Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „European and international cooperation”

The thesis seeks to explain the emergence of the EU’s international investment policy since the 1980s. Building on theories of European Integration, it tests two ex ante hypotheses. Hypothesis H1 builds on supranational thinking and stipulates that the Commission acted as policy entrepreneur and pushed for the communitarisation of international investment policy-making. Hypothesis H2 builds on liberal intergovernmental thinking and stipulates that European business successfully lobbied the Member States for a communitarisation of international investment policy-making in order to ensure access to competitive state-of-the-art international investment agreements. To assess the validity of these hypotheses, the thesis traces throughout history and examines policy-making instances, which decisively shaped the EU’s de facto and legal competences in international investment policy since the 1980s. It examines the EU’s involvement in investment-related negotiations during the Uruguay Round, on the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT), on the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) and on Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with Mexico and Chile. It, moreover, analyses EU-internal debates on the EU’s legal competences in international investment regulation in the context of intergovernmental conferences on Treaty revisions and legal proceedings before the European Court of Justice. The joined analysis of international and EU-internal negotiations suggests that supranational thinking and Commission entrepreneurship best describe the integration process leading to the emergence of the EU’s international investment policy. The Commission acted as resourceful policy entrepreneur and used agenda setting, invoked the evolving trade agenda, fringe, implied and de facto competences, strategically used different international negotiating fora and legal review in order to consolidate the EU’s role in international investment policy. Functional and power considerations fuelled the Commission’s policy entrepreneurship. European business, on the other hand, was hardly informed, organised and interested in international investment policy-making. It did not seek to influence European or national policy-makers. The Member States, finally, occasionally favoured cooperating in certain international negotiating fora in order to maximise their bargaining power and to reach for the best possible deals with third countries. More often, however, they sought to contain the EU’s involvement and competences in international investment policy. The thesis makes an important empirical contribution to our knowledge of EU foreign economic policy. It is the first study to comprehensively document and to explain the EU’s role in the global investment regime. It, moreover, contributes to the long-standing debate between supranational and intergovernmental accounts of European Integration. It challenges mainstream assumptions on the role of business in the international investment regime and global political economy and finally contributes to historical institutionalist research on endogenous agency-driven institutional change.

Two NATO allies, Great Britain and France, exerted greater influence on US foreign policy than most analysts assume. They did so even during the 1950s and early 1960s when the United States enjoyed undisputed economic and military supremacy in the alliance. This study hypothesizes that the British and French influence on US foreign policy is explained both by the existence of transnational and transgovernmental coalitions and by the cohesion of weak allies toward the alliance leader. Yet although both cohesion and coalitions are complementary in influencing US foreign policy, the relationship between coalitions and influence is more critical. To investigate the proposed relationships, the study relies on an analysis of three events during which both Great Britain and France challenged US policies: the Korean War, the Suez crisis, and the 1958-1963 test ban negotiations.

This research project investigates the governing of Europe’s external border. It analyses how the common Schengen short-stay visa policy has been applied in practice by member states in the period from 2005 to 2010. So far, little systematic theoretical and empirical research has been carried out on the implementation of Schengen. The contributions of the thesis are two-fold. Firstly, it makes available a comprehensive and easily accessible database on the visa requirements, issuing-practices and consular representation of EU states in all third countries. It enables researchers to map out and compare how restrictively the visa policy is implemented by different member states and across sending countries. Secondly, the project provides three separate papers that in different ways make use of the database to explore and explain the varying openness of Europe’s border and dynamics of cooperation among member states. The three papers are tied together by a framework conceptualising Schengen as a border regime with two key dimensions: restrictiveness and integration. The first paper asks to what extent, and why, Europe’s border is more open to visitors of some nationalities rather than others. The second paper investigates to what extent, and why, EU states cooperate on sharing consular facilities in the visa-issuing process. The third paper examines to what extent, and why, Schengen participation has a restrictive impact on the visa-issuing practices of member countries. The analyses test existing theories and develop new concepts and models. The three papers engage with rationalist and constructivist theories and seek to assess their relative explanatory power. In doing so, the project makes use of different quantitative comparative approaches. It employs regression analysis, social network analytical tools and quasi-experimental design. Overall, the thesis concludes that Schengen is characterized by extensive cooperation and restrictive practices towards especially visitors from poor, Muslim-majority and refugeeproducing countries.

The European Union (EU) has long strived to act collectively in the face of international challenges such as poverty, hunger and state fragility beyond its borders. While the EU member states and institutions seek coherent responses to these challenges, they also have partly competing agendas. Yet there has been increasing agreement on collective action. To understand this agreement, this thesis asks how policy professionals contribute to the advocacy of policy norms for collective action between the EU institutions and the member states. The research analyses policy processes in EU development cooperation since the early 2000s. In development cooperation the EU's effectiveness has been particularly contested because of the combination of competing ideas about the EU's role and about how to achieve effective and sustainable development. The research finds that, while formal decisions about collective action remain in the hands of member states, transnational networks of policy professionals in the EU institutions, member state bureaucracies and civil society contribute to shaping the terms of debate regarding the EU's role in effective development cooperation. These network interactions, which form around institutional decision-making centres, transcend the organisational boundaries of member state bureaucracies, EU institutions and civil society organisations. These findings fill a gap in our understanding of how EU norms governing collective external action are advocated as existing research has tended to focus on how institutional structure facilitate state coordination. By concentrating on the cases of Germany and the United Kingdom and their engagement with the EU institutions, the research revises existing, dominant views on norm advocacy in EU external action: It links the previously little related concepts of norm advocacy and discursive networks to analyse the agency and scope of policy professionals in the advocacy of EU policy norms; and it provides new empirical insights into the role of these policy professionals for collective action between the EU institutions and the member states in development cooperation.

This thesis traces the development of styles and theories of cultural cooperation from the pre-World War II models developed by France and Britain in particular, through the post-WWII international cooperation structures which included cultural cooperation as part of their structures. Organisations considered include the International Committee for Intellectual Cooperation, the Brussels Treaty Organisation, the Council of Europe and the European Union, focusing primarily on the non-educational or scientific aspects of cultural cooperation. Sources used include documentation of the two latter bodies and the public records of the UK Foreign Office and Ministry of Education. Intellectual cooperation was launched under the auspices of the League of Nations as a separate entity from the bilateral cultural relations of governments. Its tradition continues to be powerfully felt in the activity of the Council of Europe, after WWII the fulcrum of multilateral cultural cooperation. The thesis shows how it moved away from acting as a counterpoint to political developments towards the creation of a programme based on sociological study, which contained a strong element of federalist ideology, developing its own orthodoxy of "cultural policy", until partly "repossessed" in the 1990s by political imperatives. The contrast with the tightly regulated European Union is marked, and shows in certain respects a return to earlier experiments in cultural cooperation, which developed most of its theory and practice in the pre-1992 era when the Community Treaty did not provide for action in the field of culture. The thesis argues that the EU's cultural programme is not a manifestation of a "Europeanisation" of cultural policy, although policies elsewhere in the organisation may well have that effect, but of multilateral cultural cooperation.

This thesis examines the effects of cooperation within multilateral counter-terrorist fora on the process of preference formation of a selected group of Western countries: the United States, the United Kingdom and Italy. The analysis focuses on the global counter-terrorist regime, a set of complex and multifaceted institutional arrangements, which were developed in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks in order to harmonise state counter-terrorist responses worldwide. The study looks at three sets of formal international institutions within the regime: the United Nations, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and the European Union. It also selects a sample of three issue areas in multilateral counter-terrorist cooperation: counter-radicalisation policies, the inclusion of human rights safeguards within the main counter-terrorist sanctions provisions, and counter-terrorist financing standards. The thesis identifies as the visible symptom of institutional effects the progressive convergence of policy outputs at member state level, and proceeds with an exploration of the processes of regime creation, evolution, reform, and participation on the part of the three country case studies. The analysis reveals that the instances of pro-institution behaviour displayed by state actors are occasioned by image-related group-pressures, triggered by considerations of the maximisation of status markers and social praise, and the related avoidance of shame and social devaluation. The thesis labels this process social influence. The study further outlines the specific conditions under which interaction within a group can activate the social influence phenomenon and identifies the main triggers of state actors’ particular sensitivity to image and shame.

