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Статті в журналах з теми "Conflict actors":

1

Fienitz, Meike, and Rosemarie Siebert. "Urban versus Rural? Conflict Lines in Land Use Disputes in the Urban–Rural Fringe Region of Schwerin, Germany." Land 10, no. 7 (July 10, 2021): 726. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10070726.

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Land use conflicts can present major obstacles to sustainable land management. An accurate understanding of their actor constellations and conflict lines is therefore crucial in developing tools for successful landscape governance. In this context, actors from cities and actors from rural areas are often seen as typical opponents. Hence, the objective of this paper is to analyze the extent to which empirical conflict lines indeed run between urban and rural actors. We applied qualitative text analysis to examine 124 land use conflicts in the urban–rural fringe of Schwerin, Germany, which were identified through semistructured interviews with key land use actors in the region. Results showed that actors from the city and the rural fringe were on opposing sides in almost half of the conflicts. However, they were also frequently in conflict among themselves, and many actor constellations involved actors from other regions or administrative levels. In conclusion, the narrative of the urban–rural dichotomy appears in the empirical data but does not appropriately convey the complexity of the actual conflict lines. The findings of this paper therefore emphasize that it is important to empirically identify the actor constellations in land use conflicts rather than rely on preconceived ideas about typical conflict lines.
2

Farrés-Fernández, Guillem. "Reanalysing International Conflicts: Proposals from the Sociology of Power." International Studies 56, no. 4 (July 9, 2019): 255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881719857512.

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This article opens a dialogue between different notions of conflict and the sociology of power and suggests a new theoretical framework for the analysis of international conflicts. Refusing to consider abstract entities as actors, it helps us better determine who the relevant actors are in each international conflict and gives special attention to the existing power relations between them. Accordingly, it is considered that a large social system is made up of numerous actors with multiple conflicts between them. Thus, in the case of international conflicts, we do not face one single conflict, but a conflictual complex involving a multitude of actors with their different power resources, who weave a network of conflicts and power relations between them, and at its top a dominant conflict, the conflict around which the other conflicts evolve. Acknowledging the complexity of international conflicts, this new theoretical approach should better explain both the behaviour of the actors and the evolution of the conflictual complex itself.
3

Fernández-Molina, Irene. "Bottom-up change in frozen conflicts: Transnational struggles and mechanisms of recognition in Western Sahara." Review of International Studies 45, no. 3 (January 25, 2019): 407–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210518000578.

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AbstractThis article proposes a typology of causal mechanisms whereby transnational relations of recognition constitute conflict actors in frozen conflicts. While the agency of an emerging conflict actor manifests itself in ‘struggles for recognition’ motivated by experiences of ‘disrespect’, responses from different significant others vary in terms of motivations and pathways (mechanisms of recognition). Adapting Honneth’s tripartite division, the typology distinguishes between four forms of recognition: thin cognitive recognition, ‘respect’/rights, ‘esteem’/difference, and ‘love’/empathy. Three transnational corrections are made in order to include transnational relations of recognition, non-state actors, and unstructured social-relational forms of international/transnational recognition. The typology is applied to the conflict of Western Sahara, which has been reshaped by the rise of internal Sahrawi pro-independence groups (based inside the territory annexed by Morocco) as an increasingly relevant conflict actor, with their identity shifting from victims to human rights activists to activists involved in an unsolved conflict. This identity and social-status formation has been the product of transnational recognition from three significant others: the annexing state (Morocco), the contested state-in-exile (SADR), and the international community. The overall effect of intermingling recognition processes, including various instrumental initiatives deprived of mutuality, has been increased struggle and conflict complexity rather than ‘recognitional peace’.
4

Esparza, Diego, Jessica Lucas, Enrique Martinez, James Meernik, Ignacio Molinero, and Victoria Nevarez. "Movement of the people: Violence and internal displacement." International Area Studies Review 23, no. 3 (June 6, 2020): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865920925247.

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Individuals internally displaced by conflict are a prominent feature of wars, political violence and other forms of repression. We suggest that a subnational analysis of internally displaced person (IDP) generation can help us determine the extent to which more specific flight-precipitating factors can account for individuals’ behaviors. In particular, we are interested in how different conflict actors and the interactions of these actors affect the production of internally displaced persons. We suggest that some types of conflict actors are more likely to be responsible for greater numbers of internally displaced persons because of their political strategies. We focus on one of the most complex and yet data-rich environments in which the problem of internal displacement has been profound—Colombia. Using extensive data on internally displaced persons in Colombia among its over 1100 municipalities, we examine our expectations using negative binomial analyses to better understand the dynamics of conflict actors, the violence they perpetrate and internal displacement. We find that the identity of the conflict actor does make a difference in producing more internally displaced persons and that conflict between certain conflict actors is especially likely to produce more displaced persons.
5

Beardsley, Kyle, David E. Cunningham, and Peter B. White. "Resolving Civil Wars before They Start: The UN Security Council and Conflict Prevention in Self-Determination Disputes." British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 3 (August 24, 2015): 675–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000307.

