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1

Markovich, Slobodan. "Activities of Father Nikolai Velimirovich in Great Britain during the Great War." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 143–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748143m.

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Nikolai Velimirovich was one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the twentieth century. His stay in Britain in 1908/9 influenced his theological views and made him a proponent of an Anglican-Orthodox church reunion. As a known proponent of close relations between different Christian churches, he was sent by the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic to the United States (1915) and Britain (1915-1919) to work on promoting Serbia and the cause of Yugoslav unity. His activities in both countries were very successful. In Britain he closely collaborated with the Serbian Relief Fund and ?British friends of Serbia? (R. W. Seton-Watson, Henry Wickham Steed and Sir Arthur Evans). Other Serbian intellectuals in London, particularly the brothers Bogdan and Pavle Popovic, were in occasional collision with the members of the Yugoslav Committee over the nature of the future Yugoslav state. In contrast, Velimirovich remained committed to the cause of Yugoslav unity throughout the war with only rare moments of doubt. Unlike most other Serbs and Yugoslavs in London Father Nikolai never grew unsympathetic to the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, although he did not share all of his views. In London he befriended the churchmen of the Church of England who propagated ecclesiastical reunion and were active in the Anglican and Eastern Association. These contacts allowed him to preach at St. Margaret?s Church, Westminster and other prominent Anglican churches. He became such a well-known and respected preacher that, in July 1917, he had the honour of being the first Orthodox clergyman to preach at St. Paul?s Cathedral. He was given the same honour in December 1919. By the end of the war he had very close relations with the highest prelates of the Church of England, the Catholic cardinal of Westminster, and with prominent clergymen of the Church of Scotland and other Protestant churches in Britain. Based on Velimirovich?s correspondence preserved in Belgrade and London archives, and on very wide coverage of his activities in The Times, in local British newspapers, and particularly in the Anglican journal The Church Times, this paper describes and analyses his wide-ranging activities in Britain. The Church of England supported him wholeheartedly in most of his activities and made him a celebrity in Britain during the Great War. It was thanks to this Church that some dozen of his pamphlets and booklets were published in London during the Great War. What made his relations with the Church of England so close was his commitment to the question of reunion of Orthodox churches with the Anglican Church. He suggested the reunion for the first time in 1909 and remained committed to it throughout the Great War. Analysing the activities of Father Nikolai, the paper also offers a survey of the very wide-ranging forms of help that the Church of England provided both to the Serbian Orthodox Church and to Serbs in by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement. general during the Great War. Most of these activities were channelled through him. Thus, by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement.
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2

Reutcke, Chelsea. "‘Very Knaves Besides’: Catholic Print and the Enforcers of the 1662 Licensing Act in Restoration England." Studies in Church History 56 (May 15, 2020): 288–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2019.16.

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This article explores the motivations of three enforcers of the Licensing Act of 1662 in regard to their treatment of the illicit Catholic book trade in London during the Restoration. As censors, the Stationers’ Company, the Surveyor of the Press, Roger L'Estrange, and the bishop of London, Henry Compton, were intended to unite the concerns of the book trade, the state and the church. However, each used the Licensing Act to pursue their own interests. Contemporaries and historians have both viewed the act as being unsuccessfully enforced; this article explores whether full enforcement was ever the goal. Using the case of Catholic print, it posits that it was precisely the act's flexibility that encouraged its repeated renewals. Moreover, exploring the print of the Catholic minority in London highlights the differences between the written law and the enforced law. Finally, this article suggests that at times there existed an informal toleration for the printers and booksellers engaged in Catholic book production that enabled books to escape detection and the Catholic book trade to continue despite the Licensing Act.
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3

Young, Francis. "Bishop William Poynter and exorcism in Regency England." British Catholic History 33, no. 2 (September 15, 2016): 278–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2016.28.

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In 1815 the Vicar Apostolic of the London District, William Poynter, became embroiled in a case of alleged demonic possession. In the face of considerable pressure from the family of Peter Moore, the alleged demoniac, Poynter prevented a proposed exorcism on the grounds that it would bring adverse publicity to the still fragile Catholic Church in England. Drawing on the surviving correspondence between Poynter and his officials and Peter Moore’s family, this article examines the stance adopted by Poynter on the issue of exorcism within the wider context of ‘Catholic Enlightenment’ thought on demonic possession, and argues that the political circumstances of Catholics in England ensured that Poynter’s cautious approach to exorcism ultimately won out against the desire of other Catholics—including another Vicar Apostolic, John Milner—to publicise the rite as a means of promoting the Catholic faith.
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4

Clark, Elaine. "Catholics and the Campaign for Women's Suffrage in England." Church History 73, no. 3 (September 2004): 635–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098322.

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Narratives about women and religion in Victorian and Edwardian society seldom addressed the world of the Catholic laity, leaving the impression that Catholics were unimportant in English history. Pushed into anonymity, they were easily misunderstood because of their religious sensibilities and loyalty to a church governed not from London but Rome. This was a church long subject to various forms of disability in England and with a membership of roughly 5 percent of the population around 1900. By then, objections to the Catholic Church as a foreign institution had lessened, but critics still labeled Catholics “a people apart,” viewing them as too disinterested in their neighbors' welfare to play a vital part in public life. So commonplace was this particular point of view that it obscured Catholic participation in social causes such as the hard fought campaign for women's suffrage. As often as journalists, suffragists, and members of Parliament debated enfranchisement in the years before and after the First World War, very little is known today about the role Catholics played in the struggle for women's rights.
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5

Prior, Michael. "A Disaster for Dialogue: Anti-Zionism, Anti-Semitism and Racism." Holy Land Studies 4, no. 1 (May 2005): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2005.4.1.87.

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In his last article, ‘A Disaster for Dialogue’, an extract from which was published posthumously in the Catholic weekly The Tablet (London), 31 July 2004, Professor Michael Prior powerfully challenged the claim that opponents of Zionism were necessarily anti-Semitic. The following is the full version of the Tablet article in which he was commenting on the eighteenth meeting of the International Catholic-Jewish Liaison Committee, which met in Buenos Aires in July 2004.
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6

Usher, Brett. "Thomas Walbot: The last ‘Freewiller’ in Elizabethan England?" Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003272.

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The special character of discipline and diversity in the London of the 1560s has never lacked commentators. Following Elizabeth I’s settlement of religion in the parliament of 1559 the new government had many factors to consider. Although convinced Roman Catholic clergy were no longer to be tolerated Elizabeth was anxious not to alienate leading Catholic laymen. Convinced Protestant clerics or potential ordinands, many of them returning from exile or else emerging from prudent seclusion in the British Isles, would either accept her Settlement and shoulder the burden of governing her Church or else, wanting more than it had offered them, move into increasingly militant revolt. These things have been intensively studied and altogether the government’s agenda, like that of many a government swept suddenly to power, can be described as ‘the imposition of discipline and the quashing of diversity’.
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7

Wizeman, William. "Re-Imaging The Marian Catholic Church." Recusant History 28, no. 3 (May 2007): 353–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011420.

