward, and horizontal) are identified, and racial/ethnic differences in the distribution of these types are noted. I contend that household extensions occur as a result of a combination of economic, demographic, and cultural factors. To examine economic aspects of household extension, I first examine income distributions across various household types. Then, using multinomial logistic regression, I identify economic, demographic, and cultural factors related to the three different types of extended family households. Even after racial/ethnic differences in demographic and economic variables are accounted for, preferences for downward extension among African Americans, upward extension among Asians, and horizontal extension among Hispanics still remain, suggesting an independent effect of racial/ethnic culture regarding household extension.
27

Banton, Michael. „Progress in ethnic and racial studies“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 24, Nr. 2 (Januar 2001): 173–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870020023409.

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28

Burt, Callie Harbin, Ronald L. Simons und Frederick X. Gibbons. „Racial Discrimination, Ethnic-Racial Socialization, and Crime“. American Sociological Review 77, Nr. 4 (08.06.2012): 648–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122412448648.

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Dominant theoretical explanations of racial disparities in criminal offending overlook a key risk factor associated with race: interpersonal racial discrimination. Building on recent studies that analyze race and crime at the micro-level, we specify a social psychological model linking personal experiences with racial discrimination to an increased risk of offending. We add to this model a consideration of an adaptive facet of African American culture: ethnic-racial socialization, and explore whether two forms—cultural socialization and preparation for bias—provide resilience to the criminogenic effects of interpersonal racial discrimination. Using panel data from several hundred African American male youth from the Family and Community Health Study, we find that racial discrimination is positively associated with increased crime in large part by augmenting depression, hostile views of relationships, and disengagement from conventional norms. Results also indicate that preparation for bias significantly reduces the effects of discrimination on crime, primarily by reducing the effects of these social psychological mediators on offending. Cultural socialization has a less influential but beneficial effect. Finally, we show that the more general parenting context within which preparation for bias takes place influences its protective effects.
29

Frideres, James S. „Handbook of the sociology of racial and ethnic relations“. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 30, Nr. 5 (September 2009): 461–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01434630903148789.

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Banton, Michael. „Three current issues in ethnic and racial studies“. British Journal of Sociology 56, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2005): 621–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4446.2005.00086.x.

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31

Hanchard, Michael G. „Response to Ethnic and Racial Studies interlocutors“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 42, Nr. 8 (25.04.2019): 1333–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2019.1588343.

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32

Bulmer, Martin, und John Solomos. „Introduction: Re-thinking Ethnic and Racial Studies“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 21, Nr. 5 (Januar 1998): 819–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014198798329667.

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33

Perez, Anthony Daniel, und Charles Hirschman. „2. Estimating Net Interracial Mobility in the United States: A Residual Methods Approach“. Sociological Methodology 39, Nr. 1 (August 2009): 31–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9531.2009.01220.x.

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This paper presents a residual methods approach to identifying social mobility across race/ethnic categories. In traditional demographic accounting models, population growth is limited to changes in natural increase and migration. Other sources of population change are absorbed by the model residual and can be estimated only indirectly. While these residual estimates have been used to illuminate a number of elusive demographic processes, there has been little effort to incorporate shifts in racial identification into formal accounts of population change. In light of growing evidence that a number of Americans view race/ethnic identities as a personal choice, not as a fixed characteristic, mobility across racial categories may play important roles in the growth of race/ethnic subpopulations and changes to the composition of the United States. To examine this potential, we derive a reduced-form population balancing equation that treats fertility and international migration as given and estimates survival from period life table data. After subtracting out national increase and net international migration and adjusting for changes in racial measurement and census coverage, we argue that the remaining error of closure provides a reasonable estimate of net interracial mobility among the native born. Using recent U.S. Census and ACS microdata, we illustrate the impact that identity shifts may have had on the growth of race/ethnic subpopulations in the past quarter century. Findings suggest a small drift from the non-Hispanic white population into race/ethnic minority groups, though the pattern varies by age and between time periods.
34

Bulmer, Martin, und John Solomos. „Changing research agendas in Ethnic and Racial Studies“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 31, Nr. 7 (10.09.2008): 1191–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870802344290.

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35

Ortiz, Vilma. „Towards unifying racial and ethnic paradigms“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 40, Nr. 13 (18.07.2017): 2240–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2017.1344262.

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36

Chivers, T. S. „Introduction: Rationalising racial and ethnic competition“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 8, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1985): 465–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1985.9993501.

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37

Nunnally, Shayla C. „LINKING BLACKNESS OR ETHNIC OTHERING?“ Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, Nr. 2 (2010): 335–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x10000305.