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A large literature has demonstrated that international action can promote the resolution of civil wars. However, international actors do not wait until violence starts to seek to manage conflicts. This article considers the ways in which the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reduces the propensity for self-determination movements to escalate to civil war, through actions that directly pertain to the disputing actors or that indirectly shape actor incentives. It examines the relationship between the content of UNSC resolutions in all self-determination disputes from 1960 to 2005 and the onset of armed conflict in the disputes. The study finds that diplomatic actions that directly address disputes reduce the likelihood of armed conflict, and that military force and sanctions have more indirect preventive effects.
6

Shellman, Stephen M., Clare Hatfield, and Maggie J. Mills. "Disaggregating actors in intranational conflict." Journal of Peace Research 47, no. 1 (January 2010): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343309350029.

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7

Subedi, D. B., and Prakash Bhattarai. "The April Uprising: How a Nonviolent Struggle Explains the Transformation of Armed Conflict in Nepal." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, no. 3 (December 2017): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1372795.

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A plethora of literature explains how armed conflicts terminate in nonviolent political settlements. However, little is known about how and why nonviolence functions as a mechanism of conflict transformation. Using the case study of the 2006 April Uprising (Jana Andolan II) in Nepal, this paper shows how the nonviolent struggle was a vehicle for the termination of the armed conflict that ravaged the country for a decade (1996–2006). The collaboration between the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Communist Party of Nepal Maoist (CPNM), erstwhile enemies, led to nonviolent collective action, driven by the convergence of interests of these two key actors towards fighting a common enemy: the royal Palace. The paper argues that the nonviolent struggle also transformed strategies, attitudes and behaviour of key actors, including the CPNM, which ultimately transformed conflict issues into peace issues and induced structural changes in the long run. Thus the processes of actor transformation, issue transformation and structural transformation catalysed by the April Uprising explain why and how the nonviolent struggle functioned as a catalyst for the termination of the armed conflict.
8

Slim, Hugo. "Business actors in armed conflict: towards a new humanitarian agenda." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 887 (September 2012): 903–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s181638311300009x.

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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to give an overview of current understandings of the various roles of business actors in armed conflict. It traces the expanding discussion of business and conflict in today's civil wars, and the discussion's importance to humanitarian, human rights, corporate and peacebuilding policymakers. It shows how the humanitarian understanding of business roles in conflict has progressed beyond some simple and largely negative stereotypes about business in war to become more sophisticated. The article then looks at the significant diversity of business actors, which can determine their experience of armed conflict. It is suggested that there are six potential roles of business in armed conflict – that of victim, perpetrator, supplier, humanitarian actor, peacebuilder, and conflict preventer. Finally, the article recommends a range of ways to improve humanitarian policy so that humanitarian actors engage with business more actively and appropriately on law, business relief, and business continuity.
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Chen, Charles P., and Komila Jagtiani. "Helping actors improve their career well-being." Australian Journal of Career Development 30, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1038416220983945.

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It is generally assumed that visible actors in the performing arts industry maintain overall wellness despite the knowledge that an actor’s life is often characterized by instability. While an actor’s performance is often critiqued subjectively and critically, the variety of occupational risks associated with an actor’s well-being is less closely examined. Prior research suggests those working within the acting profession experience significant levels of distress. As a result, this article, first, aims to address the issues confronting the actor, in particular, anxiety associated with erratic employment, vulnerability to adverse working conditions, and conflict in identity owing to the impact of acting coupled with the effect of economic insecurity. Second, the paper follows with a consideration of key counselling theories to help strengthen this diverse group’s personal well-being and career prospects. By examining counselling interventions, the application of these theories can allow actors to develop optimally in acting industries worldwide.
10

Razakamaharavo, Velomahanina Tahinjanahary. "Exploring the Roles Metanarratives Play in the Dynamics of Conflict Recurrence in Madagascar." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 42 (September 16, 2019): 80–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.42.4.

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Madagascar has experienced various episodes of conflict since the colonization period. Despite the solutions local and external actors implemented, conflict recurs. Metanarratives such as socialism, communism, capitalism, and liberalism greatly impacted the conditions explaining the dynamics behind such recurrences. How did metanarratives contribute to the creation of more peaceful (de-escalating roles) or conflict situations (escalating roles)? With the help of Qualitative Comparative Analysis, this article identifies and studies the metanarratives influencing and being influenced by the following: a) conflict dimensions, b) the framing of the conflicts by the actors involved, c) the construction of the images of the self/the other, d) the accommodation policies (the solutions implemented to address the incompatibilities between the actors), and e) the repertoires of action. It argues that metanarratives play significant roles in transforming a conflict in both constructive and destructive ways.

Дисертації з теми "Conflict actors":

1

Heidbüchel, Esther. "The West Papua conflict in Indonesia actors, issues and approaches." Wettenberg Herrmann, J-&-J-Verl, 2007. http://www.jhjj.de/files/9783937983103.html.