The development of an energy role for the European Union has been a divisive area of EU policy. The competing interests and differing perspectives of member states, EU institutions and commercial energy players have hampered the development of downstream European internal energy markets, obstructed the construction of mid-stream transportation routes that would diversify European energy supplies and hindered the EU’s ability to ‘speak with one voice’ towards major suppliers. However, despite widespread scholarly coverage of EU energy issues, the tri-lateral upstream interaction between European institutions, member states and energy companies in the countries where oil and gas are produced has received less academic attention. This thesis seeks to address this lacuna in the literature through an examination of upstream intra-EU cooperation in the Caspian region. This study finds that the EU’s upstream oil and gas policy in the Caspian is, relatively speaking, more coherent than many other areas of European energy policy. In the Caspian, European convergence forms, in particular, around the EU’s collective political risk mitigation and market facilitation role. Employing an interdisciplinary International Political Economy approach, the thesis examines how the EU’s model of European energy supply entails dependence on the commercial sector which compels political actors to support companies in strategic regions through milieu-shaping energy governance and commercial (energy) diplomacy. The thesis demonstrates how European actors share similar upstream risk perceptions, promote overlapping security and market-based policy perspectives and how both member states and companies increasingly encourage an EU foreign policy role in meeting these upstream challenges. In doing so, this research examines the EU’s risk-mitigating external energy governance, the EU’s diplomatic practice in upstream energy and the dynamics of European politico-commercial interaction in the Caspian - core aspects of an under-researched, but ultimately increasingly cooperative, part of EU external energy policy.

Globalization has had two major implications for national merger control regimes: national competition authorities are called more and more to examine transactions with cross-border dimensions and secondly, domestic business practices may be scrutinized by foreign nations. In light of this, divergent substantive standards have become a source of international friction, notably between the two most mature merger control regimes, the European Union and the United States.
Facing this new reality, it has become clear that some sort of international arrangement will be needed in order to reduce the inefficiencies created by multijurisdictional review. Various proposals have been made, ranging from ambitious ones that would include the creation of an international competition code and enforcement agency, to more realistic proposals of achieving international coordination of merger control regimes through bilateral and multilateral cooperation amongst antitrust agencies.
This thesis argues that the path of large-scale cooperation is the most appropriate way to cope with the problems raised by globalization. As such, cooperation does not imply the harmonization of merger control regimes. The future lies in the hands of the International Competition Network which, despite considerable achievements, must evolve in the near future.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: NASA, European Space Agency, ESA, International Cooperation, Transatlantic Relations, Nationalism, INTELSAT, Ulysses, Galileo, SOFIA, ISS, International Space Station, Constellation, Aurora, Vision for Space Exploration, Moon, Mars. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-95). Also available in print.

What explains IMF behavior in Europe between 2008 and 2012? Harshly criticized in Greece, yet tentatively praised in Hungary, the institution found itself playing different roles as it responded to a string of financial crises. Its programs varied substantially in terms of conditionality, financing, and private sector involvement. This thesis explores why, highlighting the changing global financial safety net, which is both expanding and becoming more decentralized due to the spectacular rise of regional financing arrangements (RFAs). Existing theories of IMF behavior assume the Fund to be a stand-alone institution and analyse financial assistance as the outcome from the interplay between creditors, borrowers, and staff. By focusing on dynamics within the IMF, however, they miss how developments outside the institution are increasingly shaping its behavior. This thesis brings in the role of changes in the institutional environment by drawing on the literature on regime complexity. The proliferation of RFAs alters the outside options of all actors, which affects their bargaining power. This opens the way for new strategies, through which creditors can entangle institutions by creating overlaps, borrowers can engage in confrontation between alternative financing institutions, and the IMF can find means to co-work with RFAs. These in turn affect whose preferences shape program design. This argument is tested empirically through process-tracing and comparing three cases of IMF-RFA cooperation in Europe. In Hungary, the IMF led the way in shaping a surprisingly 'generous' program with little constraint from the EU. However, in Latvia, the Fund found itself a 'junior partner' in a program driven by local authorities with the support of an European RFA. In Greece, the interests of creditors were paramount, securing IMF acquiescence through the threat of exclusion. These findings point to significant challenges for the Fund going forward. As RFAs continue to proliferate around the world, the IMF needs to avoid the temptation of striking even more Faustian bargains that keep it at the table of financial assistance at the cost of becoming a junior partner.

Governments have funded the development and production of advanced technology in order to establish supply security and/or to achieve economic growth. The policy of government funding includes three alternatives: the two basic options of maintaining a national project or participating in international collaboration involving a number of sovereign states, and the third option of doing both in parallel. The study examines international collaboration in such a way as to assist in the selection of the appropriate policy option. Particular attention is paid to the perspective of small and large, advanced and less advanced European countries. The research problem is addressed by focusing exclusively on those results which distinguish international collaboration from a national project, summarised under the concepts of collaborative sharing and collaborative efficiency. The former identifies the sharing of funding and technology not to be found in a national project. The latter identifies the difference in efficiency between international collaboration and a national project. Efficiency, indicated by cost, quality and time, is examined under the headings of policy-making, executive management, industrial rationalisation and production volume. Furthermore, collaborative sharing and efficiency are examined in the context of parallel national projects. This focus on the differences between the policy options provides the basis for selecting the appropriate one. Previous studies fail to give convincing answers to the research problem: they concentrate on collaborative efficiency while neglecting collaborative sharing, and they disagree over whether international collaboration or a national project is more efficient. This study attempts to overcome these shortcomings by examining a major case study of international collaboration, namely the European Communication Satellite Programme. The following conclusions are established. To achieve supply security, the collaborative option is considered appropriate for the large, advanced European country, and the parallel option for the large, less advanced countries. To achieve economic growth, the national option is appropriate for the advanced European countries. The smaller, less advanced countries are seen to play only a limited role in government funding of advanced technology.

For a decade, the EU and NATO have both claimed to have a relationship purported to be a Strategic Partnership. However, this relationship is widely understood by both academics and practitioners to be problematic. Although not denying that the relationship is problematic, it is claimed here that the argument, whereby the EU and NATO simply do not cooperate, is very limited in its value. In fact, it is argued that the two organisations cooperate far more, albeit less efficiently, outside of the formal Agreed Framework for cooperation. According to the formal rules of Berlin Plus/Agreed Framework (BP/AF), the EU and NATO should not cooperate at all outside of the Bosnia Herzegovina (ALTHEA) context. This is clearly not the case. The fundamental aim of this thesis is to investigate how this cooperation - beyond the BP/AF has emerged. Above all, it asks, within a context where formal EU-NATO cooperation is ruled out, what type of cooperation is emerging? This thesis attempts to explain the creation and performance of the informal EU-NATO institutional relationship beyond Berlin Plus. This thesis, drawing on insights from historical institutionalist theory and by investigating EU-NATO cooperation in counter-piracy, Kosovo and Afghanistan, puts forward three general arguments. First, in order for informal EU-NATO cooperation to take place outside of the BP/AF, cooperation is driven spatially away from the central political tools of Brussels, towards the common operational areas and hierarchically downwards to the international staffs and, in particular, towards the operational personnel. Second, although the key assumptions of historical institutionalism (path dependency, punctuated equilibrium and critical junctures) help to explain the stasis of the EU-NATO relationship at the broad political and strategic level, a more complete understanding of the relationship is warranted. Including theoretical assumptions of incremental change helps to explain the informal cooperation that is now driving EU-NATO relations beyond Berlin Plus. Finally, this thesis makes the fundamental claim that the processes of incremental change through informal cooperation reinforce the current static formal political and strategic relationship. Events and operational necessity are driving incremental change far more than any theoretical debates about where the EU ends and NATO begins. Until events force a situation whereby both organisations must revisit the formal structures of cooperation, the static relationship will continue to exist, reinforced by sporadically releasing the political pressure valve expedited through the processes of informal cooperation. If the EU and NATO are to truly achieve a Strategic Partnership , it will stem from an existential security critical juncture and not from internal evolutionary processes.