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The late Professor Geoffrey Dickens in his book, The English Reformation, condemned the Marian church for ‘failing to discover’ the verve and creativity of the Counter-Reformation; on the other hand, Dr Lucy Wooding has praised the Marian church for its adherence to the views of the great religious reformer Erasmus and its insularity from the counter-reforming Catholicism of Europe in her book Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England. However, by studying the Latin and English catechetical, homiletic, devotional and controversial religious texts printed during the Catholic renewal in England in the reign of Mary Tudor (1553–58) and the decrees of Cardinal Reginald Pole's Legatine Synod in London (1555–56), a very different picture emerges. Rooted in the writings of St John Fisher—which also influenced the pivotal decrees of the Council of Trent (1545–63) on justification and the Eucharist—Marian authors presented a theological synthesis that concurred with Trent's determinations. This article will focus on three pivotal Reformation controversies: the intrepretation of scripture, justification, and the Eucharist.
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8

Smith, John T. "The Priest and the Elementary School in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century." Recusant History 25, no. 3 (May 2001): 530–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320003034x.

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The Report of a Select Committee in 1835 gave the total of Catholic day schools in England as only 86, with the total for Scotland being 20. Catholic children had few opportunities for day school education. HMI Baptist Noel reported in 1840: ‘very few Protestant Dissenters and scarcely any Roman Catholics send their children to these [National] schools; which is little to be wondered at, since they conscientiously object to the repetition of the Church catechism, which is usually enforced upon all the scholars. Multitudes of Roman Catholic children, for whom some provision should be made, are consequently left in almost complete neglect, a prey to all the evils which follow profound ignorance and the want of early discipline.’ With the establishment of the lay dominated Catholic Institute of Great Britain in 1838 numbers rose to 236 in the following five years, although the number of children without Catholic schooling was still estimated to be 101,930. Lay control of Catholic schools diminished in the 1840s. In 1844, for example, Bishop George Brown of the Lancashire District in a Pastoral letter abolished all existing fund-raising for churches and schools and created his own district board which did not have a single lay member. The Catholic Poor School Committee was founded in 1847, with two laymen and eight clerics and the bishops requested that the Catholic Institute hand over all its educational monies to this new body and called for all future collections at parish level to be sent to it. Government grants were secured for Catholic schools for the first time in 1847. The great influx of Irish immigrants during the years of the potato famine (1845–8) increased the Catholic population and church leaders soon noted the great leakage among the poor. The only way to counteract this leakage was to educate the young under the care of the Church.
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9

Gallagher, Brigid. "Father Victor Braun and the Catholic Church in England and Wales, 1870–1882." Recusant History 28, no. 4 (October 2007): 547–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011663.

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Nineteenth century London, like many towns and cities in Britain, experienced phenomenal population growth. At the centre of the British Empire, and driven by free trade and industry, it achieved extraordinary wealth, but this wealth was confined to the City and to the West End. East London, however, consisted of ‘an expanse of poverty and wretchedness as appalling as, and in many ways worse than the horrors of the industrial North’. There was clear evidence of the lack of urban planning, as factories were established close to the immense dock buildings constructed near Stratford. Toxic materials such as paint and varnish were produced in large chemical works owned by the German chemist, Rudolf Hersel, as were matches by the firm Bryant and May, and rubber, tar and iron for the building trade by various industrialists. Social historians have viewed the poverty of mid-nineteenth century London's East End as a symbol of urban disintegration in which skilled artisans were reduced to sweated, lowly-paid, labourers. Their homes, built close to the industrial sectors, were erected hastily and cheaply, and lacked proper hygienic and sanitary facilities, so that slum conditions prevailed. Moreover, this housing had to be demolished frequently to make way for new roads and railways, thus creating great hardship for an already destitute people.
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10

Lock, Alexander. "Catholicism, Apostasy and Politics in Late Eighteenth-Century England: The Case of Sir Thomas Gascoigne and Charles Howard, Earl of Surrey." Recusant History 30, no. 2 (October 2010): 275–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012802.

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Apostasy among the English Catholic gentry in the late eighteenth century was not uncommon. In this period contemporary Catholic observers were concerned by what they perceived to be a great qualitative decrease of English Catholic gentry and they regarded apostasy as ‘a major and catastrophic cause of the decline’. Conformity to the established religion was a social virtue and was rewarded with social advantages; it was part and parcel of one's rise in the social scale and so was a great temptation for gentlemen outside the Anglican fold who were desirous of a service or parliamentary career. In almost every county in England many heads of old English Catholic families conformed. Indeed, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, of the twenty-four Catholic gentry families that existed in the Riding in. 1706 only twelve remained by 1780. Between the years 1754–1790 seven members of the House of Commons had renounced Roman Catholicism in order to pursue political careers and according to the contemporary Catholic priest Joseph Berington, by 1780 there were but 177 landed Catholic families in England ten of which had either died out or recently abjured their faith. Just a few conversions could have devastating consequences for Catholic communities. As David Butler points out, often ‘Catholic missions were over-dependent on the Catholic aristocracy and gentry for the continuance of Catholic worship’ and for Butler, in eighteenth-century London alone, if ‘just eight prominent families had apostatised … the Catholic missions would have lost about half of their numbers’.
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11

Schönenberger, Beat. "International Law Association, Committee on Cultural Heritage Law (London, England, May 17–18, 2007)." International Journal of Cultural Property 15, no. 4 (November 2008): 411–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739108080338.

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The Committee on Cultural Heritage Law of the International Law Association (ILA) held an interim meeting in London on May 17–18, 2007. After completing the work on the Principles for Cooperation in the Mutual Protection and Transfer of Cultural Material on the occasion of the Seventy-Second Conference in Toronto 2006, the committee has now two projects on its agenda. The first one is concerned with a study of the concept of safe havens for temporary deposit of cultural material rescued from circumstances of armed conflict and other serious threats; the second study deals with the relationship between international trade law and cultural heritage law.
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12

Loades, David M. "The Piety of The Catholic Restoration in England, 1553–1558." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001708.

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There was very little in Reginald Pole’s previous record as a scholar, confessor, or ecclesiastical statesman to suggest that he attached great importance to the externals of traditional worship. However, in his task of restoring the Church in England to the Catholic fold, he felt constrained to use whatever methods and materials were available to his hands. Ceremonies, as Miles Huggarde rightly observed, were ‘curious toyes’, not only to the Protestants, but also to those semi-evangelical Reformers of the 1530s whose exact doctrinal’standpoints are so hard to determine. Along with the papal jurisdiction had gone the great pilgrimage shrines, not only St Thomas of Canterbury—that monument to the triumph of the sacerdotium over the regnum—but also Our Lady of Walsingham and a host of others. Down, too, had gone the religious houses, lesser and greater, with their elaborate liturgical practices, and many familiar saints’ days had disappeared from the calendar before the austere simplifications of 1552. Such changes had provoked much opposition and disquiet, but they had left intact die ceremonial core of the old faith, the Mass in all its multitude of forms, and the innumerable little sacramental and liturgical pieties which constituted the faith of ordinary people. The recent researches of Professor Scarisbrick, Dr Haigh, Dr Susan Brigden, and others have reminded us just how lively these pieties were before—and during—the Reformation, even in places heavily infiltrated by the New Learning, such as London. It was at this level that traditional religion seems to have been at its most flourishing; in the small fraternities and guilds attached to parish churches; in the ornamentation and equipment of the churches themselves; and in the provision of gifts and bequests for obits, lights, and charitable doles.
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13

Op, Robert Ombres. "Connelly v Connelly (1851): The Trials of A Saint?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, no. 36 (January 2005): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005974.