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2

Hart, Bryan Schrader Stephens John D. "The role of international actors in post-conflict Bosnian elections." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,658.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in the Department of Political Science Chapel Hill." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
3

Zhang, Shiming. "Managing in conflict : how actors collaborate in marketing green chemistry." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7167/.

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The purpose of this research is to investigate business relationships, by drawing on conflict theories from organization studies and taking a mid-range research perspective to further develop these into industrial marketing research. IMP researchers have examined conflict as a threat to established business relationships and commercial exchanges, drawing on theories and concepts developed in organization studies. I adopt the behavioural approach from organisation studies, and contracts with particularly the socio-psychological approaches relating to the affective emotions of small groups. I find that there is much in common between the definitions of conflict developed by March (1999) and the theories of Jehn and Mannix (2001) on the combination of affective and cognitive ways of undertaking activities in conflicts, as conflict as experienced, emotional, aligned with material entities. These approaches have had a great influence but have not been fully considered in business-to-business research. This thesis aims to investigate how actors manage, and manage in, conflicts, and how their relationships dynamics work within networks. I develop conflict research by drawing on the IMP and Market Studies approaches, which address the pervasive conditions of business activity, encompassing the relationships and resources experienced by actors as events which trigger emotions. The overall research method chosen for this research is the case study. I identify five cases of relationships from the oil and gas industry’s service sector and examine conflict, its emotional dimensions and actors’ activities in conflicts within these cases in three empirical study chapters. Study 1 examines conflict of interest and resources and conflict as experienced by actors. Study 2 examines conflict from the emotional perspective by investigating a series of events and event-triggered emotions across the five cases of relationships. Study 3 focuses on adaptive activities undertaken in conditions of pervasive conflict, which produce incremental innovation. I propose an explanation of how actors manage, and manage in, conflict given that they tend to value and maintain relationships beyond individual episodes of exchange. Conflicts are investigated in relationships from a network perspective, showing that actors experienced these while adapting to changes in their business setting (regulation, technology or/and cost), modifying their roles in that network. By identifying conflict with the organizing forms of relationships and networks, the research shows how actors handle conflict by pursuing and combining a number of strategies, distributing the conflict across an enlarged network. By investigating the emotional dimension of conflicts, I find that affective emotion effects relationships and relationship dynamics. Actors transform and resource emotions with material entities, and in this process markets are shaped. Adaptations are part of the normal activities; actors, driven by medium term Chemical Management Service (CMS) contracts and cost pressures, undertake incremental innovation. An incremental innovation model is designed to illustrate the process of incremental innovation that operates for the ‘green chemical’ industry, and guides actors to contain costs through managing portfolios and resources, forecasting and innovation agenda, and reducing uncertainties in networks.
4

