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Статті в журналах з теми "Cannery"

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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 10 травня 2022

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1

Turner, Michael B. "Abandoned Cannery." Labour / Le Travail 21 (1988): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142948.

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2

Bartholomew, Duane P., Richard A. Hawkins, and Johnny A. Lopez. "Hawaii Pineapple: The Rise and Fall of an Industry." HortScience 47, no. 10 (October 2012): 1390–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.47.10.1390.

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The date pineapple (Ananas comosus var. comosus) was introduced to Hawaii is not known, but its presence was first recorded in 1813. When American missionaries first arrived in Hawaii in 1820, pineapple was found growing wild and in gardens and small plots. The pineapple canning industry began in Baltimore in the mid-1860s and used fruit imported from the Caribbean. The export-based Hawaii pineapple industry was developed by an entrepreneurial group of California migrants who arrived in Hawaii in 1898 and the well-connected James D. Dole who arrived in 1899. The first profitable lot of canned pineapples was produced by Dole’s Hawaiian Pineapple Company in 1903 and the industry grew rapidly from there. Difficulties encountered in production and processing as the industry grew included low yields resulting from severe iron chlorosis and the use of low plant populations, mealybug wilt that devastated whole fields, inadequate machinery that limited cannery capacity, and lack of or poorly developed markets for the industry’s canned fruit. The major production problems were solved by public- and industry-funded research and innovation in the field and in the cannery. An industry association and industry-funded cooperative marketing efforts, initially led by James Dole, helped to expand the market for canned pineapple. Industry innovations were many and included: selection of ‘Smooth Cayenne’ pineapple as the most productive cultivar with the best quality fruit for canning; identification of the cause of manganese-induced iron chlorosis and its control with biweekly iron sulphate sprays; the use of mulch paper and the mechanization of its application, which increased yields by more than 20 t·ha−1; and the invention of the Ginaca peeler–corer machine, which greatly sped cannery throughput. Nematodes were also a serious problem for the industry, which resulted in the discovery and development of nematicides in the 1930s. As a result, by 1930 Hawaii led the world in the production of canned pineapple and had the world’s largest canneries. Production and sale of canned pineapple fell sharply during the world depression that began in 1929. However, the formation of an industry cartel to control output and marketing of canned pineapple, aggressive industry-funded marketing programs, and rapid growth in the volume of canned juice after 1933 restored industry profitability. Although the industry supported the world’s largest pineapple breeding program from 1914 until 1986, no cultivars emerged that replaced ‘Smooth Cayenne’ for canning. The lack of success was attributed in part to the superiority of ‘Smooth Cayenne’ in the field and the cannery, but also to the difficulty in producing defect-free progeny from crosses between highly heterozygous parents that were self-incompatible. Production of canned pineapple peaked in 1957, but the stage was set for the decline of the Hawaii industry when Del Monte, one of Hawaii’s largest canners, established the Philippine Packing Corporation (PPC) in the Philippines in the 1930s. The expansion of the PPC after World War II, followed by the establishment of plantations and canneries by Castle and Cooke’s Dole division in the Philippines in 1964 and in Thailand in 1972, sped the decline. The decline occurred mainly because foreign-based canneries had labor costs approximately one-tenth those in Hawaii. As the Hawaii canneries closed, the industry gradually shifted to the production of fresh pineapples. During that transition, the pineapple breeding program of the Pineapple Research Institute of Hawaii produced the MD-2 pineapple cultivar, now the world’s pre-eminent fresh fruit cultivar. However, the first and major beneficiary of that cultivar was Costa Rica where Del Monte had established a fresh fruit plantation in the late 1970s. Dole Food Co. and Maui Gold Pineapple Co. continue to produce fresh pineapples in Hawaii, mostly for the local market. All of the canneries eventually closed, the last one on Maui in 2007.

3

Helmbold, Lois Rita, Vicki L. Ruiz, and Patricia Zavella. "Organizing Cannery Row." Women's Review of Books 5, no. 8 (May 1988): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4020217.

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4

Levy, Sharon. "Cannery Row Revisited." BioScience 57, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1641/b570103.