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The case of Connelly v Connelly on the face of it simply concerned a suit by a husband for the restitution of conjugal rights. It became interlocked, however, with wider and deeper issues in Victorian England at a time when the Roman Catholic hierarchy was restored in 1850 and there was an upsurge in anti-Catholic sentiment. Both litigants were extraordinary and led eventful lives, and the cause of canonisation of the wife (Cornelia Connelly) is in progress. In a broad context, this article examines in detail the litigation between the spouses first at the Court of Arches in 1849–1850, and then on appeal to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in 1851. The litigation was inconclusive, and the case was eventually abandoned by the husband.
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14

Smoła, Marek. "Kasper Cichocki (1545–1616) — A Catholic polemicist from Tarnów." Humanities and Cultural Studies 2/2021, no. 1 (February 22, 2021): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.7393.

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The article constitutes a biography of a religious writer, born in Tarnów, educated at the universities in Cracow, Italy and Germany, a scholar and clergyman. He attained certain ecclesiastical dignities (the canon of Wilno and Sandomierz, the parson of three parishes), however, first and foremost, he achieved fame and recognition as the writer of two Latin texts. Both texts were created in defence of the Jesuit Order, at that time greatly attacked because of their uncompromising nature in fighting against the Protestants residing in Poland. In particular, the second text of Kasper Cichocki, “Alloquiorum Osieciensium”, became widely known in Poland as well as in Europe. Due to the fact that the text targeted the then reigning king of England and Scotland, James I Stuart, it met with acute diplomatic opposition from the court of London, who demanded a severe punishment for the author and a public burning of his work.
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15

Hill, Christopher. "Episcopal Lineage: A Theological Reflection on Blake v Associated Newspapers Ltd." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 34 (January 2004): 334–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005421.

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Mathew's varied ecclesiastical progress presents a fascinating case study of an episcopate detached from a main-stream Christian community and alerts us to the danger of solely considering ‘episcopal lineage‘ as the litmus test for apostolicity. Mathew was born in France in 1852 and baptised a Roman Catholic; due to his mother's scruples he was soon re-baptised in the Anglican Church. He studied for the ministry in the Episcopal Church of Scotland, but sought baptism again in the Church of Rome, into which he was ordained as a priest in Glasgow in 1877. He became a Dominican in 1878, but only persevered a year, moving around a number of Catholic dioceses: Newcastle, Plymouth, Nottingham and Clifton. Here he came across immorality, and became a Unitarian. He next turned to the Church of England and the Diocese of London, but was soon in trouble for officiating without a licence. In 1890 he put forward his claim to Garter King of Arms for the title of 4th Earl of Llandaff of Thomastown, Co. Tipperary. He renounced the Church of England in 1899 because of vice. After founding a zoo in Brighton, which went bankrupt, he appeared in court in connection with a charge of embezzlement. He then became a Roman Catholic again, now as a layman.
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16

Dean, D. M. "Public or Private? London, Leather and Legislation in Elizabethan England." Historical Journal 31, no. 3 (September 1988): 525–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00023475.

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On the morning of Wednesday, 24 February 1585, a bill ‘for imploying of Landes and Tenementes given to the Maintenance of Highewayes, Bridges etc.’ was read in the house of common for the seond time and committed for consideration by several members that afternoon in the hall of the Middle Temple. The committee decided to introduce a completely new measure which was itself committed after the second reading on 9 March. At one point in these proceedings William Fleetwood, recorder of London, told the lower house that he had advised the bill's promoter to make it ‘a private bill but he would not and therfor he shall see what will come of it’. Undoubtedly irked at this refusal to accept his advice, Fleetwood may have felt some satisfaction when the bill was rejected on its third reading in the lower house. Nevertheless, the bill's promoter had good reason to introduce his measure as a public rather than as a private bill. Private bills were expensive. Fees were payable at every stage, for the reading, committing, engrossing and endorsing such bills, and then, if all went well, fees had to be paid if the promoter wanted the bill printed and thus made public. Besides the cost, private bills stood less chance of getting through both houses of parliament. Not only was there a great risk of one's measure getting swamped by the large number of private bills always introduced in the first few weeks of a session, but it was also frequently asserted that private bills should have low priority on the agenda of parliament.
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17

Newman, Keith A. "Holiness in Beauty? Roman Catholics, Arminians, and the Aesthetics of Religion in Early Caroline England." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 303–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012511.

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This paper is more concerned with posing questions than attempting to provide answers. I am principally interested in trying to establish whether there was a connection between the English Arminians’ emphasis on ritual and the beautification of churches in the 1620S and 1630S and the perception at the time that Roman Catholicism was gaining ground, especially in London and at the court. It has long been known that Charles I’s court was considered by contemporaries to have been rife with Catholic activity. Likewise, the embassy chapels in London provided a focus for Protestant discontent as a result of their attracting considerable congregations of English Catholics. The 1620s also saw the Arminian faction within the Church of England grow in influence, acquiring the patronage of the Duke of Buckingham and of King Charles himself. As has been demonstrated by Nicholas Tyacke, for example, this faction was very much orientated towards the court, and gained power by working within this milieu under the leadership of Laud and Neile. However, I am not concerned here with the politics of the Arminian rise to control of the Church of England hierarchy, but rather with their interest in ceremonial worship, their endeavour to place liturgy rather than the sermon at the centre of services. Was a leading Arminian such as John Cosin, for instance, reacting to what amounted to a Roman initiative? Furthermore, one needs to ask what part aesthetics played in attracting and retaining the allegiance of Catholics to what was, after all, an illegal form of worship. Even if the no longer faced the likelihood of physical martyrdom, financial penalties were severe, and the threat of imprisonment remained for priests and laity alike. Yet some twenty per cent of the titular nobility and many ordinary folk remained loyal to Rome. May not the very nature of Catholic worship provide a clue to explain this phenomenon? Clearly this is an extremely wide subject, which the time and space available does not permit me to explore in depth on this occasion. Therefore, I propose to focus on two specific areas: what attracted crowds of Londoners to the Catholic worship offered by the embassy chapels; and on one aspect of the Arminian response, namely, the field of devotional literature. I shall examine John Cosin’s A Collection of Private Devotions… Called the Hours of Prayer (1627) in the context of its being a reply to popular Catholic devotional books of the period, such as the Officium Beatae Mariae Virginis, commonly known as the Primer. Thus I shall address issues connected with both public and private devotions.
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18

Kollar, René. "A Question of Rescue Work or Abduction: Eliza McDermot, Legal Opinion, and Anti-Convent Prejudice in Victorian England." Recusant History 29, no. 2 (October 2008): 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012036.

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At first glance, the actions of Fr. Charles Bowden, a member of the Brompton Oratory in London, toward a troubled, adolescent, Roman Catholic girl, Eliza (in some reports referred to as Ellen) McDermot, would appear as a praiseworthy and unselfish example of Christian charity. Fr. Bowden, a young cleric, acted on information he allegedly learned from Miss McDermot in the confessional and worked to save her from a possible life of ruin on the London streets. Fr. Bowden eventually urged the young sixteen year old pregnant girl to seek refuge at a local convent where she would have the opportunity to repent and reform her life. McDermot followed his advice, but this seemingly innocent plan to save her soul fanned the flames of hatred against Catholicism and sisterhoods. Without informing her family, Miss McDermot secretly took up residence in a convent, and she did not reveal the location to her mother. When her family complained about this so-called ‘abduction’, critics of Roman Catholicism, and sisterhoods in particular, took their campaign to the public and attacked the actions of Fr. Bowden in letters to the press, graphic pamphlets, and speeches in Parliament. The case of Eliza McDermot quickly emerged as another example which illustrated the evils of Catholic convents, but it failed to capture public attention. Several reasons help to explain the short-lived notoriety of this story, especially the failure to prove that Bowden had broken any English laws.
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19

Pizzoni, Giada. "The English Catholic Church and the Age of Mercantilism: Bishop Richard Challoner and the South Sea Company." Journal of Early Modern History 24, no. 2 (April 27, 2020): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342654.