Crane, Shawn R. "The State, Federalism, non-state actors, and conflict : the Mexican drug war." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80059.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study analyzes the Mexican drug war’s impact on the state’s federal political system of shared sovereignty. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) such as drug cartels have grown in strength due to shifting dynamics of the global drug trade. This growth in power, both in relation to the use of physical force and the influence over Mexican society, has challenged the state’s authority and monopoly of violence. After the inauguration of President Felipe Calderón in 2006, the government launched an all-in offensive, dedicating the entire state system to ridding the country of the drug cartels. Results of the offensive have been mixed and vary from area to area. However, trends indicate that the offensive has caused power vacuums and increased rivalry among the drug cartels. National homicide statistics show the government offensive has distorted the balance of power among the drug cartels, causing increased competition in an already hypercompetitive market. The majority of Mexico’s modern history consists of the era of single-party dominance, where the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) dominated the political system on both vertical and horizontal levels. The recent growth of federal executive power during Calderón’s administration has caused concern about whether the democratic progress made during the last decade could be reversed – returning the country back to former autocratic practices of governance. This reversal also involves the concentration of power in the center. For the last few decades, the country has been decentralizing its political system in accordance to federal principles laid down by its Constitution. The involvement of the military, a federal instrument of security that has in some cases taken over jurisdiction from state and local authorities, has been causing debate on whether the executive power is violating its constitutional limits of power. With this, the primary research question of this study uses theoretical concepts and is formulated thusly: How do violent non-state actors (VNSAs) impact federalism in Mexico? Mexico was chosen as a case study because of its growing struggle against the drug cartels, a sub-branch of non-state actors (NSAs). The Westphalian state order has changed dramatically with globalization, changing realities with regard to the use of physical violence. This is especially the case in reference to VNSAs, where the use of violence maintains an informal system of order. With the rise of the powerful drug cartels, a direct result of the global drug trade that hides in the shadows of globalization, Mexico’s case is not unique. Colombia struggled with a similar scenario during the 1980s and 1990s. However, the security situation in Mexico has proven to be constantly evolving and very intense during a time of political transition. This study shows that the federal executive branch of the Mexican government has not violated its constitutional limits of the use of power, although the Mexican Constitution of 1917 has proven to be vague in reference to the use of the military in peacetime. This vagueness could undermine regional sovereignty and federal principles laid down by the Constitution. The study also indicates that the increasing levels of violence are affecting the functionality of regional governance, as well as freedom of the press. Homicide statistics show that since the government launched its offensive in 2006, there has been a significant increase in assassinations targeting both mayors and journalists. Overall, there is no indication that the drug war has influenced federalism in Mexico. Rather, the drug war has exposed institutional weaknesses, causing increased demand for and investment in professionalizing state institutions.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingstudie analiseer die impak van die Meksikaanse dwelmoorlog op Meksiko se federale politieke stelsel van gedeelde soewereiniteit. Transnasionale kriminele organisasies (TKO’s), byvoorbeeld dwelmkartelle, se mag het toegeneem as gevolg van die verskuiwende dinamika in globale dwelmhandel. Die staat se gesag en magsmonopolie word uitgedaag as gevolg van hierdie toename in mag, beide met betrekking tot die owerhede se gebruik van fisieke mag en hul gesag oor die Meksikaanse gemeenskap. Na die inhuldiging van president Felipe Calderón in 2006, het die regering ’n alles insluitende offensief van stapel gestuur om van die land se dwelmkartelle ontslae te probeer raak. Hierdie offensief toon wisselende vordering en die impak daarvan verskil van area tot area. Ten spyte van hierdie mate van vordering, het die offensief egter aanleiding gegee tot magsvakuums en ’n toename in wedywering tussen dwelmkartelle. Nasionale moordsyfers dui daarop dat hierdie regeringsoffensief die magsbalans tussen dwelmkartelle versteur het, wat gelei het tot ’n toename in kompetisie in ’n reeds uiters kompeterende mark. Meksiko se moderne geskiedenis bestaan hoofsaaklik uit ’n era van eenpartydominansie, waar die Institusionele Rewolusionêre Party (Institutional Revolutionary Party, IRP) die politieke stelsel op beide vertikale en horisontale vlak gedomineer het. Die onlangse opkoms van die federale uitvoerende mag tydens die Calderón-administrasie wek kommer dat die vordering wat in die laaste dekade gemaak is ten opsigte van demokratisering van die politieke stelsel, omvergewerp sal word en dat Meksiko die gevaar sal loop om terug te keer na sy voormalige outokratiese en gesentraliseerde regeerpraktyke. Oor die afgelope paar dekades het die land juis pogings aangewend om sy politieke stelsel te desentraliseer na aanleiding van federale beginsels soos neergelê in die grondwet. Die weermag – ’n federale instrument vir sekuriteit – het alreeds op sekere plekke jurisdiksie by staats- en plaaslike owerhede oorgeneem. Dit het gelei tot debatte oor of die uitvoerende mag sy grondwetlike magsbeperkinge oorskry. Na aanleiding van Meksiko se huidige politieke situasie, asook teoretiese konsepte soos die staat, federalisme, nie-staatsakteurs en globale dwelmhandel, word die primêre navorsingsvraag vir hierdie studie soos volg geformuleer: Hoe beïnvloed gewelddadige nie-staatsakteurs federalisme in Meksiko? Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord, word daar gebruik gemaak van sekondêre bronne, (beperkte) insig oor die dwelmkartelle se handelspraktyke en ’n ondersoek na die linguistiese beperkinge op die gebruik van amptelike Meksikaanse regeringspublikasies. Meksiko is as gevallestudie vir hierdie navorsingsprojek gekies vanweë die land se toenemende stryd teen dwelmkartelle, ’n subvertakking van nie-staatsakteurs. Die Westfaalse staatsorde wat eeue lank die wettige gebruik van fisieke geweld beheer het, het dramaties verander met die opkoms van globalisering. Dit is veral die geval by gewelddadige nie-staatsakteurs, waar die gebruik van geweld tans ’n informele stelsel van orde handhaaf. Die opkoms van Meksiko se magtige dwelmkartelle, ’n direkte gevolg van globale dwelmhandel (wat in die skadu van globalisering skuil), is egter nie enig in sy soort nie. Alhoewel Colombië byvoorbeeld in die 1980’s en 1990’s ’n soortgelyke probleem ondervind het, het die sekuriteitstoestand in Meksiko getoon dat dit steeds ontwikkelend van aard en hewig ten tye van politieke oorgang is, wat dit toepaslik vir hierdie studie maak. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe daar in hierdie studie gekom word, is dat die federale uitvoerende tak van die Meksikaanse regering tot dusver nie sy grondwetlike beperkinge ten opsigte van die uitoefening van mag oorskry het nie. Die Meksikaanse grondwet van 1917 is egter vaag oor die weermag se bevoegdheid om gesag af te dwing tydens vredestye. Hierdie vaagheid kan moontlik die streeksoewereiniteit en federale beginsels wat deur die grondwet verskans word, ondermyn. Daar is ook bepaal dat die toenemende geweld sowel die funksionaliteit van die streeksregering as die vryheid van die pers, beïnvloed. Moordsyfers in Meksiko dui daarop dat daar sedert 2006 ’n beduidende toename in sluipmoordaanvalle op burgemeesters en joernaliste was. Alles in ag genome, is daar egter geen aanduiding daarvan dat die dwelmoorlog wel federalisme in Meksiko geraak het nie. Die impak wat dit wel gemaak het, is om institusionele swakheid in die regering te openbaar, wat tot ’n toename in die aanvraag na en investering in die professionalisering van staatsinstellings gelei het.
5