La thèse propose une esquisse des enjeux juridiques de l'adoption d'une taxe sur les transactions financières par le biais de la coopération renforcée en Europe. Les recherches portent plus précisément sur la technicité fiscale de la conception de cette imposition levée sur les transactions financières et les défis juridiques qui dérivent de son adoption par le biais de la coopération renforcée. La taxe, telle que conçue ne présente pas d'éléments de nature à la rendre contraire au droit international et européen et dans quelle mesure le cadre institutionnel qui l'accueille, celui de la coopération renforcée, est susceptible de remédier à ces possibles obstacles. La taxe sur les transactions financières telle que conçue par Tobin est destinée à s'appliquer par une communauté ample de juridictions fiscales. Son adoption à l'échelle régionale pose des problèmes juridiques qui tiennent à deux chefs. D'une part, l'imposition d'un secteur mobile et internationalisé dans son activité est confrontée à la planification fiscale d'évitement de l'impôt, facteur fragilisant les attendes sur son potentiel fiscal. D'autre part, l'extraterritorialité de l'imposition, qualité inhérente aux contours conceptuels de la taxe produit des effets dont la justification, tant en droit international et européen, primaire que dérivé, n'est pas aisément obtenue. Les difficultés découlant de la technicité fiscale de l'imposition ne s'épuisent pas dans les arguments précités. Elles demeurent intimement liées à l'élaboration d'une politique fiscale européenne de répartition de ressources fiscales entre États membres
This thesis stems from European Taxation and it aims at providing for a legal appraisal of the contemplated introduction of a EU Financial Transaction Tax (FIT). The thesis, divided in three parts, is dedicated to the 2013 FIT Proposal, tabled in by the Commission and gaining support among some EU Member States, which wish to proceed by Enhanced Cooperation in this area. Part I of the thesis sets up the stage, focuses on interpreting the draft Proposal, and seeks for the "missing links": those unresolved issues, raised by tax academics, for making the tax legally consistent and coherent. Modelling an efficient and fair financial transaction tax is a delicate affair for tax experts. Within this appraisal, inconsistencies and incoherence, in the actual wording of the Proposal, have been overviewed. Part II focuses on the alleged infringement of international law, primary and secondary from FTT's implementation. Beyond the academic interest, by delving into that area of law, the conclusions drawn may be ground for further reflexion in regard of tax payers' protection. In the chapters that follow, we scrutinize the general institutional conditions granting competence to the EU for harmonising indirect taxes and we survey the requirements to be met in the specific legal frame of the Enhanced cooperation. More, we shed some light on the FTT's shape under the 2013 Proposal in regard of the European Treaties and secondary law

The study seeks to understand the nature and development of the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) in peacekeeping using the case of the peacekeeping operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) between 2003 and 2008. The EU deployment in 2003 of an Interim Emergency Multinational Force (IEMF) in DR Congo represented an important shift in the role of regional organisations, as it was deployed outside its geographical setting for peacekeeping reasons. Furthermore, the co-deployment of EU and UN forces highlighted the changing pattern in peacekeeping, as regional organisations were starting to play an important role in burden sharing with the UN, thereby enhancing the notion of effective multilateralism. However the seemingly positive rhetoric emanating from the EU and UN about the partnership did not necessarily reflect the reality of the relationship. Fundamental to the study are issues concerning the involvement of regional actors outside their geographical spheres. Key questions are raised regarding the motives of regional organisations and the UN. Such questions concern, for instance, the motives behind the UN calling for EU involvement in DR Congo (at the expense of the African Union and nations) and factors that persuaded the EU to answer the call. The dynamics of the EU-UN cooperation are analysed from a political and operational dimension. Key components of the operational cooperation are essentially command and control, logistics and communication. The political cooperation components include the course taken by actors while using the structures set up to aid the partnership and the already existing departments within both organisations that facilitated the initial interaction. Further questions arise concerning cooperation between the UN and EU from the political and operational level. These include questions concerning the informal and formal mechanisms put into place to resolve the divergences between the missions. In addition, perceptions of the recipient people and the neighbouring states are examined in order to assess if this partnership is working or not. The results of the research which entailed a number of interviews and an analysis of primary and secondary data show that the motives of the EU and UN, plus the dynamics of their cooperation can be analysed in a multi-layered paradigm involving the following levels of interaction: i) Operational level — MONUC and EUFOR RD Congo, IEMF, EUPOL and EUSEC ii) Political level — local and national actors iii) Political level — regional and international actors. For instance, from an operational perspective the UN considered EU deployment as suitable especially for the provision of resources. The EU on the other hand viewed the deployment in DR Congo as an opportunity to become a global actor especially in the aftermath of the fallout from the US and its allies’ invasion of Iraq. The local, national and regional viewed the motivation for the involvement of the EU alongside the UN with suspicion. This was mainly based on the fact that key players like Belgium and France had vested interests in the DR Congo. There was dissatisfaction regarding the marginal military role given to the regional and continental powers yet the conflict was in their backyard. The nature of the path of the cooperation, especially from an operational perspective, was not smooth. This can be attributed to the different organisational cultures and motivations between the organisations. The internal dynamics of individual organisations played a role in determining the level of cooperation between the two organisations. In light of the above, the research came to several conclusions which included the fact that, due to the complex motives and differing aims of the actors, cooperation at the political level does not necessarily dovetail with cooperation at the operational level. Although the organisations have set up a system of collaboration through the declarations of 2003 and 2007, it has not been fully utilized. National and organisational interests and organisational culture among others can hinder cooperation. Nevertheless, despite a divide between the political and operational aspects of the missions, actors in the field have found ways of addressing operational problems, though significant issues remain concerning the viability of the methods used to address them in the long run.

Award date: 1 October 2018
Supervisor: Professor Deirdre Curtin
Enhanced cooperation is the EU’s most general, multi-purpose, and thus differentiation-friendly possibility to legislate without binding all Member States. After years of initial reluc-tance, it has been put into practice in a number of cases in the last years. In light of these developments, many perspectives on enhanced cooperation are worth revisiting. At the same time, the EU has recently been facing numerous fundamental challenges, and enhanced co-operation could be one of the tools for policy makers to consider when searching for solutions. It does so by analysing two crucial legal aspects of the enhanced cooperation mechanism in depth: the last resort principle and the principle of openness. Both principles stand out among the law governing enhanced cooperation as particularly important, defining notions – indeed, cornerstones of enhanced cooperation.

Abstract   Today a lot of people in the world experience food insecurity. In this paper a qualitative content analysis method has been used in order to answer the following question:   How does the European Union work with food security? More specifically, this paper investigates if the EU´s focus is on strengthening people’s entitlements or on increasing the availability of food, e.g. through increasing the production of food.   This analysis was able to confirm that the 23 European Union projects (within the international cooperation and development context) which were analysed focus their attempts to achieve food security in a variety of different ways. Around half the projects include elements of improving both entitlements and food availability/production, whilst roughly half of the projects aim to improve only one of the above-mentioned elements. It was possible to identify Sen’s entitlement approach in the European Union projects; however, the paper reached the conclusion that although the entitlement approach to achieving food security is clearly very influential in the projects, it is not the only influence present.