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AbstractDawson (1994) submits Black linked fate is a major predictor of Black political behavior. This theory conjectures that the experiences of African Americans with race and racial discrimination in the United States unify their personal interests under a rubric of interests that are best for the Black racial group. With increasing Black ethnic diversity in the United States, however, it becomes important to ascertain how African Americans perceive linkages across Black ethnic groups. This study examines African Americans' linkages with West Indian and African peoples in the United States, referred to here as diasporic linked fate. The study tests the influence of parent-child, intra-racial socialization messages on these linkages. Results suggest that, while a majority of African Americans acknowledge Black linked fate, they distinguish these linkages based on ethnicity and have more tenuous linkages with West Indians and Africans in the United States. While intra-racial socialization messages offer some import in explaining perceived differences in Black ethnic groups' living experiences, more frequent experiences with racial discrimination, and membership in a Black organization offer more import in explaining diasporic linked fate.
38

Deaux, Kay. „Ethnic/Racial Identity: Fuzzy Categories and Shifting Positions“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 677, Nr. 1 (25.04.2018): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218754834.

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Demographic changes and increasing diversity in the United States bring about changes in how people define themselves and how they categorize others. I describe three issues that are relevant to the labeling and self-definition of ethnic groups in U.S. society: (1) the creation and definition of identity categories, (2) the subjectivity of self-definition, and (3) the flexibility of identity expression. In each case, substantial research from social psychology and related disciplines supports a socially constructed definition and use of ethnic categories, wherein identities are subject to the influence of local and national norms and are amenable to change across situations and over time.
39

Wu, Zheng, Christoph M. Schimmele und Feng Hou. „Self-perceived Integration of Immigrants and their Children“. Canadian Journal of Sociology 37, Nr. 4 (23.12.2012): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs11713.

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The purpose of this study is to examine whether there are intergenerational differences in the self-perceived integration of immigrants. The analysis disentangles this relationship from the effects of ethno-racial status and other individual-level characteristics. In addition, it examines the effects of neighborhood socio-demographic composition, such as living in an ethnic enclave. The study merges data from the 2001 Canadian Census and the post-censal Ethnic Diversity Survey. The study focuses on two dimensions of self-perceived integration, sense of belonging and feelings of discomfort living in the host society. The core finding is that the relationship between immigrant generation and integration is complex. This relationship is conditional on ethno-racial status and neighborhood of residence. The findings question “straight-line” theories of intergenerational progress and demonstrate the need to use a fine-grained approach for understanding the integration process.
40

Quillian, Lincoln, und Arnfinn H. Midtbøen. „Comparative Perspectives on Racial Discrimination in Hiring: The Rise of Field Experiments“. Annual Review of Sociology 47, Nr. 1 (31.07.2021): 391–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-090420-035144.

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This article reviews studies of hiring discrimination against racial and ethnic minority groups in cross-national perspective. We focus on field experimental studies of hiring discrimination: studies that use fictitious applications from members of different racial and ethnic groups to apply for actual jobs. There are more than 140 field experimental studies of hiring discrimination against ethno-racial minority groups in 30 countries. We outline seventeen empirical findings from this body of studies. We also discuss individual and contextual theories of hiring discrimination, the relative strengths and weaknesses of field experiments to assess discrimination, and the history of such field experiments. The comparative scope of this body of research helps to move beyond micromodels of employer decision-making to better understand the roles of history, social context, institutional rules, and racist ideologies in producing discrimination. These studies show that racial and ethnic discrimination is a pervasive international phenomenon that has hardly declined over time, although levels vary significantly over countries. Evidence indicates that institutional rules regarding race and ethnicity in hiring can have an important influence on levels of discrimination. Suggestions for future research on discrimination are discussed.
41

Lee, Sunhwa. „Racial and Ethnic Differences in Women's Retirement Security“. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 30, Nr. 2-3 (26.06.2009): 141–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15544770902901890.

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42

Owens, Ann, und Jennifer Candipan. „Racial/Ethnic Transition and Hierarchy Among Ascending Neighborhoods“. Urban Affairs Review 55, Nr. 6 (19.04.2018): 1550–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087418770810.

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This article examines the racial/ethnic population dynamics of ascending neighborhoods—those experiencing socioeconomic growth. Drawing on Census and American Community Survey data from 1990 to 2010, we first explore whether changes in racial/ethnic composition occur alongside ascent. We find that, while most neighborhoods’ racial/ethnic composition does not dramatically change during this period, neighborhoods that experienced ascent are much more likely to transition from majority-minority to mixed race or predominantly White than nonascending neighborhoods. Then, we use microdata to analyze whether two potential drivers of ascent, the in-migration of higher-socioeconomic status (SES) households and changes in the fortunes of long-term residents, are racially/ethnically stratified. We argue that the process of neighborhood socioeconomic ascent perpetuates neighborhood racial/ethnic hierarchy. While most Black and Hispanic neighborhoods remain majority-minority, those that ascend are more likely to experience a succession of high-SES White residents replacing minority residents.
43

Meller, Norman. „Ethnic and racial cleavages in pacific Island constitutions“. Journal of Pacific History 32, Nr. 2 (November 1997): 203–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223349708572838.

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44

Hoang, Bai Linh. „Racial Disparities in Public Meeting Participation? Examining Past Evidence and Nationally Representative Data“. Urban Affairs Review 57, Nr. 1 (29.04.2019): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087419844024.