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5

Barber, Phyllis. "At the Cannery." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 42, no. 2 (July 1, 2009): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/dialjmormthou.42.2.0079.

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6

Reis, Elizabeth. "Cannery R. O. W.: The AFL, the IWW, and Bay Area Italian Cannery Workers." California History 64, no. 3 (1985): 174–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25158303.

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7

Petrik, Paula, and Vicki L. Ruiz. "Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950." Western Historical Quarterly 19, no. 4 (November 1988): 460. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/968335.

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8

Blackwelder, Julia Kirk, and Vicki L. Ruiz. "Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950." American Historical Review 94, no. 2 (April 1989): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1867003.

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9

Weiner, Lynn, Vicki L. Ruiz, and Patricia Zavella. "Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950." Journal of American History 75, no. 3 (December 1988): 1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1901692.

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10

LAKE, DONALD E., RICHARD R. GRAVES, ROLAND S. LESNIEWSKI, and JEAN E. ANDERSON. "Post-Processing Spoilage of Low-Acid Canned Foods by Mesophilic Anaerobic Sporeformers." Journal of Food Protection 48, no. 3 (March 1, 1985): 221–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4315/0362-028x-48.3.221.

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Over a period of 4 years, 770 low-acid canned food spoilage incidents were investigated to determine the cause of spoilage. In 27 of these, the cause was attributed to the growth of bacteria of the Clostridium genus that had entered the cans as a result of post-processing leakage. No correlations were found that might explain the occurrence of this mesophilic anaerobic type of spoilage. It appears to be a random event, probably linked to cannery insanitation. A variety of species was found, consisting of both proteolytic and non-proteolytic types. Clostridium botulinum was not isolated from any of the canned foods examined, nor were any of the samples found to contain botulinal toxin. Container leak test methodology and principles are discussed.

11

Baer, Roberta D., Kathy Kominski, Patricia Miller-Shaivitz, and Diane Rambeau. "Expanding Usage of a Community Cannery." City Society 2, no. 1 (June 1988): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/city.1988.2.1.60.

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12

Freeman, J., E. R. Larsen, and A. Lomi. "Why is there no cannery in 'Cannery Row'? Exploring a behavioral simulation model of population extinction." Industrial and Corporate Change 21, no. 1 (December 23, 2011): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icc/dtr072.

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13

Brown, Martin, and Peter Philips. "The Evolution of Labor Market Structure: The California Canning Industry." ILR Review 38, no. 3 (April 1985): 392–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398503800306.

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This paper presents a historical explanation of the evolution of labor market structure and wage differentials in the California canning industry. Beginning in the late 1800s, the power of craft labor within the canneries combined with the growth of a canned goods market to stimulate mechanization, which in turn raised the cost of a casual labor force and led to nascent labor market structure. Unionization in the 1930s, itself a partial product of previous mechanization, reshaped and institutionalized informal internal labor markets. Wages both within the canneries and between canning and agriculture responded to the evolving institutions and structural characteristics of the cannery labor market.

14

Clayton, Murray, William V. Biasi, and Elizabeth J. Mitcham. "Commercial Ripening of Cannery Pears with Ethylene." HortTechnology 9, no. 3 (January 1999): 416–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.9.3.416.

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`Bartlett' pears (Pyrus communis L.) were harvested and ripened with and without ethylene in standard field bins at a commercial cannery. Mean firmness and firmness uniformity within a bin was evaluated for ethylene- and nonethylene-treated fruit. Uniformity of firmness among pears within a bin increased as ripening progressed. Applying 100 ppm (10 Pa) of ethylene gas during the first 24 hours of commercial ripening accelerated ripening of `Bartlett' pears held in standard field bins. Improved firmness uniformity would therefore be expected in ethylene-treated fruit commercially ripened to a lower firmness than untreated fruit otherwise ripened and processed at a higher firmness—the improved firmness uniformity was due to the lower firmness and not a specific effect of ethylene on ripening uniformity. When fruit were cold-stored for 20 days at 32 °F (0 °C) before ripening, the mean firmness and firmness uniformity of fruit exposed to ethylene during initial ripening was no different than nonethylene-treated fruit. Results from this study also indicate that fluctuations in ripening room air temperature, under some conditions, might increase firmness variability between fruit within a standard field bin.

