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1

Weil, Dror. "Islamicated China: China’s Participation in the Islamicate Book Culture during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 4, no. 1-2 (2016): 36–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00401005.

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By the seventeenth century, Arabo-Persian scholarship in China had adopted elements from Muslim and Chinese book cultures and synthesized them into a new form of scholarship, attested by the hundreds of Arabo-Persian manuscripts extant in repositories in China and around the world and the hundred of copies of printed Chinese works on Islamic themes. This article surveys the history of Chinese participation in Muslim book culture, beginning with a review of the history and general features of texts, in terms of their language and period of composition. The second part of the article provides a
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2

Bernoussi, Mohamed. "Semiosis du corps dans la littérature sexologique arabe." Semiotica 2016, no. 208 (2016): 259–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2015-0129.

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AbstractAfter giving a synthesis about a possible semiotics of the body and its conditions, we will deal with the question of the semiosis of the body in sexual literature in two periods of the arabo-muslim culture. The first period concerns the second century of hegira (the eightieth century), a decisive period of young and already powerful arabo-muslim society. Through Al Jahiz’s works, a very busy and prolific writer, we will study different discourses on the body, notably on homosexuality, heterosexuality and the opposition between black and white bodies. The second example constitutes an
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3

Abattouy, Mohammed. "Nutaf Min Al-ΗΙYal: a Partial Arabic Version of Pseudo-Aristotle's Problemata Mechanica". Early Science and Medicine 6, № 2 (2001): 96–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338201x00073.

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AbstractThis article investigates the Arabic tradition of the Problemata Mechanica, a Greek text of mechanics ascribed to Aristotle, of which it has often been said that Arabic classical culture had been ignorant of it. Against this prevailed claim, it is shown that the Arabo-Muslim scholars had access to the text at least in the form of an abridged version entitled Nutaf min al-iyal edited by al-Khāzinī (twelfth century) in Kitāb mīzān al-ikma (Book of the Balance of Wisdom). The article includes the critical edition of the Arabic text of the Nutaf on the basis of the two extant manuscripts a
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4

Soufi, Youcef. "A Subtle Subversion." Arabica 71, no. 3 (2024): 304–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-202416892.

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Abstract The Arab socio-political dominance of 7th-8th century AD Muslim conquerors made its way into the classical legal discourse on kafāʾa (suitable matches in marriage). Most classical jurists considered the marriage of an Arab woman to a non-Arab man to be one of several potential sources of shame to the bride and her family. This article traces how the Persian scholars of the Šāfiʿī school in Khurasan subverted Arabo-centrism in considerations of marriage by reinterpreting the legal doctrine of kafāʾa in the late 10th-11th centuries. Khurasanian Šāfiʿīs built upon but ultimately departed
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5

ملكاوي, أسماء حسين, та حنان لطفي زين الدين. "عروض مختصرة". الفكر الإسلامي المعاصر (إسلامية المعرفة سابقا) 20, № 79 (2015): 215–05. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/citj.v20i79.2563.

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 فلسفة الأخلاق والقيم، عبد الوهاب جعفر، الإسكندرية: دار الوفاء لدنيا الطباعة والنشر، 2013م، 267 صفحة.
 الإنسان ومكانته في فلسفة هارتمان الأخلاقية، محمود سيد أحمد، الكويت: مكتبة آفاق، 2013م، 200 صفحة.
 التلمود البابلي، الأردن: مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط، 2012م، 20 مجلد، 7100 صفحة.
 التلمود: الذكر، الصلاة، الدعاء، تفسير الأحلام، ليلى إبراهيم أبو المجد وعلاء تيسير أحمد، القاهرة: مكتبة مدبولي، 2011م، 529 صفحة.
 الدِّين والسياسة والأخلاق.. مباحث فلسفية في السياقين الإسلامي والغربي، السيد ولد أباه، بيروت: دار جداول، 2014م، 312 صفحة.
 كيف لم أَعُدْ يهودياً: وجهة نظر إسرائ
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6

Yuzeev, A. N. "Sh. Marjani’s “Wafi yat al-’Aslaf” as a Monument of Arabo-Islamic Culture." Islam in the modern world 17, no. 1 (2021): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2021-17-1-89-100.