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Are there racial/ethnic disparities in local public meeting participation? To date, very few studies investigating this question centrally or peripherally have relied on nationally representative data. Thus, in this research note, I discuss some of the limitations associated with previous studies that have examined the characteristics of public meeting participants. More importantly, I analyze data provided by the American National Election Studies (ANES) to investigate the extent to which group disparities, especially racial/ethnic disparities, exist in public meeting participation. The analysis of pooled data from the ANES does not reveal, on a general level, racial/ethnic group differences in public meeting participation, but it does suggest that such differences may exist among the economically vulnerable. I conclude with proposals of how to move forward with conducting research on public meeting participation.
45

Bhattacharyya, Gargi. „In defence of amateurism - on not professionalizing ethnic and racial studies“. Ethnic and Racial Studies 26, Nr. 3 (Januar 2003): 523–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0141987032000067345.

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46

Craig, Maureen A., Julian M. Rucker und Jennifer A. Richeson. „Racial and Political Dynamics of an Approaching “Majority-Minority” United States“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 677, Nr. 1 (25.04.2018): 204–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218766269.

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Do demographic shifts in the racial composition of the United States promote positive changes in the nation’s racial dynamics? Change in response to the nation’s growing diversity is likely, but its direction and scope are less clear. This review integrates emerging social-scientific research that examines how Americans are responding to the projected changes in the racial/ethnic demographics of the United States. Specifically, we review recent empirical research that examines how exposure to information that the United States is becoming a “majority-minority” nation affects racial attitudes and several political outcomes (e.g., ideology, policy preferences), and the psychological mechanisms that give rise to those attitudes. We focus primarily on the reactions of members of the current dominant racial group (i.e., white Americans). We then consider important implications of these findings and propose essential questions for future research.
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Abrajano, Marisa, und R. Michael Alvarez. „Answering Questions About Race: How Racial and Ethnic Identities Influence Survey Response“. American Politics Research 47, Nr. 2 (21.11.2018): 250–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18812039.

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Given the fundamental role that race and ethnicity play in U.S. society, sensitive survey items on this subject can often lead individuals to underreport their true attitudes. Previous studies have shown that the absence of an interviewer reduces the pressure to provide socially desirable responses. The 2012 and 2016 American National Election Studies (ANES), where both interviewer and self-administered surveys were used, allows us to test whether mode effects emerge in the way respondents answer survey items related to racial attitudes. We also expect mode effects to vary based on the extent to which individuals are politically socialized in the United States. We find that respondents tend to underreport their racial animosity in interview-administered versus online surveys. Moreover, underreporting is nonexistent in the responses provided by foreign-born Latinos, but emerges for U.S.-born Latinos, Blacks, and Whites. These findings pose a number of implications for our understanding of racial attitudes and survey mode.
48

Oswald, Frederick L., Gregory Mitchell, Hart Blanton, James Jaccard und Philip E. Tetlock. „Predicting ethnic and racial discrimination: A meta-analysis of IAT criterion studies.“ Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 105, Nr. 2 (August 2013): 171–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0032734.

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49

Henry-Sanchez, Brenda L., und Arline T. Geronimus. „RACIAL/ETHNIC DISPARITIES IN INFANT MORTALITY AMONG U.S. LATINOS“. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 10, Nr. 1 (2013): 205–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x13000064.

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AbstractDespite shared colonization histories between the United States and Latin America, research examining racial disparities in health in the United States has often neglected Latinos. Additionally, descendants from Latin America residing in the United States are often categorized under the pan-ethnic label of Hispanic or Latino. This categorization obscures the group's heterogeneity, which is illuminated by research showing consistent differences in health for the three largest segments of the Latino population—Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans. We examine whether the patterns of infant mortality associated with race in the non-Latino population also follow for Latinos. We also examine whether we can attribute patterns of infant mortality between the three largest Latino sub-groups to a process we term segmented racialization. We find that race operates for Latinos the same way it does for the non-Latino population and that there seems to be some evidence to support our segmented racialization hypothesis. The results point to the need to abandon the practices of combining Latino sub-groups as well as ignoring the racial diversity within the Latino population in health research.
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Arora, Maneesh. „Immigrant Opposition in a Changing National Demographic“. Political Research Quarterly 73, Nr. 2 (09.02.2019): 340–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919827107.

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This article advances the argument that the effects of demographic change on individual-level immigration policy preferences is dependent on the level of segregation in the individuals’ local context. Increases in the immigrant population in highly segregated counties should increase opposition to immigration because opportunities for contact and exposure are missing and group differences are emphasized. Meanwhile, population increases in more integrated counties should lead to an alleviation of interethnic tensions due to more frequent opportunities for contact. Furthermore, whites may react differently to changes in racial/ethnic composition of a local context depending on the particular group moving into the area because some groups are closer to fulfilling Allport’s equal status contact condition than others. The empirical analysis finds strong support for the first assertion that population growth of Latina/os and Asian Americans in highly segregated areas results in support for restrictive immigration policy, while population growth in more integrated areas results in support for permissive immigration policy. The results are inconclusive for the second assertion as the effects of Asian American and Latina/o population growth are so highly dependent on segregation levels.

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