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Abstract This article argues that the commercial economy contributed to sustain the English Catholic Church during the eighteenth century. In particular, it analyzes the financial dealings of Bishop Richard Challoner, Vicar Apostolic of the London Mission (1758-1781). By investing in the stock market, Challoner funded charitable institutions and addressed the needs of his church. He used the profits yielded by the Sea Companies for a variety of purposes: from basic needs such as buying candles, to long-term projects such as funding female schools. Bishop Challoner contributes to a new narrative on Catholicism in England and enriches the literature on the Mercantilist Age. The new Atlantic economy offered an opening and Catholics seized it. By answering the needs of the new fiscal-state, the Catholic Church ensured its survival, secured economic integration, and eventually achieved political inclusion.
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20

Nir, Roman. "The Activities of the Polish Section “War Relief Services-National Catholic Welfare Conference” in Great Britain from 10.12.1943 to 31.07.1946." Studia Polonijne 39 (July 30, 2019): 213–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp.2018.10.

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WRS-NCWC Polish Projects activities in Great Britain started at the very moment of the arrival 30 November 1943 of the Rev. A. Wycislo, Delegate of WRS-NCEC, nominated by Executive Committee as Field Director, Polish Projects. Very Bishop J.F. Gawlina immediately created in London an NCWC Polish Projects in Great Britain Committee. Rev. Canon R. Gogolinski-Elston was nominated Secretary of this Central Committee. The common aims of NCWC activities all over the world were directing aims of NCWC Polish Projects in Great Britain Central Committees. The especial aim to have care about the Polish Soldier, his spiritual and moral welfare, and to ensure his cultural and educationall development in a truly Catholic and Polish atmosphere. Rev. Gogolinski-Elston was ordered to start work immediately and already on the 10th of December 1943 the Polish Hearth in Blackpool was taken over, as the first NCWC Centre for Poles in Gt. Britain. On the 12th of December 1943 NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre for Polish University Students was opened in Edinburgh, 15th December an NCWC Polish Air Force Canteen in Blackpool was opend, 24th of December 1943 an NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre for Polish Convalescent Airmen in Blackoop and NCWC Rest and Recreational Centre in Special Secret Duty Detachment in “X” (military secret) were created. Polish Projects in Gt. Britain will be an excellent testimonial to American Catholics with their Bishops, to War Relief Services-National Catholic Welfare Conference, organization with its so effective Executive and Field Director.
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21

Phillips, Peter. "A Catholic Community: Shrewsbury. Part II: 1850–1920." Recusant History 20, no. 3 (May 1991): 380–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005495.

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The Papal Brief restoring the English hierarchy was promulgated on September 29th 1850. On October 25th the Shrewsbury Chronicle reprinted without comment a straight summary taken from the French Catholic paper, L’Univers. Soon enough anti-Catholic feeling, fanned to fury by Cardinal Wiseman’s provocative and flamboyant Letter from the Flaminian Gate, was unleashed across the length and breadth of the nation. In the next few weeks the Chronicle reprinted a whole series of letters on the controversy, an open letter from the Bishop of London to his clergy, John Russell’s open letter to the Bishop of Durham, endorsing the bishop’s remark that this example of ‘papal aggression’ was both ‘insolent and insidious’. Replies were also published: Bishop Ullathorne’s letter to The Times and an article in The Spectator both insisting on the spiritual nature of the issue, rather than presenting it as a threat to the constitution of the English Church and nation. These seemed to go unnoticed. An advertisement appeared from the clergy of Shrewsbury signed amongst others by the Archdeacon of Salop, and Kennedy (of Shorter Latin Primer fame), then Headmaster of the Schools. A petition was to be left for signing in Mr. Lake’s, in Market Square, protesting about the ‘illegal usurpation of power, insulting to our most gracious sovereign… openly intimating a design eventually to subjugate England to papal control’. The local papers seemed happy enough to encourage the debate.
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22

Bissias, Ilias, and Panagiotis Kapetanakis. "The London-based Greek Shipping Co-operation Committee: A paradigm of collective action in the shipping sector, 1930–1950." International Journal of Maritime History 30, no. 2 (May 2018): 266–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871418767616.

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In 2016, the Greek Shipping Co-operation Committee (GSCC) celebrated its 80th anniversary in London. This article, which is part of an ongoing research project on the development of the GSCC in the twentieth century, provides a new interpretive framework by using the tools of historical institutionalism to study and understand the circumstances that led to its establishment, operation and broad activity in London, England. Furthermore, it seeks to answer the question of how the GSCC, as an independent institutional body of the Greek shipping industry, became a successful paradigm of concerted and collective action within a business sector that is known for its spirit of individualism. The particular time period under consideration in this article is the early 1930s to the early post-war years (1946–1950), excluding the Second World War, when exceptional conditions obliged the Committee to alter its normal mode of working.
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23

MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "Mary and Sixteenth-Century Protestants." Studies in Church History 39 (2004): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015096.

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Let us contemplate Thomas Cranmer, Primate of All England, sitting on an altar to preside over the trial of Anabaptist heretics. The time is May 1549; the altar, unceremoniously covered over to support the judge, is that of the Lady Chapel in St Paul’s Cathedral in London; several of the heretics on trial have denied the Catholic doctrine of the incarnation, and one will later be burned at the stake. In a compelling paradox, an archbishop tramples an altar of Our Lady in the course of defending the incarnation. One witness in the crowd of onlookers was a pious and scholarly Welsh Catholic, Sir Thomas Stradling, who later wrote down his reactions to the occasion. He interpreted it as the uncannily accurate fulfilment of an eleventh-century prophecy to be found in a manuscript in his own library: Cranmer, he pointed out, went on to be punished for his blasphemy first by the 1549 rebellions and then by his fiery death at the stake.’
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24

Horwood, Thomas. "Public Opinion and the 1908 Eucharistic Congress." Recusant History 25, no. 1 (May 2000): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200032039.

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The summer of 1908 was a summer of congresses in London. The decennial Pan-Anglican Congress assembled in July, the History of Religions Congress met in September, the Trades Union Congress held its annual meeting shortly thereafter, and the International Congress on Moral Education took place in October. None of these received as much newspaper attention as the Roman Catholic International Eucharistic Congress, which convened in England for the first time, from Wednesday 9 to Sunday 13, September. Many column inches were devoted to the preparations and proceedings; photographs were printed; and hundreds of readers’ letters were published afterwards. In reportage the newspapers differed slightly; in opinion, more so. Most of the proceedings were not controversial at all, consisting of liturgies, lectures on various aspects of Catholic belief concerning the Eucharist, and evening meetings in the Albert Hall. What excited the press and sections of the public was the proposed closing spectacular: a procession of the Blessed Sacrament through the streets around Westminster Cathedral.
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25

Shell, Alison. "The writing on the wall? John Ingram’s verse and the dissemination of Catholic prison writing." British Catholic History 33, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2016.5.