15

Hoeling, A., T. Grimm, V. V. Volkov, and N. Yu Mezenova. "Hydrolysis process of fish cannery by-products." Journal International Academy of Refrigeration 15, no. 1 (2016): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.21047/1606-4313-2016-15-1-3-8.

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16

Nigam, J. "Continuous ethanol production from pineapple cannery waste." Journal of Biotechnology 72, no. 3 (July 2, 1999): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0168-1656(99)00106-6.

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17

D. Xanthoulis and W. W. Wallender. "FURROW INFILTRATION AND DESIGN WITH CANNERY WASTEWATER." Transactions of the ASAE 34, no. 6 (1991): 2390–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.13031/2013.31884.

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18

Ditsky, John. "A Foolish Consistency: Sparky in Cannery Row." Steinbeck Studies 16, no. 1 (2005): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/stn.2007.0003.

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19

RUIZ, V. "UNA MUJER SIN FRONTERAS." Pacific Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2004.73.1.1.

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Making strategic choices regarding her class and ethnic identiÞcation for the cause of social justice, Luisa Moreno was the most visible Latina labor and civil rights activist in the United States during the Great Depression and World War II. Vice-president of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA-CIO), this charismatic Guatemalan immigrant organized farm and cannery workers across the Southwest, achieving particular success among Mexican and Russian Jewish women in southern California plants. In 1939 she was also the driving force behind El Congreso de Pueblos de Hablan Espaola (the Congress of Spanish-speaking Peoples), the Þrst national Latino civil rights assembly. A feminist and leftist, she faced government harassment and red-baiting in the late 1940s, especially for her past Communist Party membership.

20

Sigge, G. O., T. J. Britz, P. C. Fourie, C. A. Barnardt, and R. Strydom. "Combining UASB technology and advanced oxidation processes (AOPs) to treat food processing wastewaters." Water Science and Technology 45, no. 10 (May 1, 2002): 329–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2002.0365.

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UASB treatment of fruit cannery and winery effluents was shown to be feasible. However, the treated effluents still have residual COD levels well above the legal limit of 75 mg.L−1 for direct discharge to a water system and a form of post-treatment is necessary to reduce the COD further. Ozone and ozone/hydrogen peroxide were used in combination with a granular activated carbon contacting column to assess the effectiveness as a post-treatment option for the UASB treated fruit cannery and winery effluent. Colour reduction in the effluents ranged from 66 to 90% and COD reductions of 27–55% were achieved. The combination of ozone and hydrogen peroxide gave better results than ozonation alone. Significant progress was thus made in achieving the legal limit of 75 mg.L−1.

21

Hwang, Cheebok. "The Modern Violence towards Superiority in Cannery Row." Journal of Modern British and American Language and Literature 33, no. 1 (February 28, 2015): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.21084/jmball.2015.02.33.1.293.

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22

Constantin Ardeleanu. "A British Meat Cannery in Moldavia (1844–52)." Slavonic and East European Review 90, no. 4 (2012): 671. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/slaveasteurorev2.90.4.0671.

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23

Baer, Roberta D., Katherine Kelley, Deborah Rosenberg, Rebecca Vollweiler, and Lanette Wilbur. "Users of a Community Cannery: Patterns and Problems." City Society 6, no. 1 (June 1992): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/city.1992.6.1.90.

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24

Sigge, G. O., T. J. Britz, P. C. Fourie, C. A. Barnardt, and R. Strydom. "Use of ozone and hydrogen peroxide in the post-treatment of UASB treated alkaline fruit cannery effluent." Water Science and Technology 44, no. 5 (September 1, 2001): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2001.0254.

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UASB treatment of cannery effluents was shown to be feasible. However, the treated effluent still does not allow direct discharge to a water system and a further form of post-treatment is necessary to reduce the COD to lower than the legal limit of 75 mg/l. The use of ozone, hydrogen peroxide and granular activated carbon were used singly or in combination to assess the effectiveness as post-treatment options for the UASB treated alkaline fruit cannery effluent. Colour reduction in the effluent ranged from 15% to 92% and COD reductions of 26-91% were achieved. Combinations of ozone and hydrogen peroxide gave better results than either oxidant singly. The best results were achieved by combining ozone, hydrogen peroxide and granular activated carbon, and COD levels were reduced to levels sufficiently below the 75 mg/l limit.