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Sh. Marjani’s seven- volume handwritten work “Wafi yat al-aslaf” is an encyclopedic dictionary devoted to the 6057 famous Muslim scholars, writers, philosophers, dignitaries, rulers etc. since the 7th century B. C. Marjani himself considered “Wafi yat al-aslaf” as his main work. The text is nothing but compilation, while the most scholarly interesting content concerns the Turkic world of the 17–19th centuries (Volga- Ural Region, Central Asia, Caucasus, Crimea). The original treatment of rich material of Muslim culture as well as author’s assessment of certain historical facts and events demon
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7

Melvin-Koushki, Matthew. "Imperial Talismanic Love: Ibn Turka’s Debate of Feast and Fight (1426) as Philosophical Romance and Lettrist Mirror for Timurid Princes." Der Islam 96, no. 1 (2019): 42–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2019-0002.

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Abstract This study presents and intellectual- and literary-historically contextualizes a remarkable but as yet unpublished treatise by Ibn Turka (d. 1432), foremost occult philosopher of Timurid Iran: the Munāẓara-yi bazm u razm. As its title indicates, this ornate Persian work, written in 1426 in Herat for the Timurid prince-calligrapher Bāysunghur (d. 1433), takes the form of a literary debate, a venerable Arabo-Persian genre that exploded in popularity in the post-Mongol period. Yet it triply transgresses the bounds of its genre, and doubly marries Arabic-Mamluk liter
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8

Gallon, Florian. "Apostille à l’histoire d’un arabisme. Usages du terme mecelemo dans la Catalogne des xe-xiie siècles." Médiévales 85 (2024): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/12bt1.

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L’article porte sur les usages du terme mecelemo dans un petit corpus de documents catalans composés entre 964 et 1157 – quatre testaments et un registre de dépenses. Leur analyse vient compléter l’histoire des dérivés de l’arabe muslim dans la documentation latine et romane de la péninsule Ibérique au Moyen Âge. Dans un environnement géopolitique et culturel qui favorisait les contacts entre la chrétienté latino-romane et le monde arabo-musulman, un tel transfert linguistique a pu emprunter divers canaux. Les captifs musulmans pourraient en avoir constitué l’un des véhicules, le vocable mecel
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9

Gallon, Florian. "Apostille à l’histoire d’un arabisme. Usages du terme mecelemo dans la Catalogne des X e - XII e siècles." Médiévales 85, no. 1 (2024): 117–29. https://doi.org/10.3917/medie.085.0117.

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L’article porte sur les usages du terme mecelemo dans un petit corpus de documents catalans composés entre 964 et 1157 – quatre testaments et un registre de dépenses. Leur analyse vient compléter l’histoire des dérivés de l’arabe muslim dans la documentation latine et romane de la péninsule Ibérique au Moyen Âge. Dans un environnement géopolitique et culturel qui favorisait les contacts entre la chrétienté latino-romane et le monde arabo-musulman, un tel transfert linguistique a pu emprunter divers canaux. Les captifs musulmans pourraient en avoir constitué l’un des véhicules, le vocable mecel
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10

Marzouki, Nadia. "Conversion as Statelessness: A Study of Contemporary Algerian Conversions to Evangelical Christianity." Middle East Law and Governance 4, no. 1 (2012): 69–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633712x626053.

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This article analyzes current practices of conversion to Evangelical Christianity from the perspective of a contentious relation between state and society in Algeria. Based on a pragmatist approach to religion as a contextual and practical accomplishment, this study shows how Evangelical Christianity has provided converts with a new understanding of freedom that is based on the cultivation of a pure faith. It examines how this renewed piety contributes to the formation of an alternative ideal of the Algerian nation, one that contradicts the Arabo-Islamist FLN imposed narrative. Drawing upon ob
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11

Bessard, Fanny. "Itinéraires et mutations urbaines dans le Mašriq islamique (ier/viie-iiie/ixe siècles)." Arabica 64, no. 2 (2017): 184–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341446.