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The strong association between prison writing and writing on walls, whether by graffiti or carving, is as true of Tudor and Stuart England as of other times and places. Yet even if prison-writers associated themselves with the idea of writing on a wall, they need not have done so in reality. This article considers the topos in the writings and afterlife of the Catholic priest, poet and martyr John Ingram, and asks whether it is to be taken at face value.Ingram’s verse, composed in Latin and mostly epigrammatic, survives in two contemporary manuscripts. The notion that the author carved his verses with a blunt knife on the walls of the Tower of London while awaiting death derives from a previous editorial interpretation of a prefatory sentence within the more authoritative manuscript of the two, traditionally held to be autograph. However, though several Tudor and Stuart inscriptions survive to this day on the walls of the Tower of London, no portions of Ingram’s verse are among them, nor any inscriptions of similar length and complexity. Ingram might instead have written his verse down in the usual way, using wall-carving as a metaphor for the difficulty of writing verse when undergoing incarceration and torture.1
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26

Vieira, Carla. "The Puzzling Path of a Recondite Text: The Composition, Circulation, and Reception of the Notícias Recônditas in Eighteenth-Century England." Church History 88, no. 2 (June 2019): 345–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001161.

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The so-called Notícias Recônditas, an anonymous account written in the context of the negotiations that led to the suspension of Inquisition-related actions in Portugal between 1674 and 1681, has been approached by historiography principally from the points of view of its controversial authorship, its compositional framework, and even the accuracy of its contents. This article proposes a different perspective, focusing on its circulation and reception in the eighteenth-century England. Comparing different handwritten and printed versions of this text reveals numerous additions, transformations, and adaptations of its contents and structure, from its moment of composition until its publication and even afterwards. Eighteenth-century London, where anti-Catholic polemical literature was flourishing, is the place of publication of the first editions. There, Notícias was also appropriated by Anglican polemists with one main purpose in mind: attacking the Catholic Church. This, however, did not suit the text's original goals of making contributions to reforms to the Inquisition in Portugal and raising awareness for the New Christian cause. Therefore, identifying and analyzing the discrepancies among the different versions of the text give way to new questions concerning the intervention of copyists, translators, compilers, and publishers in order to achieve specific objectives and to reach target audiences.
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27

McDaniel, John LM. "Rethinking the law and politics of democratic police accountability." Police Journal: Theory, Practice and Principles 91, no. 1 (January 6, 2017): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032258x16685107.

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This paper evaluates the work and impact of a number of Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) in England and Wales and attempts to refocus public discourse and scrutiny on their police and crime plans as a key prism through which their performance should be measured. Drawing upon the literature published by various PCCs, the Stevens Commission, the Home Affairs Committee and numerous academics, the paper will argue that a major reform of democratic police accountability in England and Wales is needed. Due to the often voluminous and piecemeal nature of the documents published on the PCCs’ websites, the textual analysis is limited to the police and crime plans for Greater Manchester, the West Midlands and the London Metropolitan area.
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28

Maxwell, Anne. "OCEANA REVISITED: J. A. FROUDE'S 1884 JOURNEY TO NEW ZEALAND AND THE PINK AND WHITE TERRACES." Victorian Literature and Culture 37, no. 2 (September 2009): 377–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015030909024x.

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In his popular Romance of London (1867), John Timbs refers to Thomas Babington Macaulay's oft-repeated metaphor of a “New Zealander sitting, like a hundredth-century Marius, on the mouldering arches of London Bridge, contemplating the colossal ruins of St Paul's” (290). Originally intended as an illustration of the vigor and durability of the Roman Catholic Church despite the triumph of the Reformation, Macaulay's most famous evocation of this idea dates from 1840, the year of New Zealand's annexation; hence it is reasonable to suppose that this figure is a Maori (Bellich 297–98). For Timbs and subsequent generations, however, the image conveyed the sobering idea of the rise and fall of civilizations and in particular of England being invaded and overrun, if not by a horde of savages, then by a more robust class of Anglo-Saxons from the other side of the world.
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29

Hotz, Mary Elizabeth. "DOWN AMONG THE DEAD: EDWIN CHADWICK’S BURIAL REFORM DISCOURSE IN MID-NINETEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND." Victorian Literature and Culture 29, no. 1 (March 2001): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150301291025.

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IN 1839, G. A. WALKER, a London surgeon, published Gatherings from Graveyards, Particularly Those in London. Three years later Parliament appointed a House of Commons select committee to investigate “the evils arising from the interment of bodies” in large towns and to consider legislation to resolve the problem.1 Walker’s study opens with a comprehensive history of the modes of interment among all nations, showing the wisdom of ancient practices that removed the dead from the confines of the living. The second portion of the book describes the pathological state of forty-three metropolitan graveyards in an effort to convince the public of the need for legislative interference by the government to prohibit burials in the vicinity of the living.2 Walker’s important work attracted the attention of Parliament and social reformers because of his comprehensive representation of the problem of graveyards, especially among the poor districts of London; his rudimentary statistics that, in effect, isolated them from the rest of the society; and his unbending insistence that national legislators solve the problem. These three impulses influenced the way Edwin Chadwick, secretary to the New Poor Law Commission from 1834 to 1842 and commissioner for the Board of Health from 1848 to 1852, identified and represented the problem of corpses and graveyards in his A Supplementary Report on the Results of a Special Inquiry into the Practice of Interment in Towns (1843).
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30

Scott, Geoffrey. "‘The Times are Fast Approaching’: Bishop Charles Walmesley OSB (1722–1797) as Prophet." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 4 (October 1985): 590–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900044018.

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For English Catholics the eighteenth century has justifiably been termed ‘the age of Challoner’, because Richard Challoner, vicar apostolic of the London District between 1758 and 1781, left a distinctive mark on the character of the English Catholic Church through his long period in office at a formative period and through his many popular spiritual books and pamphlets. Challoner's pre-eminence has tended to diminish the stature of all other bishops appointed as vicars apostolic to the four districts in England and Wales during the course of the century. The only other vicar apostolic who came close to Challoner was the Benedictine monk, Charles Walmesley, a near-contemporary and coadjutor in the Western District from 1756 to 1764, when he became vicar apostolic of that district until his death in 1797. Although Walmesley's published works were far fewer than Challoner's, they demonstrated a wider range of interests and a more original mind. For, while Challoner has often been taken as the representative eighteenth-century English Catholic clergyman, the main feature of his mind, a dread of innovation, prevented him from tuning his theology to the new world of eighteenthcentury scientific and philosophical enquiry.
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31

Knowles, Graeme. "Mission, Ministry and Masonry: The Challenge of Heritage Buildings for Christian Witness." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 9, no. 2 (April 11, 2007): 152–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x07000312.

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While it might be said that the present state of repair of the majority of the churches in use in England is better than it has ever been before, the congregations of England, whether they be Anglican, Roman Catholic, Methodist or Baptist, face the day by day challenge of maintaining a substantial section of the nation's built heritage. The 2006 Lyndwood Lecture, delivered at St Paul's Cathedral, London, on 15 November 2006, examines possible avenues for the funding of this work, looking at the models of state aid offered by other European countries. It also considers the tension that exists between the legal imperative to view our churches not only as historic monuments but also as local centres of mission and worship. Moving on from this theme of funding, the lecture then examines the problems faced by all denominations in disposing of buildings no longer required for divine worship. It questions why the Church should continue to pay for the upkeep of buildings it no longer needs, and concludes, in the words of T S Eliot, that the Church must be forever building.
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32

Álvarez-Recio, Leticia. "Anti-Catholicism, civic consciousness and parliamentarianism: Thomas Scott’s Vox Regis (1624)." International Journal of English Studies 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/ijes/2013/1/137811.