25

Lovell, George I., Michael McCann, and Kirstine Taylor. "Covering Legal Mobilization: A Bottom‐Up Analysis of Wards Cove v. Atonio." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 01 (2016): 61–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12143.

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We develop a political history of Wards Cove v. Atonio (1989) to show how Robert Cover's concepts of jurisgenesis and jurispathy can enrich the legal mobilization framework for understanding law and social change. We illustrate the value of the hybrid theory by recovering the Wards Cove workers’ own understanding of the role of litigation in their struggle for workplace rights. The cannery worker plaintiffs exemplified Cover's dual logic by articulating aspirational narratives of social justice and by critically rebuking the Supreme Court's ruling as the “death throe” for progressive minority workers’ rights advocacy. The cannery workers’ story also highlights the importance of integrating legal mobilization scholars’ focus on extrajudicial political engagement into Cover's judge‐centered analysis. Our aim is to forge a theoretical bridge between Cover's provocative arguments about law and the analytical tradition of social science scholarship on the politics of legal mobilization.

26

김대양. "Study of Kobayashi Takiji\'s 『The Crab Cannery Ship 』." Japanese Language and Literature Association of Daehan 76, no. ll (November 2017): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.18631/jalali.2017.76..011.

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27

Liu, Hsin-Ying, Patrizia V. Hall, Jeannie L. Darby, Erik R. Coats, Peter G. Green, Donald E. Thompson, and Frank J. Loge. "Production of Polyhydroxyalkanoate During Treatment of Tomato Cannery Wastewater." Water Environment Research 80, no. 4 (April 2008): 367–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2175/106143007x221535.

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28

Newell, Dianne, and Kathleen Paulsen. "Dynamic Traditions: "Cannery Days" at Vancouver's Museum of Anthropology." Technology and Culture 35, no. 4 (October 1994): 864. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3106510.

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29

Takami, David. "Marcoses Found Liable for Seattle Cannery Workers Union Murders." Amerasia Journal 18, no. 1 (January 1992): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/amer.18.1.8154307112r47727.

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30

Morsberger, Robert E. "A History of Steinbeck’s Cannery Row by Tom Mangelsdorf." Western American Literature 23, no. 1 (1988): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wal.1988.0192.

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31

Kassab, Hanan. "UTILIZATION OF TOMATO CANNERY WASTES (SEEDS) IN FOOD PURPOSES." Journal of Food and Dairy Sciences 32, no. 4 (April 1, 2021): 2661–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jfds.2021.200241.

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32

Chiang, Connie Y. "Novel Tourism: Nature, Industry, and Literature on Monterey's Cannery Row." Western Historical Quarterly 35, no. 3 (October 1, 2004): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443010.

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33

Reis, Elizabeth. "7: The AFL, the IWW and Bay Area Cannery Workers *." Center for Migration Studies special issues 10, no. 1 (January 1993): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2050-411x.1993.tb00086.x.

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34

Zavella, Patricia. ""Abnormal Intimacy": The Varying Work Networks of Chicana Cannery Workers." Feminist Studies 11, no. 3 (1985): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3180117.

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35

Reis, Elizabeth. "7 The AFL, the IWW and Bay Area Cannery Workers*." International Migration Review 27, no. 2_suppl (January 1993): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839302702s12.

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36

Lancaster. "The Inverted Economy of Steinbeck's Cannery Row Ecology." Steinbeck Review 12, no. 1 (2015): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/steinbeckreview.12.1.0052.

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37

Durand, Loïc, Stella Planchon, Marie-Hélène Guinebretiere, Stéphane André, Frédéric Carlin, and Fabienne Remize. "Contamination pathways of spore-forming bacteria in a vegetable cannery." International Journal of Food Microbiology 202 (June 2015): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijfoodmicro.2015.02.019.