Notre hypothèse principale concerne l'existence de spécificités multilatérales dans la pratique des relations UE (Union-Européenne)-Russie. Nous soutenons qu'il existe plusieurs types d'interaction multilatérale dans les rapports entre l'UE et la Fédération de Russie qui se produisent à trois niveaux différents. Nous divisons donc notre hypothèse en trois perspectives qui se matérialisent dans trois types de multilatéralisme entre l’UE et la Russie: le "multilatéralisme interactif», le «multilatéralisme sélectif» et le «multilatéralisme systémique». Ils se complètent et sont en concurrence les uns avec les autres. La capacité de la relation à produire des solutions aux problèmes abordés par les deux acteurs est le résultat de cet équilibre. Cette typologie du «multilatéralisme» issu des relations UE-Russie vise à contribuer à surmonter certaines des limitations de la pensée actuelle sur le concept et ses pratiques, et les points de vue divergents sur l'importance de la relation. Les trois premiers chapitres analysent les caractéristiques de chaque type et comment ils s’influencent mutuellement. Le dernier chapitre fait un bilan des relations UE-Russie en raison de leur forme multilatérale tri-dimensionnelle spécifique et analyse la nécessité récurrente de concevoir un modèle satisfaisant et efficace de coopération entre les deux acteurs
Our main hypothesis concerns the existence of multilateral specificities in the praxis of EU-Russian relations. We argue that there are several kinds of multilateral interaction which inform the relationship between the EU and the Russian Federation which occur at three different levels. We divide, thus, our hypothesis in three perspectives that materialise in three types of multilateralism informing EU-Russian interactions: “interactive multilateralism”, “selective multilateralism” and “systemic multilateralism”. They complement and compete with each other. The capacity of the relationship to deliver is a result of this balance. This typology of “multilateralism” that is produced by EU-Russian relations aims at contributing to overcome some of the above-mentioned limitations of existing thinking about the concept and its practices, and the diverging views about the significance of the relationship. The first three chapters analyse the way each of the types materialised and impacted on each other. The last chapter draws on the balanced assessment of EU-Russian relations as a result of its tri-dimensional specific multilateral shape and on the recurrent need to devise a satisfying and effective model of cooperation between the two players

Defence date: 05 December 2022
Examining Board : Professor Joanne Scott, (European University Institute, supervisor); Professor Claire Kilpatrick, (European University Institute); Professor Áine Ryall, (University College Cork); Professor Scott Cummings, (University of California, Los Angeles)
Since the early ‘90s, environmental NGOs have been fighting to be granted standing in actions for annulment. Direct access to the EU judiciary is hindered by the narrow interpretation given by the Court of the ‘individual concern’ requirement laid down under Article 263(4) TFEU. This narrow interpretation is known as ‘the Plaumann test’. By drawing from the literature on legal mobilisation and combining doctrinal and qualitative methods of analysis, the present dissertation explores how the European environmental movement has mobilised to overcome Plaumann in the last thirty years. In this regard, this thesis provides an empirical and theoretical contribution to the study of strategic litigation in the environmental domain. This by shedding light on the NGOs’ understanding of the legal opportunity structure in the EU, as well as on NGOs’ resources and legal strategies deployed to overcome Plaumann. This dissertation shows the relevance of networks membership in EU environmental litigation and argues that the lack of internal legal expertise does not necessarily prevent environmental organisations from resorting to legal mobilisation. Furthermore, this dissertation holds that, despite Plaumann, NGOs’ achievements are remarkable. In particular, the new Aarhus Regulation is expected to bring more legal mobilisation in Europe and deliver more disputes on the ‘science’ underlying EU environmental measures. Conversely, in the climate domain, NGOs are building what I conceptualised in terms of ‘transnational incremental judicial comfort’. The spreading of ‘judicial comfort’ in the climate context casts shadows on the CJEU, which looks increasingly ‘obsolete’ in the eyes of climate litigants. Finally, this dissertation argues that there is a demand within the European environmental movement for a different kind of EU environmental justice, which does not settle for administrative review of EU acts, but that rather strives for a more substantive judicial review of EU policy measures (including legislative acts).

This thesis explores EU-Brazil relations and answers the question of why these two actors have failed to use the bilateral level of their cooperation as a platform to enhance their coordination in multilateral arenas. The thesis develops a framework to explain the linkage between levels of cooperation within a particular bilateral relationship that focuses on both agents and issues. The argument of “level-linkage” is empirically tested in three case-studies: climate change, trade, and human rights. The thesis finds that the greater the openness of a regime to influences from other levels of cooperation, the more likely level-linkage is to occur. However, level-linkage is restricted to where the approaches of the two partners towards multilateralism are compatible. Preferences for partners were also not the main constraint to the promotion of an EU-Brazil strategic partnership in multilateral arenas. Instead, as this thesis reveals, the degree of coordination in national foreign policy-making institutions is the key determinant of level-linkage. These findings support the argument that the dynamics between agents and the specificities of issues do matter in explaining the relation between bilateral and multilateral levels of cooperation. In this light, this thesis contributes to the analysis of bilateral relationships within a multi-level structure, ultimately advancing academic research in international cooperation. It also contributes to the literature on foreign policy analysis and to an emerging body of scholarship in EU-Brazil relations.

This study examines the European Unions (EU) promoting of regional cooperation, included in its programme, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The thesis is based upon the agreed activities in the EU/Ukraine relation concerning regional cooperation.

The aim for this thesis is to visualise the policy outcome of the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation. The following questions are posed: What are the goals for the EU; what are the achievements and planned actions and what instruments are used by the EU in the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation?

The theoretical approach assumes that the Union is a power in international relations. It’s well suited promoting its policies in an asymmetric power environment, where the EU is the supremacy.

This study is conducted with a qualitative research method, based on text analysis on the European Unions official documents.

The result shows that the goals for the Union are the protection of its prosperity and its energy supply. Ukraine shall assist the EU, reaching these goals. In exchange, is the EU promising integration to the Unions internal market for Ukraine. But the EU has problems when this contravenes to Russia’s interests. This confirms the theory.

La double incrimination est une condition « classique » en droit pénal international, que l'on trouve formulée dans les instruments normatifs relatifs à la coopération pénale internationale, ainsi que dans ceux consacrés aux compétences extraterritoriales. Dans ces deux domaines la condition de la double incrimination est considérée comme remplie lorsque les faits en question sont punis par les droits internes des deux États concernés (État requérant et État requis, ou État de poursuite et État de commission). Toutefois, l'application de cette condition n'est pas sans poser de difficultés, aussi bien sur un plan substantiel que sur un plan procédural. Des difficultés qui ont conduit les États européens à la remettre en cause, du moins pour partie ; une remise en cause totale de la double incrimination s'avérant, en l'état, impossible
Double criminality is a “classic” condition in international criminal law, which is found in normative instruments relating to international cooperation in criminal matters, as well as those relating to extraterritorial jurisdiction. In these two fields, the condition of double criminality is considered fulfilled when the conduct in question is punishable under the domestic law of both states (the requesting state and the requested state, or the prosecuting State and the State in which the act was committed). Moreover, the application of this condition continues to pose difficulties, not only in substance but also in procedure. The difficulties have driven the European states to call the condition into question, at least partially; even though a total removal of the condition in its current state is impossible

After decades in which NATO epitomized the central forum towards the pursuit of European defense, a progressing integration and enlargement process of the European Union’s defense sector has catalyzed a debate about the future of the European defense and security architecture. The implementation of collective EU defense structures like the Permanent Structured Cooperation in 2017 aggravated concerns about a duplication of needs for military and defense capabilities and consequently a diminishing role of NATO, particularly among non-EU NATO states. Taking this background into account, the study aimed to elaborate the influence of both NATO and EU – as institutions commissioned with defense and security endeavors - on their member states’ military sectors. In particular, how member states aligned their military sectors with institutional expectations towards members’ commitment and how these developments could be explained in course of a historical institutionalist approach, in particular by the concept of path dependency. For this matter, the study revisited developments in member states’ military sectors from 1996 – when the European Defense and Security Identity was agreed on – until today in a first step, connected to an analysis on the extent to which the identified developments could be traced back to the states’ membership in both NATO and EU as driving factors. By using path dependency as explanatory variable, the study ultimately aimed to identify dimensions in which a member’s commitment to EU and NATO constituted a “path” that would shape decision-making towards domestic military sectors - e.g. in form of member states’ compliance with norms and guidelines or engagement in institutions’ operations - for years to come. The cases selected for the study were France, Germany and the United Kingdom which after the Brexit is still committed to EU defense structures in course of 3rd state participation.