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In the 1st/7th and the early 2nd/8th centuries, the Arab-Muslim conquest united two immense territories, once separated by a shifting border joining the Black sea to the Persian Gulf. To the East, the Arab-Muslims dominated Central Asia and the long-held Asian empire of the Sassanids that reached as far as the Chinese and Indian borders. To the West, they controlled the southern part of the Eastern and Western Roman empires. In the 2nd/8th century, the area conquered thus formed a narrow belt of lands from the Atlantic to the Chinese borders and from Georgia to Yemen. The Middle East became a
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12

Mikail Adebisi Folorunsho. "Cultural Interplay: A Review of the Interconnectivity between Arabo- Islamic and African Cultures in the Northern and Southwestern Nigeria." IJUS | International Journal of Umranic Studies 4, no. 1 (2021): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.59202/ijus.v4i1.396.

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 It is an established fact that contacts between the Arabs and the people of Islamised areas of Nigeria facilitated the inevitable cultural interconnectivity. These contacts have, to a large extent, influenced the totality of lives of the people of locales of this study in Nigeria. Focus of this paper is purposively restricted to the Northern and South-western Nigeria because instances of the interplay could significantly be felt there.South-south and South-eastern Nigeria are excluded from this study because of the absence of direct link of the Arabs with the inhabitants o
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13

Jiguang, Ding. "التبادل الوثيق بين الحضارة الصينية والحضارة الإسلامية ومدافعه وانغ داي يوي". 31 грудня 2021. https://doi.org/10.51575/atebe.929701.

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In the middle of the 17th century, Sheikh Wang Daiyu was one of China’s most famous Muslim scholars after Muhammad bin Abdullah bin Elias in China in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. and at a time when the sheikh lived, Islam in China was evolving progressively after it had had a weak presence, so Sheikh Wang Daiyu started writing books and scholarly articles in which he employed some Confucian terms ... to explain Islamic ideas from the Holy Qur’an and the Sunnah of the Prophet. He thus took upon himself the role of missionary caller to Islam, as well as the mission of spre
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14

Ennin, Theresah Patrine Ennin. "Silence, Murder, and Homoerotic Desire: Arabo-Muslim Women�s Protests of Oppressive Cultures." Research in African Literatures 52, no. 4 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.52.4.03.

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15

Mohamed, Eid, and Talaat F. Mohamed. "Racio-national Imaginary and Discursive Formation of Arabo-Islamic Identity in al-Manār and al-Risālah: A Topic Modeling Study." Journal of Cultural Analytics 9, no. 3 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.22148/001c.116223.

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This article focuses on the dynamics of culture, language, and race as integral to the discourse on Pan-Islamist/Pan-Arabist national identification in Egypt during an era of drastic change in the Egyptian political and social spheres that set the stage for the current century that followed. Our approach draws on computational tool of topic modeling to probe relevant thematic discussions on the” conceptualization of race, language, culture, and identity by leading Arab-Muslim intelligentsia at a foundational moment that paved the way for Arab Nahḍah (modernity). Specifically, this analysis is
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16

Jamila, Damirova Vagif. "LONGING FOR HOMELAND AND SICILIAN MOTIFS IN THE POETRY OF IBN HAMDIS." May 10, 2025. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15395236.

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&nbsp; &nbsp; <em>The most prominent representative of Arab-Sicilian literature is Ibn Hamdis. Although the poet left Sicily at a young age, motifs related to his homeland formed the main direction of his rich creative work. Whether during his years at the Abbadid court in al-Andalus or while living in the Maghreb, he repeatedly referred to Sicily. His poems on this subject are known as as-Siqilliyyāt (الصقليات). Many genres of Arabic poetry&mdash;such as panegyric (madīḥ), elegy (marthiyya), description (waṣf), wisdom poetry (ḥikma), and love poetry (ghazal)&mdash;enabled him to express his l
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