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<p>The Anglo-Spanish negotiations for a dynastic alliance which began in 1614 had never been popular among a large section of English Protestants, who felt that their monarch should demonstrate a more active commitment to European Calvinism. Such prejudices increased after 1618 when the Bohemian crisis began and James did not support the Elector Palatine against the Habsburg Empire. The anti-Catholic mood reached its peak in October 1623, when the Prince of Wales arrived in London after his failed journey to Madrid. Many Londoners viewed his return as a victory over Spain and demanded a shift in Anglo-Spanish relations. This article considers the political tract <em>Vox Regis</em> (1624), written by Thomas Scott, one of the most prolific anti-Catholic pamphleteers at the time. In this work Scott develops many of the arguments proposed in Parliament in order to persuade James to change his religious and foreign policy. His anti-Catholic attacks vehicle debates on the role of citizens in the Commonwealth and more participatory types of government, in opposition to the crown’s appeal to the <em>raison d’état</em> and the doctrine of the divine right of kings. Thus, Scott relates anti-popery to civic consciousness, linking his discourse to the humanist tradition and anticipating some of the ideological discussions prevalent in England during and after the civil war.</p>
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33

Marner, W. J. "75 Years of Progress." Mechanical Engineering 135, no. 05 (May 1, 2013): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2013-may-4.

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This article presents an overview of developments that happened over 75 years since the formation of ASME Heat Transfer Division (HTD). Through the years, the HTD explored and implemented many ways to expand its programs and reach both academic and practicing members of the division. The HTD had an Exhibits Committee, and conference exhibits were held at the National Heat Transfer Conferences (NHTCs) from 1988 to 1992. The HTD has had a long and impressive record of leadership within the Division from its inception. However, the Division has also provided a strong contingent of leadership for the entire Society going back at least to the 1970s. From a single professional group in 1938, the Division has grown significantly; there are currently 13 technical committees and several administrative committees including the Executive Committee. The first International Heat Transfer Conference (IHTC) was held in London, England in 1951.
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34

Bergman, George, and Trevor Stuart. "Paul Moritz Cohn. 8 January 1924 — 20 April 2006." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 60 (January 2014): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2014.0016.

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Paul Cohn was born in Hamburg, where he lived until he was 15 years of age. However, in 1939, after the rise of the Nazis and the growing persecution of the Jews, his parents, James and Julia Cohn, sent him to England by Kindertransport. They remained behind and Paul never saw them again; they perished in concentration camps. In England, being only 15 years old, he was directed to work first on a chicken farm but later as a fitter in a London factory. His academic talents became clear and he was encouraged by the refugee committee in Dorking and by others to continue his education by studying for the English School Certificate Examinations to sit the Cambridge Entrance Examination. He was awarded an Exhibition to study mathematics at Trinity College. After receiving his PhD in 1951, Paul Cohn went from strength to strength in algebra and not only became a world leader in non-commutative ring theory but also made important contributions to group theory, Lie rings and semigroups. He was much admired, and he travelled widely to collaborate with other algebraists. Moreover, he was a great supporter of the London Mathematical Society, serving as its President from 1982 to 1984.
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35

Somerville, Linda, Betsy Thom, and Rachel Herring. "Public health participation in alcohol licensing decisions in England: the importance of navigating “contested space”." Drugs and Alcohol Today 20, no. 4 (July 31, 2020): 323–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dat-05-2020-0025.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of Public Health in licensing following The Police Reform and Social Responsibility Act of 2011, which added ‘health bodies’ as responsible authorities in licensing; in practice, Directors of Public Health undertook this role in England. Despite this legislation facilitating the inclusion of public health in partnerships around licensing, wide variations in involvement levels by public health professionals persist. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on the findings from interviews that explored the experiences of public health professionals engaging with local established partnerships around alcohol licensing. Qualitative data were collected through 21 interviews in a purposeful sample of London boroughs. These data were combined with analyses of relevant area documentation and observations of 14 licensing sub-committee meetings in one London borough over a seven-month period. Thematic analysis of all data sources was conducted to identify emerging themes. Findings This study highlighted the importance of successful navigation of the “contested space” (Hunter and Perkins, 2014) surrounding both public health practice and licensing partnerships. In some instances, contested spaces were successfully negotiated and public health departments achieved an increased level of participation within the partnership. Ultimately, improvements in engagement levels of public health teams within licensing could be achieved. Originality/value The paper explores a neglected aspect of research around partnership working and highlights the issues arising when a new partner attempts to enter an existing partnership.
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36

Patricia Harriss, Sr. "Mary Ward in Her Own Writings." Recusant History 30, no. 2 (October 2010): 229–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012772.

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Mary Ward was born in 1585 near Ripon, eldest child of a recusant family. She spent her whole life until the age of 21 in the intimate circle of Yorkshire Catholics, with her parents, her Wright grandparents at Ploughland in Holderness, Mrs. Arthington, née Ingleby, at Harewell Hall in Nidderdale, and finally with the Babthorpes of Babthorpe and Osgodby. Convinced of her religious vocation, but of course unable to pursue it openly in England, she spent some time as a Poor Clare in Saint-Omer in the Spanish Netherlands, first in a Flemish community, then in the English house that she helped to found. She was happy there, but was shown by God that he was calling her to ‘some other thing’. Exactly what it was to be was not yet clear, so she returned to England, spent some time in London working for the Catholic cause, and discovering that there was much for women to do—then returned to Saint-Omer with a small group of friends, other young women in their 20s, to start a school, chiefly for English Catholic girls, and through prayer and penance to find out more clearly what God was asking. Not surprisingly, given her early religious formation in English Catholic households, served by Jesuit missionaries, and her desire to work for her own country, the guidance that came was ‘Take the same of the Society’. She spent the rest of her life trying to establish a congregation for women which would live by the Constitutions of St. Ignatius, be governed by a woman general superior, under the Pope, not under diocesan bishops or a male religious order, and would be unenclosed, free to be sent ‘among the Turks or any other infidels, even to those who live in the region called the Indies, or among any heretics whatsoever, or schismatics, or any of the faithful’. There were always members working in the underground Church in England, and in Mary Ward's own lifetime there were ten schools, in Flanders and Northern France, Italy, Germany and Austria-Hungary. But her long struggle for approbation met with failure—Rome after the Council of Trent, which had insisted on enclosure for all religious women, was not yet ready for Jesuitesses. In 1631 Urban VIII banned her Institute by a Bull of Suppression, imprisoning Mary Ward herself for a time in the Poor Clare convent on the Anger in Munich. She spent the rest of her life doing all she could to continue her work, but when she died in Heworth, outside York, in 1645 and was buried in Osbaldwick churchyard, only a handful of followers remained together, some with her in England, 23 in Rome, a few in Munich, all officially laywomen. It is owing to these women that Mary Ward's Institute has survived to this day.
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37

Drach, Alexis. "From gentlemanly capitalism to lobbying capitalism: the City and the EEC, 1972–1992." Financial History Review 27, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 376–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565020000207.