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This study aims to analyze the hegemonic position of Germany against the European Union, examining, from a historical perspective, the process of economic and monetary integration of the continent, highlighting the bargaining process among its Member States and the power relations, which precede the constitution of the European Union. Primordially, the economic relations among the States and the circumstances that led European States to pursue the international cooperation, in order to build an international regime, will be analyzed, considering whether such an arrangement resulted asymmetrical
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a posição hegemônica da Alemanha frente à União Europeia, examinando, a partir de uma perspectiva histórica, o processo de integração econômica e monetária do continente, ressaltando os processos de barganha entre seus Estados Membros, bem como as relações de poder que antecederam a constituição da União Europeia. Primordialmente, serão analisadas as relações econômicas entre os Estados e as circunstâncias que levaram os Estados europeus à apoiarem-se na cooperação internacional, no sentido de construírem um regime internacional, ponderando se tal regime resultou assimétrico

International relations can be reviewed from different perspectives. One of them is through culture. In general, a lecture and an analysis of it from this specific point of view has been neglected, attracting much less attention comparing to other issues, like the political science, the international law, or the economics. The cultural perspective offers a mirror of the reality and can contribute to a better understanding of the external relations and on what is happening at other levels, usually considered as more relevant in the foreign policies and the traditional diplomacy, like politics, trade and commerce, or military issues. At the same time, this cultural perspective needs a transversal focus to offer a real insight and overview of the actual scope, due to the multifaceted feature of culture considered in its broad approach. The international presence and the role of culture within the bilateral relations is conditioned by the definition of the external cultural policies and the priorities and strategies in its bilateral relations with third countries. Sometimes the external cultural policies can have a close link with the internal cultural policies as well, being a projection of the internal priorities in the international context. The institutional structure and the competences of the different institutions can also influence in the role of culture in the bilateral relations of a specific country. Aside of that, there are other relevant factors that can be determinant in the bilateral relations, like the historical background or the bilateral political and commercial relations, among others. Culture in the context of the international relations and cooperation between Europe and Egypt includes from the institutional level, the bilateral and multilateral relations of the European Union, and its 28 Member States at an individual level as well. Otherwise, some of these European countries have had a long presence during the colonialist period, maintain historical ties, or have economic interests in Egypt. Within this framework, the different cultural policies are embedded in the external actions of the bilateral cultural relations and cooperation, where the cultural projection is a component of the public diplomacy as a form of soft power. The present research has as primary objective to get a deep inside of the bilateral relations, and the identification of some quantitative indicators and qualitative aspects of the European bilateral relations from the public sector, and makes a detailed analysis of which is the present situation of culture in the context of the international relations with a strategic country of the Arab world like Egypt. Getting an insight into the different facts, parameters and indicators allows to identify the different exogenous and endogenous factors which can have a determinant role, jointly with the explicit and implicit objectives, and other elements to consider, including priorities, strategies, instruments and activities. Actions taken into consideration are those from the European Union, and some of its Member States, which are reviewed and compared in a systematic way. This research takes as case study five of the European countries, the most populated of the European Union, and several specific fields. It starts checking the way how each individual country is presenting its external cultural policy in the official web, and followed by the cultural bilateral relations with Egypt. Then it is verified the role of the national cultural institutes, the archaeological cooperation, the higher education, the research and scientific cooperation, the presence of culture in the cooperation to development and the media. Finally it is revised the European Union's cultural presence through actions and initiatives in Egypt, and checked how the individual cultural bilateral relations of the selected countries fit together with them. The result offers a broad and comprehensive perspective of the presence of culture in international relations and cooperation in the particular case of Egypt. The analysis carried out allows concluding an insufficiently structured place of culture in the European external relations and cooperation with Egypt, the missed coordination among the different actors involved, the individual interests, and some incoherencies as well.
Les relacions internacionals poden ser examinades des de diferents perspectives. Una d'elles es des de la cultura. En general, una lectura i un anàlisi d'aquest punt de vista específic ha estat oblidat, i ha atret molta menys atenció comparat amb altres temes com són els temes polítics, el dret internacional o els econòmics. La perspectiva cultural ofereix un mirall on es reflexa la realitat, que pot contribuir a un millor enteniment de les relacions exteriors i sobre el que succeeix a altres nivells, normalment considerats com a més rellevants dins de la política exterior i la diplomàcia tradicional, com són els temes polítics, comercials o militars. Al mateix temps, aquesta perspectiva cultural necessita una mirada transversal per poder oferir una mirada profunda i al mateix temps global de la actual abast del tema, ja que abraça diferents àmbits de la cultura, que en aquest cas és considerada en la seva aproximació més amplia. La presència internacional i el rol de la cultura a les relacions bilaterals està condicionada per la definició de les polítiques culturals exteriors i de les prioritats i estratègies en les seves relacions bilaterals amb països tercers. De vegades les polítiques culturals externes poden tenir un vincle estret amb les polítiques culturals internes, sent una projecció de les prioritats internes en el context internacional. L'estructura institucional i les competències de les diferents institucions poden també tenir una influència en el rol de la cultura en les relacions bilaterals d'un país concret. A part d'això, hi ha altres factors rellevants que poden ser determinants de les relacions bilaterals, com són els antecedents històrics o les relacions bilaterals polítiques i comercials, entre d'altres. La cultura en el context de les relacions internacionals i la cooperació entre Europa i Egipte inclou des del punt institucional les relacions bilaterals i multilaterals de la Unió Europea, així com les dels seus 28 estats membres a nivell individual. Per altre banda, alguns d'aquests països europeus han tingut una llarga presència durant el període colonial, mantenen vincles històrics, o tenen interessos econòmics a Egipte. En aquest marc, les diferents polítiques culturals estan encaixades en les accions exteriors de les relacions culturals bilaterals i de la cooperació, on la projecció cultural és un component de la diplomàcia pública com a forma de soft power. La recerca té com a principal objectiu aprofundir sobre les relacions bilaterals, i la identificació d'alguns dels indicadors quantitatius i aspectes qualitatius de les relacions bilaterals des del sector públic, i fer un anàlisis detallat sobre quina és la situació present de la cultura en el context de les relacions internacional amb un país estratègic del món àrab com és Egipte. Aquest aprofundiment en els diferents factors, paràmetres i indicadors permet identificar els diferents factors exògens i endògens que poden ser determinants, juntament amb els objectius explícits i implícits, i altres aspectes que s'han de considerar, com les prioritats, estratègies, instruments, i activitats. Les accions que es prenen en consideració són les de la Unió Europea, i d'alguns dels seus estats membres, que són revisades i comparades d'una manera sistemàtica. Aquest treball agafa com a estudi de cas a Egipte, i també analitza a cinc països europeus, els cinc més poblats de la Unió Europea, i alguns dels camps culturals específics. Com a marc general es comença per veure la manera com cada un d'aquests països individuals presenta la seva política cultural exterior a les pàgines webs oficials, i es continua amb les relacions culturals bilaterals amb Egipte. Després es verifica el rol dels instituts nacionals de cultura, la cooperació arqueològica, l'educació universitària, la investigació i la cooperació científica, la presencia de la cultura a la cooperació al desenvolupament, i els media. Finalment es revisa la presencia cultural de la Unió Europea mitjançant les accions i les iniciatives a Egipte, i com les relacions culturals bilaterals individuals dels països seleccionats hi encaixen. El resultat ofereix una perspectiva àmplia i comprensiva de la presencia de la cultura a les relacions internacionals i la cooperació en aquest cas particular d'Egipte. L'anàlisi que s'ha portat a terme permet concloure que la cultura té un lloc insuficientment estructurat a les relacions exteriors europees amb Egipte, l'absència de coordinació entre els diferents actors involucrats, els interessos individuals, així com algunes incoherències.
Las relaciones internacionales pueden ser examinadas desde diferentes perspectivas, una de ellas es desde la cultura. En general una lectura y un análisis desde este específico punto de vista ha sido dejado de lado, atrayendo mucha menos atención en comparación con otros temas, como las ciencias políticas, el derecho internacional, o la economía. La perspectiva cultural ofrece un espejo donde se refleja la realidad, y que puede contribuir a una mejor compresión de las relaciones exteriores y sobre lo que sucede a otros niveles normalmente considerados como más relevantes en las relaciones exteriores y la diplomacia tradicional, como son los temas políticos, de comercio internacional o los temas militares. Al mismo tiempo esta perspectiva cultural necesita un enfoque transversal para ofrecer una visión detallada y al mismo tiempo global para conocer su alcance real, debido al carácter multidisciplinar de la cultura, considerada en su amplia aproximación. La presencia internacional y el rol de la cultura en las relaciones bilaterales están condicionados por la definición de las políticas culturales exteriores, además de las prioridades y estrategias en las relaciones bilaterales con países terceros. Por otro lado, frecuentemente las políticas culturales exteriores pueden tener vínculos estrechos con las políticas culturales a nivel nacional, siendo una proyección de las prioridades internas en el contexto internacional. La estructura institucional y las competencias de las diferentes instituciones públicas también pueden influenciar en el rol de la cultura en las relaciones bilaterales de un determinado país. Además de ello, también hay otros factores relevantes que pueden determinar las relaciones bilaterales, como los antecedentes históricos o las relaciones bilaterales políticas y comerciales, entre otras. La cultura en el contexto de las relaciones internacionales y la cooperación entre Europa y Egipto incluye, a nivel institucional, las relaciones bilaterales y multilaterales de la Unión Europea, así como sus 28 estados miembros a nivel individual. Además de ello, algunos de estos países europeos han tenido un larga presencia durante el periodo colonial, mantienen lazos históricos, o tienen intereses económicos en Egipto. Dentro de este marco las diferentes políticas culturales se encuentran incluidas en las acciones exteriores de las relaciones culturales bilaterales y la cooperación, donde la proyección cultural es uno de los componentes de la diplomacia pública como una forma de soft power. La presente investigación tiene como principal objetivo profundizar en las relaciones bilaterales y la identificación de indicadores centrados en diversos aspectos cuantitativos y cualitativos de las relaciones bilaterales europeas desde el sector público, y analiza en detalle sobre cuál es la situación presente de la cultural en el contexto de las relaciones internacionales con un país estratégico del mundo árabe como es Egipto. Esta profundización de los diferentes factores, parámetros y indicadores permite identificar los diferentes factores exógenos y endógenos que tienen un rol determinante, juntamente con los objetivos explícito se implícitos, y otros elementos que se deben considerar como son las prioridades, las estrategias, instrumentos y actividades culturales. Las acciones consideradas son las de la Unión Europea y las de algunos de sus estados miembros, la cuales son revisadas y comparadas de forma sistemática. Esta investigación se centra en el estudio de case de cinco países europeos, los cinco estados miembros de la Unión Europea más poblados, y en diferentes campos específicos. Se inicia supervisando la forma como cada país individualmente presenta su política cultural exterior en sus páginas web oficiales, seguido por una revisión de las relaciones culturales bilaterales con Egipto. Luego en diferentes capítulos se verifica el rol de los centros culturales nacionales, la cooperación arqueológica, la educación universitaria, la investigación y la cooperación científica, la presencia de la cultura en la cooperación al desarrollo, y los media. Finalmente se analiza la presencia cultural de la Unión Europea en Egipto a través de diferentes acciones e iniciativas, y como las relaciones culturales bilaterales de los países europeos seleccionados encajan con ellas. El resultado obtenido ofrece una amplia y comprensiva perspectiva sobre cuál es la presencia de la cultura en las relaciones internacionales y la cooperación en el caso particular de Egipto. El análisis llevado a cabo permite concluir un lugar insuficientemente estructurado de la cultura en las relaciones exteriores europeas con Egipto, la falta de coordinación entre los diferentes actores involucrados, los intereses individuales, así como algunas incoherencias.