Kiel, Christina. "Private Diplomats, Mediation Professionals, and Peace Activists: Can Non-governmental Actors Bring Peace to Civil Wars?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1956.

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This dissertation investigates how actors without the means of state power can affect the behavior of warring parties in order to end civil conflicts. Drawing on the intervention and mediation literature, I propose a theoretical framework that presents causal mechanisms for various forms of non-state conflict management to contribute to conflict resolution. The research distinguishes between direct mediation, capacity-building, and problem-solving approaches, and analyzes the approaches’ potential contributions to shorter wars and more sustainable peace. On the one hand, non-state actors can be substitutes for governmental or inter-governmental mediators. They derive legitimacy from long-standing relations with the conflict parties, and their claims to neutrality are more believable than those of powerful states with strong national interests. Further, a confidential and deliberate process can lead to more stable agreements. On the other hand, NGOs and others can prepare or enhance ongoing high-level negotiations by giving parties the tools they need to engage with each other constructively, and by improving attitudes and changing perceptions. The data collected for this dissertation allows me to test hypotheses for the sample of African internal conflicts (1990-2010) with econometric means. Results confirm that non-state conflict management is a significant precursor to high-level mediation. I find further that conflict dyads that experience non-state conflict management in one year are significantly more likely to end in the following year. Unofficial diplomacy is significantly related to lower conflict severity, as well as to a more stable post-conflict peace. The findings challenge the common assumption that governments are the only actors in international relations that matter. In fact, non-state actors make important contributions to conflict resolution, and conflict parties as well as governmental mediators should consider cooperating with them in their search for peace.
6

Blomkvist, Jessica Elisabeth. "Transformimg conflict in divided societies : the role of faith-based actors in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.600122.

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Whereas a negative connection has often been made between religion, nationalism and conflict, it is clear that religion's positive dimensions have received less attention and recognition. The present study therefore aims to shed light on religion's potential to be a tool and vehicle for peace and reconciliation ion and, more specifically, the circumstances under which religious actors are able/unable to assist in peacebuilding processes in societies divided along religious lines. Using Northern Ireland as a case study to explore a number of hypotheses from the literature and through consultation of a wide range of primary and secondary sources including semi-structured interviews, the analysis confirms that a combination of motives, means and opportunities has contributed to making peacebuilding by faith-based initiatives more likely as well as increasing its success once occurring. In particular, the study emphasises motives in the form of a need to address the status quo and encourage bridge-building across divisions informed by faith t convictions, sufficient means in terms of both financial and non-monetary resources, as well as opportunities presented through the wider societal context. A mapping of the extent of faith-based peacebuilding initiatives (FBPls) in the Northern Ireland case during the period 1965-2012 further shows that significant faith-based peacebuilding is indeed possible, even in conflict contexts with religious divisions, given the right combination of circumstances.
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Yabanci, Bilge. "Legitimation of EU conflict resolution through local actors : cases of Kosovo and North Cyprus." Thesis, University of Bath, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648949.

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Conflict resolution constitutes a crucial aspect of the European Union’s foreign policy objectives and external actions. Despite its centrality, there is a profound mismatch between the academic level discussions about the EU’s role and impact on various conflicts of ethno-political nature and what actually takes place in practice, as the EU conflict resolution agenda unfolds within different local settings. Adopting an analytical perspective of legitimation based on local support, the thesis seeks to understand how and when local agency impacts EU conflict resolution. Subsequently, the framework is applied to analyse the complex interaction between fragmented local groups (political elites, non-state organisations and public) and the EU (as a framework and as a policy-actor) in two grand conflict resolution projects of the EU: Kosovo and North Cyprus. The thesis finds that local groups have a distinctive ability to confer or withdraw support to certain EU policies, to push the EU to introduce or alter mechanisms for local participation into policy-setting process and to counter and disqualify the EU’s normative arguments and policy choices with alternative normative arguments. Diverse local agents actively select norms and reinterpret them in order to match them with their extant ideas with an aim to push the Union to pursue a local vision of conflict resolution. This process of re-interpretation or localisation has behavioural implications on local groups as well. It approximates the conflict resolution process to local priorities and expectations; otherwise, the EU starts to lose its appeal to local groups to maintain its decisive role in the conflict resolution process. These findings help us complement the EU literature which analyse conflict resolution through Europeanisation/socialisation and conditionality perspectives. Local groups are not merely passive recipients of EU benefits. Nor do they go through a linear process of socialisation and natural acceptance of the EU agenda in the long-term. By analysing the reasons and implications of increasing local resistance in Kosovo and North Cyprus, the thesis also bridges the theoretical gap between the EU literature and broad conflict resolution studies which promotes a genuine focus to the ‘everyday concerns’ of local groups.
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Garrett, Nicholas [Verfasser]. "Artisanal mining and conflict financing in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC); coping, conflict and shadow economy actors and the impact of the ‘conflict minerals’ campaign / Nicholas Garrett." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1049437942/34.