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The City of London has long attracted much academic and popular attention. However, little research has been done on the relationship between the City and the European Economic Community in the 1970s and 1980s, despite the accession of the United Kingdom in 1973. Based on archival material from central and commercial banks in the UK and France, this article explores the relationship between the City and the EEC, from the accession of the UK to the EEC in 1973 to the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, which was meant to be the year of the completion of the single financial market. The article explores two areas: the influence of the City on EEC financial regulation, and how this influence was exerted. It pays particular attention to two committees chaired by the Bank of England, the City Liaison Committee and the City EEC Liaison Committee, and to British banks. The article argues that if the EEC played a part in the formalisation of British banking regulation, the City also played a key role in shaping EEC plans for financial regulation.
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38

LAKE, PETER, and MICHAEL QUESTIER. "THOMAS DIGGES, ROBERT PARSONS, SIR FRANCIS HASTINGS, AND THE POLITICS OF REGIME CHANGE IN ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 61, no. 1 (October 25, 2016): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000285.

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AbstractBy reconstructing the multiple contexts that prompted the production, in 1601, of a single tract, this article evokes and analyses the febrile political atmosphere of the Elizabethan fin de siècle, produced by the spectre of regime change consequent upon the death of the queen, and by the visible connections between central elements in the regime and certain Catholic loyalists involved in the notorious Archpriest Controversy. Certain men, most notably Sir Francis Hastings, who were used to regarding themselves as insiders and believed that they were some of the Protestant state's most trusted agents in the struggle against popery, now found themselves typed as ‘puritans’ and thus, at least potentially, on the outs with a regime engaged in a (to them) extraordinarily dangerous flirtation with allegedly ‘loyal’ papists. Adopting the politique hermeneutic mode of the Jesuit Robert Parsons, Hastings all but outed the guilty men and did so via a thoroughly self-conscious exercise in public politics. Throughout, the full range of contemporary media was in play, with printed polemic framing parliamentary debate, that debate in turn feeding into the pamphlet press, which prompted yet more rumours, in London and on the continent, before provoking the state's recourse to those ultimate forms of official publicity, a royal proclamation, treason trials, and the gruesome performativity of the scaffold.
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39

Merlicco, Giordano. "Unwanted Ally. Italian Political Debate on Yugoslav Unity during WWI." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 3-4 (2020): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.3-4.02.

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Upon entering WWI, Italy expected to gain hegemony over the Adriatic Sea. After 1917, however, several events had seriously altered the political context, urging a reappraisal of Italy’s war aims. This article describes the debates among Italian political sectors on the emergence of Yugoslav unionism. Several Italian politicians had proposed a bilateral deal with Serbia and the Yugoslav Committee and engaging in direct talks to pave the way for a compromise solution over the Adriatic. Minister of Foreign Affairs Sonnino instead retained the 1915 Treaty of London as the only basis for Italy’s war, rejecting bilateral deals. The lack of reappraisal in Italy’s diplomatic strategy finally exposed Rome to growing isolation, especially when France and England began to support Yugoslav claims.
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40

Edwards, Susan. "RAISING FREEDOM’S BANNER HOW PEACEFUL DEMONSTRATIONS HAVE CHANGED THE WORLD." Denning Law Journal 27 (November 16, 2015): 333–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v27i0.1116.

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Raising Freedom’s Banner is essential reading for students studying Constitutional and Administrative law, for those with an interest in human rights and also for those engaged in peaceful protests the world over. Paul Harris is a practising barrister in England and Wales and a Senior Counsel in Hong Kong. He founded the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales. He has acted in several cases involving the right to peaceful protest, a right preserved by much struggle which he meticulously charts throughout the pages of his truly rich and wonderful historical and legal account. Paul Harris successfully represented Falun Gong in upholding their right to protest outside a government building in Hong Kong as part of a peaceful hunger strike against the treatment of Falun Gong in mainland China. As any visitor to Chinatown in London or indeed elsewhere will know Falun Gong simply wish to pursue their peaceful beliefs in Taoist and Buddhist teachings. For Paul Harris protest is the visible existence of the bastion of freedom.
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41

Rockett, Gordon William. "Thomas More’s Quarrel with Reform." Church History and Religious Culture 92, no. 2-3 (2012): 201–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09220002.

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In letters to family and friends while he was confined in the Tower of London in 1534 and the first few months of 1535, Thomas More explained his refusal to comply with the first Act of Succession with the argument that his allegiance was to a council higher than the parliament of England. The “higher council” to which More referred was the General Council of Christendom, whose determinations embodied Christianity’s canonically enjoined consensus fidelium and therefore held precedence over laws enacted by lesser assemblies such as England’s parliaments. Ecclesiastical consensus was the foundation of all More believed. It was the test that screened Catholic from heretical doctrine, and it was infallible. But More could not lawfully adhere to the principle of consensus and at the same time swear to uphold the royal supremacy enacted in 1534 because the king’s supremacy in the English church implicitly asserted England’s separateness and therefore broke up Christianity’s consensual uniformity. Thus the oath of allegiance to the first Act of Succession was one of several pieces of legislation that More could not in conscience obey.
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42

Martin, Patrick, and John Finnis. "The Identity of ‘Anthony Rivers’." Recusant History 26, no. 1 (May 2002): 39–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030703.

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Since Henry Foley in 1877 published extensive extracts from a set of letters purporting to have been written from London to correspondents in Venice, between January 1601 and April 1603, ‘by Anthony Rivers S.J.’, a ‘socius of Fr. Henry Garnet S.J.’, historians have found these letters valuable evidence concerning Queen Elizabeth’s declining days, the government’s secret involvement in the Appellant controversy within the Catholic priesthood (1597–1602), the ‘inch thick’ paint reference in Hamlet, the possible originating circumstances of Twelfth Night, and other matters. But no Jesuit Anthony Rivers has ever been found, and Jesuit historians have speculated about the letter-writer’s identity: Philip Caraman at one time took him to be Fr. Anthony Hoskins S.J., and Francis Edwards recently argued for Fr. Henry Floyd S.J. But Hoskins was not sent to England until 1603, and Floyd was in prison for much of the time when the letters were retailing, in a weekly rhythm, many pages of first-hand observations of events in the Court and Council, sometimes if not always in three near-identical versions dispatched simultaneously to three separate addressees.
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43

Yeo, Geoffrey. "A Case Without Parallel: The Bishops of London and the Anglican Church Overseas, 1660–1748." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 3 (July 1993): 450–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014184.

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‘For a bishop to live at one end of the world, and his Church at the other, must make the office very uncomfortable to the bishop, and in a great measure useless to the people.’ This was the verdict of Thomas Sherlock, bishop of London from 1748 to 1761, on the provision which had been made by the Church of England for the care of its congregations overseas. No Anglican bishopric existed outside the British Isles, but a limited form of responsibility for the Church overseas was exercised by the see of London. In the time of Henry Compton, bishop from 1675 to 1713, Anglican churches in the American colonies, in India and in European countrieshad all sought guidance from the bishop of London. By the 1740s the European connection had been severed; the bishop still accepted some colonial responsibilities but the arrangement was seen as anomalous by churchmen on both sides of the Atlantic. A three-thousand-mile voyage separated the colonists from their bishop, and those wishing to seek ordination could not do so unless they were prepared to cross the ocean. Although the English Church claimed that the episcopate was an essential part of church order, no Anglican bishop had ever visited America, confirmation had never been administered, and no church building in the colonies had been validly consecrated. While a Roman Catholic bishopric was established in French Canada at an early date, the Anglican Church overseas had no resident bishops until the end of the eighteenth century. In the words of Archbishop Thomas Seeker, this was ‘a case which never had its parallel before in the Christian world’.
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44

García Hernán, Enrique. "RESEÑA de : Eamon Duffy, Fires of Faith. Catholic England under Mary Tudor, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 2009, 249 pp. ISBN. 978–0-300–15216–6." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna, no. 28 (December 8, 2015): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiv.28.2015.15643.