After decades in which NATO epitomized the central forum towards the pursuit of European defense, a progressing integration and enlargement process of the European Union’s defense sector has catalyzed a debate about the future of the European defense and security architecture. The implementation of collective EU defense structures like the Permanent Structured Cooperation in 2017 aggravated concerns about a duplication of needs for military and defense capabilities and consequently a diminishing role of NATO, particularly among non-EU NATO states. Taking this background into account, the study aimed to elaborate the influence of both NATO and EU – as institutions commissioned with defense and security endeavors - on their member states’ military sectors. In particular, how member states aligned their military sectors with institutional expectations towards members’ commitment and how these developments could be explained in course of a historical institutionalist approach, in particular by the concept of path dependency. For this matter, the study revisited developments in member states’ military sectors from 1996 – when the European Defense and Security Identity was agreed on – until today in a first step, connected to an analysis on the extent to which the identified developments could be traced back to the states’ membership in both NATO and EU as driving factors. By using path dependency as explanatory variable, the study ultimately aimed to identify dimensions in which a member’s commitment to EU and NATO constituted a “path” that would shape decision-making towards domestic military sectors - e.g. in form of member states’ compliance with norms and guidelines or engagement in institutions’ operations - for years to come. The cases selected for the study were France, Germany and the United Kingdom which after the Brexit is still committed to EU defense structures in course of 3rd state participation.

Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
Neste trabalho são analisadas as alterações climáticas e as suas magnitudes, tendo primeiramente como enfoque a libertação dos Gases de Efeito de Estufa (GEE) e as suas principais consequências. É também estudada a Cooperação Internacional, a Ajuda Pública ao Desenvolvimento (APD), e a Cooperação para o Desenvolvimento da União Europeia como resposta à evolução da causa climática, mas, ao mesmo tempo, mostra os rumos que cercam o debate. Portanto, esta dissertação analisa uma complexa interação entre política climática e de desenvolvimento que vem ocorrendo desde o início da década de 1990, e como a União Europeia orienta a cooperação para o desenvolvimento no âmbito das alterações climáticas.
This paper analyzes climate change and its magnitude, focusing primarily on the release of Greenhouse Gases (GHGs) and their main consequences. International Cooperation, Official Development Assistance (ODA), and EU Development Cooperation as a response to climate change are also studied, but at the same time it shows the directions surrounding the debate. Therefore, this dissertation analyzes a complex interaction between climate and development policy that has been taking place since the early 1990s, and how the European Union guides development cooperation in the field of climate change.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
Após abandonar o bloco jugoslavo em 1991, a Eslovénia procurou distanciamento do teatro violento de desintegração de estados experienciado nos Balcãs ocidentais, direcionando a sua estratégia de política externa para a integração nas instituições euro-atlânticas. O virar do milénio e o cumprimento dos objetivos de plena adesão à UE e ao bloco da NATO deixariam a Eslovénia sem um propósito claro de direcionamento externo. Consciente da sua condição de pequeno estado, reviu-se na sua experiência histórica, proximidade geográfica e ambiente normativo interno e externo para formular uma nova estratégia de política externa com vista à cooperação para o desenvolvimento dos Balcãs ocidentais. Através da revisão literária e da análise crítica a algumas das iniciativas eslovenas neste campo, procura-se auferir se a cooperação eslovena tem apresentado capacidade para fomentar o processo de desenvolvimento e integração europeia destes países; quais as suas condições estratégicas como pequeno estado e que entraves se levantam à atribuição de uma maior voz aos seus decision-makers neste processo. O presente documento argumenta que a Eslovénia contribuiu até certa medida para a perspetiva europeia da região, mostrando-se capaz de fomentar o seu desenvolvimento através de uma estratégia de política externa que procurou - mantendo em vista a consecução dos seus próprios interesses - um papel de intermediação entre a UE e os países dos Balcãs ocidentais.
Following the split from Yugoslavia in 1991, Slovenia sought distance from the fierce state disintegration theater experienced on the Western Balkans region, aiming its foreign policy strategy to the integration on the Euro-Atlantic institutions. The turn of the millennium and the fulfillment of the membership goals at NATO and EU would leave Slovenia without a clear purpose of foreign direction. Aware of its condition as a small state, the country reviewed on its historical experience, geographical proximity and internal and external settings to formulate a new foreign policy strategy in order to pursuit cooperation for development of the Western Balkans. Through literature review and critical analysis of some of the Slovene initiatives in this field, we seek to ascertain if Slovenian cooperation was able to foster the development and European integration of these countries; which strategic conditions the country holds as a small state and which obstacles arise to the provision of greater voice to their decision-makers in this process. This paper argues that Slovenia contributed in some extent to the European perspective of the region, being able to foster its development through a foreign policy strategy that sought - while keeping the prospects of achieving its own interests - an intermediary role between the EU and the Western Balkans.
N/A

Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) creates competitive challenges and opportunities, labour and capital will seek the highest returns, dri ving out less efficient performances while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of this agreement. The South African government sees the agreement with the European Union as a step towards restructuring the country's economy and making it part of the rapidly changing world economy. This policy view of the South African government will result in those sectors of the economy that are not internationally competitive, receiving no support from government. Consequently these sectors will decrease in time. Of the three agricultural profiles studied, fresh fruit (deciduous fruit) will benefit the most from the TDCA. The most obvious effect the agreement will have on the sector is the saving on customs duties payable on exports to the EU. An estimate on 1997 trade figures revealed that in the short term the deciduous fruit industry will save approximately RI00 million. Over the implementation period of 10 years, the industry will save about Rl billion. After that, savings amounting to approximately R125 million per annum should be possible. The canned fruit sector is an export-driven industry that exports about 90 per cent of its products, 50 per cent of which is exported to the EU. The export tariffs to the EU are very high. As non-EU member, South Africa is the biggest provider of canned fruit to the EU. Some analyses revealed that the total savings in tariffs for the first year of implementation will be R25 million. The industry stands to save approximately R100 million over the implementation period. At the EU's request, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement. The EU believes that South Africa's continued use of certain "geographical indications" or terms is in breach of Article 23 of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) agreement. The quotas granted by the EU on wine and sparkling wine cover 79 per cent of South African exports to the EU. South Africa granted the EU a 0.26 million litre quota for sparkling wine and a 1 million-litre quota for bottled wine. SA will phase out the use of the terms "port", "sherry", "grappa", ouzo", "korn" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" over agreed time periods. The issue will be taken to the WTO for a ruling in this regard. The EU has agreed to grant SA a duty-free tariff quota for wine but has suspended the tariff quota until the Wine and Spirits agreement has been signed. The EU will also provide financial assistance of 15 million ECU to help restructure the SA wine and spirits sector. The South African agricultural industry should take note of the constantly changing international marketing environment. The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed with the European Union opens up new markets and enhances existing ones that must be exploited. It is imperative that every role player should evaluate the level of competitiveness of his or her enterprise. Thus the message is very clear: Agricultural production with an international trading view is the only sustainable road to follow.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die Handel, Ontwikkelings en Samewerkingsooreenkoms kompeterende geleenthede en uitdagings skep, sal arbeid en kapitaal verskuif na die hoogste opbrengste beskikbaar. In hierdie proses sal daar wegbeweeg word van onvoldoende prestasies en sal effektiewe ondememings en industriee floreer. Hierdie dinarniese proses van herstruktuering sal voortduur regdeur die implementeringsperiode van hierdie handelsooreenkoms. Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die ooreenkoms met die Europese Unie as 'n belangrike stap in die proses om die land se ekonomie te herstrukltureer en so deel te maak van die vinnig veranderende wereld ekonomie. Hierdie regerings beleid sal daartoe lei dat sektore wat nie intemasionaal mededingend is nie, geen ondersteuning vanaf die regering sal ontvang nie. Met tyd sal hierdie sektore verdwyn. Van die drie landbousektore wat bestudeer is, sal vars vrugte (sagte vrugte) die meeste voordeel trek uit die ooreenkoms. Die besparing van aksynsbelasting op die uitvoere na die Europese Unie is die mees kenmerkendste voordeel vir die sektor. 'n Beraming gebaseer op 1997 handels syfers toon 'n jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R100 miljoen. Deur die hele implementeringsperiode, sal die besparing plus minus Rl biljoen beloop. Na afloop van die implementeringsperiode, sal jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R125 miljoen moontlik wees. Die inmaak vrugte sektor is 'n uitvoer gedrewe industrie wat gemiddeld 90 persent van hul prod uk uitvoer. Van hierdie uitvoere is 50 persent bestem vir die Europese Unie. Die uitvoertariewe na die Europese Unie is baie hoog. As nie-lidland, is Suid Afrika die grootste verskaffer van geblikte vrugte aan die Europese Unie. Beramings voorsien dat die sektor 'n totale besparing vir die eerste jaar van implemetering van plus minus R25 miljoen kan beloop. Die industrie kan soveel as R100 rniljoen oor die implementeringsperiode bespaar. Op die Europese Unie se versoek, het Suid Afrika ingestem om 'n afsonderlike Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms te onderhandel. Die Europese Unie beweer dat Suid Afrika se gebruik van sekere "geografiese aanduidings" of terme, In verbreking is van Artikel 23 van die Handelsverwante Aspekte van die Intellektuele Eiendomsregte Ooreenkoms. Wyn en vonkelwyn kwotas wat deur die Europese Unie aan Suid Afrika toegestaan is, beloop 79 persent van die uitvoere na die Europese Unie. Suid Afrika het die Europese Unie In kwota van 0.26 miljoen liter vir vonkelwyn en 1 miljoen kwota vir gebottelde wyn toegestaan. Voorts sal Suid Afrika die terme "port", "sherry", "grappa", "ouzo", "kom" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" met die ooreengekome peri odes uitfaseer. Die aspek sal egter na die WHO geneem word vir In finale beslissing. Die Europese Unie het ooreengekom om aan Suid Afrika In tarief vrye kwota vir wyn toe te staan, maar het dit opgehef tot tyd en wyl die Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms onderteken is. Die Europese Unie sal ook finansiele ondersteuning van 15 miljoen ECU skenk om die Suid Afrikaanse Wyn en Spiritualiee industrie te help hestruktureer. Suid Afrikaanse Landbou sal notisie moet neem van die konstante verandering in die intemasionale bemarkingsomgewing. Die Vrye Handelsooreenkoms wat geteken is met die Europese Unie, open nuwe markte en sal bestaande markte bevorder. Hierdie geleenthede moet benut word. Dit is baie belangrik dat elke rolspeler sy vlak van kompeterende vermoe moet evalueer, om so sy eie siening oor die ooreenkoms te kan uitspreek. Hieruit is die boodskap dus baie duidelik: Landbou produksie met In intemasionale handels uitkyk, is die enigste volhoubare pad om te volg.