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Yussuf, Muhammed Hassan. "The Role of External Actors in the Somali Conflict: A Post 2000 Study of Kenya and Ethiopia’s Involvement In the Conflict of Somalia." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22568.

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This study aims to critically understand the involvement of external actors, most notably Kenya and Ethiopia in the Somali conflict. It also aims to discuss peace prospect for Somalia in consideration with regional interest. Adopting Mary Kaldor’s “New War” theory that explains the changing context and transnational character of wars in the new era, and Michael E. Brown’s concept of causes and Regional Dimensions of Internal Conflict in combination with applied peace and conflict research method, the study finds that the involvement of neighbouring states, particularly Kenya and Ethiopia, in the Somali conflict is necessitated by the “spill-over” effect of the internal conflict coupled with transnational threats posed to their national security by various local and international actors. Furthermore, the study reveals that Somalia’s conflict hosts a variety of politically, religiously and militarily motivated external actors, who also openly vowed to internationalize their activities. As a result, the connections between local actors in Somalia and terrorist groups operating elsewhere, but cooperating with them, have become a source of continuous instability to Somalia, the eastern African region and beyond. This situation makes an international action imperative as the prospect for peace in Somalia is still in place. Thus, in order to to end wars and create a durable peace in Somalia, this study suggests Michael E. Brown’s ‘co-optation’ and ‘neutralization’ strategies along with an extensive international efforts including humanitarian assistance and local institutions building, which may help to restore peace, rule of law and ensure long term stability in Somalia.
10

Marwaha, Vivan. "Interdependence Amid Conflict: The Role of Domestic Actors in Solving the India-Pakistan Trade-Security Puzzle." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1593.

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This thesis examines the recent exponential growth in trade between India and Pakistan which has occurred despite the persistence of heated tension and conflict. It will underscore my research on the factors behind this marked increase, and analyze the transformative effects of domestic actors such as political leaders and business communities in creating new constituencies for peace between the two nations. This thesis makes an important contribution to international relations literature, specifically to existing research in the field of international political economy. Economic interdependence and security have not been analyzed concurrently in the context of the India-Pakistan relationship. In analyzing these issues together, this thesis will highlight the role of domestic political considerations and third parties in facilitating conditions for dialogue even in times of conflict.

Книги з теми "Conflict actors":

1

Chenoweth, Erica, and Adria Lawrence. Rethinking violence: States and non-state actors in conflict. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010.

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2

Chenoweth, Erica. Rethinking violence: States and non-state actors in conflict. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010.

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3

Asia-Europe Roundtable (4th 2005 Berlin, Germany). Special report: Conflict prevention : actors, institutions and mechanisms : 4th Asia-Europe Roundtable. Singapore: Asia-Europe Foundation, 2006.

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Boothby, William H. Conflict law: The influence of new weapons technology, human rights and emerging actors. The Hague, The Netherlands: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2014.

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5

Baregu, Mwesiga Laurent. Understanding obstacles to peace: Actors, interests, and strategies in Africa's Great Lakes Region. Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 2011.

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6

Stott, Noel. Negotiating in practice what is non-negotiable in principal: Development policy and armed non-state actors. Bonn: DIE, 2007.

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7

Brown, Fred Leo. Lessons of war-- the play: Full length play in two acts, fourteen actors any gender. Palos Heights, Ill: Combat Ready Pub., 1999.

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8

Buchanan, Sandra. How influential are third parties as mediators or actors in conflict resolution?: The case of (Irish) American involvement in the Northern Ireland conflict, 1968-1995. [S.l: The author], 1996.

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9

Hehn, Arist Von. The internal implementation of peace agreements after violent intrastate conflict: Guidance for internal actors responsible for implementation. Boston: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2011.

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10

Klingebiel, Stephan. How much weight for military capabilities?: Africa's new peace and security architecture and the role of external actors. Bonn: German Development Institute, 2005.

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Частини книг з теми "Conflict actors":

1

Dietrich, Wolfgang. "The Actors." In Elicitive Conflict Mapping, 107–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57295-0_3.

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2

Babyesiza, Akiiki. "The Actors." In University Governance in (Post-)Conflict Southern Sudan 2005–2011, 103–41. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-08145-4_5.