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38

Khayriddinovna, Ganieva Orzigul. "Description of social problems in "Cannery Row" by John Steinbeck." ACADEMICIA: An International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 11, no. 4 (2021): 1376–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7137.2021.01246.5.

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39

Abbasi, P. A., J. Al-Dahmani, F. Sahin, H. A. J. Hoitink, and S. A. Miller. "Effect of Compost Amendments on Disease Severity and Yield of Tomato in Conventional and Organic Production Systems." Plant Disease 86, no. 2 (February 2002): 156–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis.2002.86.2.156.

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Field trials were conducted over 2 years to assess the effects of compost amendments on disease development in organic and conventional processing tomato (Lycopersicon esculentum L.) production systems. The incidence of anthracnose fruit rot was reduced in organic tomato plots amended with a high rate of composted cannery wastes compared with the incidence in nonamended control plots in 1998 when disease incidence was high. Marketable yield was increased by 33% in compost-amended organic plots. Plots amended with a high compost rate had more ripe fruit than the nonamended control. The incidence of anthracnose and of total disease on fruit was less on the cultivar OH 8245 than on Peto 696. Total fruit yield of OH 8245 but not Peto 696 in organic plots was increased by amendment with composted cannery wastes. In conventional tomato production, composted yard wastes increased disease severity on foliage both years but reduced bacterial spot incidence on fruit in 1997, when disease pressure was high. The incidence of anthracnose was not affected by composted yard wastes. Marketable and total fruit yields of Peto 696 were not increased in compost-amended conventional plots. The plant activator Actigard reduced foliar disease severity and the incidence of bacterial spot and anthracnose on fruit, while increasing yield of marketable fruit.

40

Johns, Mitchell M., and James W. Bauder. "Root Zone Leachate from High Chemical Oxygen Demand Cannery Water Irrigation." Soil Science Society of America Journal 71, no. 6 (November 2007): 1893–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.2136/sssaj2007.0063.

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41

Bakshi, M. P. S., S. Kaushal, and M. Wadhwa. "Potential of Sarson Saag Waste-a Cannery Waste as Ruminant Feed." Asian-Australasian Journal of Animal Sciences 18, no. 4 (September 3, 2010): 479–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5713/ajas.2005.479.

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42

Karlsson, Mats. "Kobayashi Takiji, The Crab Cannery Ship and Other Novels of Struggle." Japanese Studies 34, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10371397.2014.908489.

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43

Nigam, J. "Continuous ethanol production from pineapple cannery waste using immobilized yeast cells." Journal of Biotechnology 80, no. 2 (June 23, 2000): 189–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0168-1656(00)00246-7.

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44

BARDEN, THOMAS E. "Cannery Row: The History of John Steinbeck's Old Ocean View Avenue." Steinbeck Review 7, no. 1 (March 2010): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-6087.2010.01086.x.

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45

BARDEN, THOMAS E. "Cannery Row: The History of John Steinbeck's Old Ocean View Avenue." Steinbeck Review 7, no. 1 (2010): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/steinbeckreview.7.1.0090.

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46

Williams, Norma, and Patricia Zavella. "Women's Work and Chicano Families: Cannery Workers of the Santa Clara Valley." Contemporary Sociology 18, no. 4 (July 1989): 520. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073049.

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47

Muszynski, Alicja, and Patricia Zavella. "Women's Work and Chicano Families, Cannery Workers of the Santa Clara Valley." Labour / Le Travail 24 (1989): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143279.

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48

Hwang Chee Bok. "The Meaning of Exchange in the Local Ecosystem: John Steinbeck’s Cannery Row." English21 30, no. 1 (March 2017): 251–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.35771/engdoi.2017.30.1.012.

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Hoffman, Abraham, and Patricia Zavella. "Women's Work and Chicano Families: Cannery Workers of the Santa Clara Valley." Western Historical Quarterly 20, no. 3 (August 1989): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969541.

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Shopes, Linda, Patricia Zavella, and Vicki L. Ruiz. "Women's Work and Chicano Families: Cannery Workers of the Santa Clara Valley." Technology and Culture 29, no. 4 (October 1988): 925. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3105060.

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