Le Mouvement sportif international fonctionne à bien des égards comme un État. Il édicte des normes destinées à réglementer le sport mondial, résout les litiges survenant en son sein et veille à l’exécution de ses normes. Les ordres juridiques étatiques et supra-étatiques intervenant également en matière sportive, la question de leur coordination avec ce système se pose naturellement. La coordination aujourd’hui réalisée par l’ordre juridique étatique est insatisfaisante. Lorsqu’il revendique la soumission du Mouvement sportif international à ses exigences, cette soumission est souvent ineffective. Lorsqu’il reconnaît l’autonomie de ce système par l’intermédiaire du régime de l’arbitrage, cette autonomie est illimitée. La coordination mise en œuvre par les ordres juridiques supra-étatiques apparaît comme un remède à ces maux. Les ordres juridiques régionaux soumettent effectivement le Mouvement sportif international à leurs exigences. Ils reconnaissent, contrairement aux États, le pouvoir exercé sur ses membres par ce système. L’ordre juridique étatique pourrait, sur ce modèle, penser sa coordination avec le système sportif en reconnaissant la légitimité du pouvoir exercé par ce dernier. La communauté des États et le Mouvement sportif international coopèrent également en certains domaines principalement le dopage. Cette coopération est satisfaisante. Elle pourrait être étendue à d’autres secteurs ou à l’organisation du sport mondial. Les États pourraient aussi déléguer certaines prérogatives au système sportif. Des solutions existent donc pour assurer une coordination harmonieuse des ordres juridiques étatiques, supra-étatiques et du Mouvement sportif international
The International Sports Movement works, in many ways, as a State. It issues standards designed to regulate world sport, monitors their implementation and settles disputes among its members. As State and Supra-State legal systems also intervene in sport matters, the issue of their coordination naturally arises. The current coordination, carried out by State legal system is unsatisfactory. When it asks for the International Sports Movement to meet its requirements, this claim is often ineffective. When it acknowledges the autonomy of such system by means of arbitration this autonomy is unlimited. The coordination carried out by Supra-State legal systems seems like a solution to these problems. Regional legal systems are indeed efficient in order to have The International Sports Movement meet their requirements. Contrary to States, they recognize the power the system has over its members. On this model, State legal system could improve its coordination with the Sport system in recognizing the legitimacy of the power exercised by the latter. States community and the International Sports Movement also cooperate on matters such as doping. This cooperation is satisfactory. It could be extended to other sectors as well as to the organisation of World sport. States could also delegate certain prerogatives to the sport system. Therefore, solutions exist in order to ensure a smooth coordination between States, Supra-state legal systems and the International Sports Movement

Este estudo teve como objetivo abordar aspectos comparativos de cooperação internacional focando o tráfico internacional de pessoas para fins de exploração sexual. Inicíase a abordagem refletindo sobre a dignidade da pessoa humana e as questões socioculturais que permitem que a exploração sexual continue a existir e necessite uma investigação e persecução diferenciada de outras modalidades criminosas. A cooperação internacional, entre órgãos governamentais e não governamentais, é discutida em razão da transnacionalidade do crime de tráfico internacional de pessoas e atuação de organizações criminosas. O estudo comparativo de legislações e melhores práticas implementadas pelos Estados é realizado principalmente em relação aos países membros da União Europeia e do MERCOSUL e busca apontar pontos positivos e deficiências a fim de sugerir ações que devem ser implementadas ou melhoradas para que o tráfico internacional de pessoas para exploração sexual possa tornar-se cada vez mais difícil de ser realizado
This work aims to address comparative aspects of international cooperation focusing on international trafficking in persons for sexual exploitation. The approach initiates reflecting on the dignity of the human person and the socio-cultural issues that allow the sexual exploitation to continue to exist and to require an investigation and prosecution that differs from other criminal procedures. International cooperation, between governmental and non-governmental organizations, is discussed because of the transnational nature of the crime of international trafficking in persons and of the activities of criminal organizations. The comparative study of legislation and best practices implemented by the States addresses mainly the European Union and MERCOSUR member States and seeks to identify strengths and weaknesses in order to suggest actions that should be implemented or improved so that the international trafficking in persons for sexual exploitation may become increasingly difficult to realize.

Loin d’être une accumulation aléatoire de normes, les règles de droit international européen de la concurrence créées par les accords internationaux de l’Union européenne font partie d’un réseau normatif. Il s’agit d’un réseau de forme étoilée – au centre duquel se trouve l’Union européenne – composé de règles de droit de la concurrence adoptées par l’Union européenne et ses partenaires. L’étude de ces règles ainsi que des instruments internationaux qui les mettent en place, montre que ce réseau se développe de manière équilibrée autour de deux axes : les règles en matière de coopération entre autorités de la concurrence et les règles de fond. Ces règles peuvent être efficaces, en fonction de leur application à des litiges entre entreprises par les juridictions nationales, de la gestion des conflits et des possibilités de coopération entre autorités de la concurrence qu’elles ouvrent. L’objet de la présente étude est de démontrer que l’activité normative de l’Union européenne a conduit à la création d’un réseau de règles de droit international européen de la concurrence cohérent, à l’origine d’un espace juridique où existent des règles susceptibles d’appréhender les comportements anticoncurrentiels et les concentrations qui échappaient jusqu’ici au contrôle national
Far from being a patchwork, the rules composing the international dimension of EU competition law and policy form part of a normative network. It is a star-shaped network – with the European Union in its centre – composed of rules of competition law adopted by the European Union and its partners. An analysis of those rules and of the international instruments that create them demonstrates that that network evolves in a way which balances rules on cooperation between competition authorities and rules on substance. Those rules can be effective, depending on the way they apply in litigation between undertakings by national courts and by the way they facilitate conflict management and incite cooperation between competition authorities. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that the normative activity undertaken by the European Union has led to the creation of a coherent network of rules and forms the basis of a judicial sphere including rules that can tackle anticompetitive behaviours and mergers that would otherwise have escaped national control

L’outre-mer comprend des régions, des pays et des territoires aux statuts divers et au passé hérité en grande partie des grandes puissances européennes, ce qui les a placés dans une communauté d’intérêts avec les Etats auxquels ils sont rattachés mais aussi avec l’Union européenne (UE).Néanmoins, ces régions, pays et territoires n’ont eu cesse de reconstruire entre eux des liens historiques et culturels et de tisser des relations avec l’ensemble de l’outre-mer afin de présenter une cohérence d’ensemble dans leur négociation avec l’Union européenne.Les régions ultrapériphériques appliquent le droit communautaire tandis que les pays et territoires d’outre-mer, situés en dehors du territoire communautaire, connaissent un régime d’association avec l’Union européenne.Le Danemark, l’Espagne, la France, les Pays-Bas, le Portugal et le Royaume-Uni ont procédé aux réformes constitutionnelles autorisant de multiples évolutions statutaires dans le respect du droit à l’autodétermination des populations.Forts d’une évolution statutaire et d’un développement économique et social continu, les régions, pays et territoires d’outre-mer souhaitent maintenant faire valoir leurs droits et défendre leurs intérêts au niveau européen et sur la scène internationale.La globalisation des politiques les incite à se regrouper au sein d’institutions internationales. Le rattachement de ces territoires à des Etats de droit leur a ouvert la voie à des systèmes juridiques bien structurés mais aussi aux valeurs européennes. Leur ultrapériphérité les a placés dans une situation géopolitique qui les a fait accéder aux relations internationales.L’objet de cette thèse est de démontrer l’interdépendance entre ces différents ordres juridiques et l’influence du droit européen et du droit international sur l’évolution statutaire de l’outre-mer vers davantage d’autonomie, mais aussi de responsabilisation et de prise en charge de son développement au moyen d’une implication dans son environnement régional, d’une coopération inter-régionale ou transnationale et d’une participation aux travaux des organisations internationales
The Overseas regions, countries and territories present various statuses inherited mainly from the major European Powers which placed them in a relationship of a common interest not only with their mother countries but also with the European Union (EU).However, these territories have continuously re-built between them historical and cultural links, and weaved relationship within the entire Overseas to appear as a constituted whole while negotiating with the EU.The outermost regions (OR) apply Community Law while the Overseas Countries and territories (OCT) situated outside the territory of the Community, have Association Arrangements with the EU.Denmark, France, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain and United Kingdom have proceeded to necessary constitutional reforms to allow numerous articles amendments in respect of right to self-determination of peoples.At the light of statutory amendments and of a continuous economic and social development, the Outermost regions (OR) and the Overseas Countries and Territories (OCT), now wish to assert their rights and to defend their interests at European and International level.Globalisation of policies encourages OR and OCT to gather within International bodies. The rule of law of the related countries opens them to well-structured legal systems and to European values. The outermost geopolitical localisation makes them to have access to international relations.The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate the interdependence between these different legal systems and the impact of European and International Law on the statutory amendments of the Overseas towards more autonomy, but also liabilities and involvement on their own development by using their regional environment, inter-regional and transnational cooperation and taking part at the works of international organisations