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Hellmann, Olli. "Explaining Party Organization: Actors, Conflict, Context." In Political Parties and Electoral Strategy, 17–33. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230307438_2.

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Bermudez, Anastasia. "Actors ‘From Above’ in Transnational Politics." In International Migration, Transnational Politics and Conflict, 143–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-53197-1_7.

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Evans, Jocelyn, and Gilles Ivaldi. "Party Cooperation and Conflict: Actors’ Competitive Positioning." In The 2012 French Presidential Elections, 40–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137011640_3.

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Kroeker, Wendy. "The peacebuilding spaces of local actors." In Routledge Companion to Peace and Conflict Studies, 57–67. New York : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315182070-5.

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Carment, David, and Dani Belo. "Non-state actors and conflict management in an era of grey zone conflict." In Routledge Handbook oF Peace, Security and Development, 138–48. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351172202-14.

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Rüland, Jürgen, Christian von Lübke, Marcel M. Baumann, Benedicto Bacani, and Tonny L. Pariela. "Root causes of religious conflict in Mindanao and Maluku." In Religious Actors and Conflict Transformation in Southeast Asia, 38–66. Abingdon, Oxon New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429262364-4.

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Gerstbauer, Loramy Conradi. "The New Conflict Managers: Peacebuilding NGOs and State Agendas." In New Threats and New Actors in International Security, 23–43. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403981660_2.

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Cooper, Neil. "The Arms Trade and Militarized Actors in Internal Conflict." In Warlords in International Relations, 17–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27688-2_2.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Conflict actors":

1

Wibowo, Rudi, and Ratnawati Ratnawati. "Conflict Dynamics Of Protectionism Policy Trading Of Biofuel Commodities Between Indonesia And The European Union." In LPPM UPN "VETERAN" Yogyakarta International Conference Series 2020. RSF Press & RESEARCH SYNERGY FOUNDATION, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/pss.v1i1.200.

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The dynamics of the conflict in bio-fuel commodity trade policies was triggered by the conflict of economic interests between Indonesia and the European Union. A series of steps for negotiation and diplomacy were taken by the government and Indonesian business actors to negotiate and resolve these problems by holding talks with important (state) actors in Europe.
2

Zainal, Suadi, Muhammad bin Abubakar, Muktaruddin, and Zulkifli. "Involvement of Female Ex-Conflict Actors in Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises in Aceh." In International Conference on Social Science, Political Science, and Humanities (ICoSPOLHUM 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210125.013.

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Banane, Mouad, and Abdessalam Belangour. "Shared Models and Open Infrastructures for the smart City Internet of Things based on the Semantic Web." In International Conference on the 4th Game Set and Match (GSM4Q-2019). Qatar University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/gsm4q.2019.0033.

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Contemporary cities face many challenges: energy, ecological, demographic or economic. To answer this, technological means are implemented in cities through the use of sensors and actuators. These cities are said to be smart. Currently, smart cities are operated by actors who share neither their sensor data nor access to their actuators. This situation is called vertical: each operator deploys its own sensors and actuators and has its own IT infrastructure hosting its applications. This leads to infrastructure redundancy and ad-hoc applications to oversee and control an area of the city. A trend is to move towards a so-called horizontal situation via the use of an open and shared mediation platform. Sensor data and access to the actuators are shared within this type of platform, allowing their sharing between the different actors. The costs of infrastructure and development are then reduced. This work is part of such a context of horizontalization, within an open and shared platform, in which we propose: 1) a layer of abstraction for control and supervision of the city, 2) a competition control mechanism handling conflict cases based on the RDF (Resource Description Framework) semantic Web standard, 3) a coordination mechanism promoting the reuse of actuators using ontology, 4) an implementation of our work by a proof of concept. The abstraction we propose is based on models from reactive systems. They aim to be generic and represent the invariant of the smart city: the physical elements. They allow applications to control and supervise the city. To facilitate the development of applications we standardize the interface of our models. Since these applications may have real-time constraints, especially those that have control objectives, we propose to take advantage of the distributed architecture of this type of platform. Given the sharing of the actuators, we have identified that conflicts can arise between applications. We propose a mechanism of competition control to deal with these cases of conflicts. We have also identified that a coordination mechanism must be offered to applications wishing to perform atomic control operations. Such a mechanism promotes the reuse of the actuators present in the city. Finally, we implemented our proposals around a proof of concept, including several use cases, to demonstrate our work.
4

Canbaz, Baris, Bernard Yannou, and Pierre-Alain Yvars. "A New Framework for Collaborative Set-Based Design: Application to the Design Problem of a Hollow Cylindrical Cantilever Beam." In ASME 2011 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2011-48153.