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45

Shedd, John A. "Thwarted Victors: Civil and Criminal Prosecution against Parliament's Officials during the English Civil War and Commonwealth." Journal of British Studies 41, no. 2 (April 2002): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386258.

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Whereas both Houses of the Parliament of England have been necessitated to undertake a war in their just and lawful defense … all oaths, declarations, and proclamations against both or either of the Houses of Parliament … or their ordinances and proceedings, or any for adhering unto them, or for doing or executing any office, place or charge, by any authority derived from them; and all judgments, indictments, outlawries, attainders and inquisitions in any the said causes … be declared null, suppressed, and forbidden. (From the first of nineteenNewcastle Propositions, July 1646; expanded from the first of twenty-sevenPropositions of Uxbridge, November 1644; repeated in the second ofThe Four Bills, December 1647)Indemnity Committee cases from the 1647–55 manuscripts indicate a widespread volume of suits pressed against parliament's Civil War and Commonwealth officeholders. Invariably, the officials petitioning the Indemnity Committee were under prosecution. Often they had been fined and even jailed. Also revealed in these papers is a public knowledgeable in the law and ready to wield its power in punishing an array of officials in London and the shires. Four broad conclusions are asserted here. First, the Indemnity Committee records reflect a massive legal assault on state officials from the beginning of the Civil War to the mid-1650s, a factor in the political, administrative, and social history of the period that has heretofore been ignored. Second, suits were lodged mainly as the result of actions stemming from fiscal innovations put into place by a parliament that pushed toward victory and then struggled to pay its war debts.
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46

Patel, Rita, Sarah Drew, Antony Johansen, Tim Chesser, Muhammad K. Javaid, Xavier L. Griffin, Tim Jones, et al. "REducing unwarranted variation in the Delivery of high qUality hip fraCture services in England and Wales (REDUCE): protocol for a mixed-methods study." BMJ Open 11, no. 5 (May 2021): e049763. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2021-049763.

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IntroductionSubstantial variation in the delivery of hip fracture care, and patient outcomes persists between hospitals, despite established UK national standards and guidelines. Patients’ outcomes are partly explained by patient-level risk factors, but it is hypothesised that organisational-level factors account for the persistence of unwarranted variation in outcomes. The mixed-methods REducing unwarranted variation in the Delivery of high qUality hip fraCture services in England and Wales (REDUCE) study, aims to determine key organisational factors to target to improve patient care.Methods and analysisQuantitative analysis will assess the outcomes of patients treated at 172 hospitals in England and Wales (2016–2019) using National Hip Fracture Database data combined with English Hospital Episodes Statistics; Patient Episode Database for Wales; Civil Registration (deaths) and multiple organisational-level audits to characterise each service provider. Statistical analyses will identify which organisational factors explain variation in patient outcomes, and typify care pathways with high-quality consistent patient outcomes. Documentary analysis of 20 anonymised British Orthopaedic Association hospital-initiated peer-review reports, and qualitative interviews with staff from four diverse UK hospitals providing hip fracture care, will identify barriers and facilitators to care delivery. The COVID-19 pandemic has posed a major challenge to the resilience of services and interviews will explore strategies used to adapt and innovate. This system-wide understanding will inform the development, in partnership with key national stakeholders, of an ‘Implementation Toolkit’ to inform and improve commissioning and delivery of hip fracture services.Ethics and disseminationThis study was approved: quantitative study by London, City and East Research Ethics Committee (20/LO/0101); and qualitative study by Faculty of Health Sciences University of Bristol Research Ethics Committee (Ref: 108284), National Health Service (NHS) Health Research Authority (20/HRA/71) and each NHS Trust provided Research and Development approval. Findings will be disseminated through scientific conferences, peer-reviewed journals and online workshops.
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47

Dickens, A. G. "The Battle of Finsbury Field and Its Wider Context." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 271–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001691.

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On 4 March 1554 some hundreds of London schoolboys fought a mock battle on Finsbury Field outside the northern wall of the city. Boys have always gratified their innate romanticism by playing at war, yet this incident, organized between several schools, was overtly political and implicitly religious in character. It almost resulted in tragedy, and, though scarcely noticed by historians, it does not fail to throw Ught upon London society and opinion during a major crisis of Tudor history. The present essay aims to discuss the factual evidence and its sources; thereafter to clarify the broader context and significance of the affair by briefer reference to a few comparable events which marked the Reformation struggle elsewhere. The London battle relates closely to two events in the reign of Mary Tudor: her marriage with Philip of Spain and the dangerous Kentish rebellion led by the younger Sir Thomas Wyatt. The latter’s objectives were to seize the government, prevent the marriage, and, in all probability, to place the Princess Elizabeth on the throne as the figurehead of a Protestant regime in Church and State. While Wyatt himself showed few signs of evangelical piety, the notion of a merely political revolt can no longer be maintained. Professor Malcolm R. Thorp has recendy examined in detail the lives of all the numerous known leaders, and has proved that in almost every case they display clear records of Protestant conviction. It is, moreover, common knowledge that Kent, with its exceptionally large Protestant population, provided at this moment the best possible recruiting-area in England for an attack upon the Catholic government. Though the London militia treasonably went over to Wyatt, the magnates with their retinues and associates rallied around the legal sovereign. Denied boats and bridges near the capital, Wyatt finally crossed the Thames at Kingston, but then failed to enter London from the west. By 8 February 1554 his movement had collapsed, though his execution did not occur until 11 April.
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48

Martin, Patrick, and John Finnis. "Tyrwhitt of Kettleby, Part II: Robert Tyrwhitt, A Main Benefactor of Fr John Gerard SJ, 1600–1605." Recusant History 26, no. 4 (October 2003): 556–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031769.

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Our earlier article discussed the family of Sir Robert Tyrwhitt (d. 1581) of Kettleby in Lincolnshire and the imprisonment of Sir Robert and several of his sons by the Privy Council in June 1580. The Council was acting on a report of Catholic activities associated with the wedding of Edmund, Lord Sheffield and Ursula Tyrwhitt at the Tyrwhitt family homes of Kettleby and Twigmore. Sir Robert’s son Goddard died in a London gaol, and Goddard’s elder brothers William and Robert were imprisoned for years in the Tower and elsewhere. We turn now to the next generation of the same family, and show that Sir Robert’s grandson and heir, Robert Tyrwhitt, became a strong supporter of John Gerard SJ and the Jesuits in England during the years c.1600 to early 1606. Fr Gerard’s autobiography strains to make this clear, within the necessary limits of discretion. But just as the identity of the Tyrwhitt martyr of 1580 was soon totally lost to view, so Gerard’s identification of ‘one of my main benefactors’ as a Tyrwhitt has remained undecoded—hidden, indeed, by loose translation, and inattention to the different ways one can be a ‘brother in law’.
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49

Lynch, Michael. "Eamon Duffy, Fires of Faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor, Yale University Press: New Haven and London, 2009. xiv + 249 pp. £19.99 hardback. ISBN 978 0 300 15216 6." Innes Review 60, no. 2 (November 2009): 186–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0020157x09000572.

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50

Willis, Jonathan. "Duffy, Eamon, Fires of Faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009), xiv + 249 pp., £19.99/$28.50, ISBN 978 0 300 15216 6." Journal of Early Modern History 14, no. 3 (2010): 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006510x490093.

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