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In the New Product Development processes, there are usually interacting multiple actors with multiple design objectives. Design objectives of the actors can be contradictorily related and design modifications related to some objectives may generate negative impacts on the other actors. Therefore conflicts may occur. We present a multi-actor design platform that is capable of preventing potential conflicts with ensuring the satisfaction and progress of the actors at a certain level. An indicator of wellbeing is developed in order to indentify the satisfaction and progress states of the actors. We use Set-based design approach and Constraint Satisfaction Problem solving techniques to deal with the multi-actor, multi-objective design problem. We apply our collaborative design approach to a multi-actor multiobjective engineering design problem of a hollow cylindrical cantilever beam with a load applied at the unsupported end.
5

Bogacheva, Ekaterina Alexandrovna. "Technologies of Psychological and Pedagogical Influence in Working with Conflict Adolescents." In All-Russian Scientific Conference with International Participation. Publishing house Sreda, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98578.

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This article raises and discusses the main issues related to the technologies of working in conflict situations in the adolescent environment. Speaking about the conflict in adolescence, it is worth noting that scientists agree that it is communication with peers that is most significant for a teenager and largely determines all other aspects of his behavior and activity, personal development. Consequently, disagreements in the peer group, the struggle for status leads to a conflict of the parties. In this regard, we decided to develop technologies of psychological and pedagogical influence in working with conflict adolescents. We have developed a model of consistent work of actions, which will be aimed at preventing conflicts in the adolescent environment, as well as the formation of their stress resistance, self-control and self-control.
6

Bhargava, Nikhil, Christian Muise, Tiago Vaquero, and Brian Williams. "Managing Communication Costs under Temporal Uncertainty." In Twenty-Seventh International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-18}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2018/12.

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In multi-agent temporal planning, individual agents cannot know a priori when other agents will execute their actions and so treat those actions as uncertain. Only when others communicate the results of their actions is that uncertainty resolved. If a full communication protocol is specified ahead of time, then delay controllability can be used to assess the feasibility of the temporal plan. However, agents often have flexibility in choosing when to communicate the results of their action. In this paper, we address the question of how to choose communication protocols that guarantee the feasibility of the original temporal plan subject to some cost associated with that communication. To do so, we introduce a means of extracting delay controllability conflicts and show how we can use these conflicts to more efficiently guide our search. We then present three conflict-directed search algorithms and explore the theoretical and empirical trade-offs between the different approaches.
7

Ustinova, O. A. "Technology of dialogue of forgiveness as strategy of self-regulation is in conflict." In INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC AND PRACTICAL ONLINE CONFERENCE. Знание-М, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38006/907345-50-8.2020.277.288.

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The article discusses the problem of conflict, highlighted the large role of human self-regulation in resolving the conflict. The approaches to the problem of self-regulation presented in Russian psychology are considered. We took the following approaches as a basis for considering the problem of self-regulation: E. A. Golubeva, A. B., Leonova, V. I. Morosanova et al. Understanding the problem of self-regulation is carried out by us in the context of the humanitarian paradigm (M. M. Bakhtin, N. Ya. Bolshunova, N. I. Nepomnyashchaya, T. A. Florenskaya).The technology is based on the possession of the practical principles of human self-regulation in resolving conflict situations. It is assumed that the technology of selfregulation in a conflict is more effective if it is based on the sociocultural foundations of human life. In the modern world, many conflicts (national, interpersonal, intragroup, intrapersonal, school, etc.) are often resolved destructively with aggression, cruelty, etc. The destructive nature of conflict resolution in many cases is affected by the inability of people to regulate themselves, to perceive the other, his “friend”. A feature of the Russian mentality is peacefulness, the value of achieving peace and harmony. Conflict resolution in the context of Russian mentality is associated with forgiveness. At the same time, forgiveness is understood as a complex spiritual and moral phenomenon associated with a system of values that a person is guided by in his life, in his choices and actions. The ability to forgive is based on the “dominant on the other”, the recognition of the other by the other, the right of the other to “friend”, which actualizes the possibility of a dialogue between the forgiving and the forgiven. It is shown that the dialectic of “interrogation” and “responsiveness” lies at the heart of the dialogue. A dialogue made in the context of sociocultural patterns, updated by means of text (fairy tales, parables, etc.), initiating leading activities (in preschool — games, elementary schools — creative and productive, etc.) determines a person’s readiness for forgiveness. Dialogue — forgiveness contributes to the perception and understanding of another person in a conflict situation, makes it possible to resolve the conflict in a peaceful way. The technology of self-regulation in conflict resolution through a dialogue of forgiveness can reduce the number of conflicts between children, children and parents, teachers, etc. For three years, on the basis of the educational institution, we organized the service of “forgiveness and reconciliation”. This service includes: children, parents, teachers, administration. The technology under consideration for the self-regulation of a person in conflict through a dialogue of forgiveness has shown its effectiveness in building the value of the relationship “I and the Other”.
8

Montoya, Catalina, Lina María Escobar-Ocampo, and Claudia María Vélez-Venegas. "Marinilla´s cultural landscape and spacial characterization (Colombia)." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6201.

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Marinilla´s cultural landscape and spacial characterization (Colombia). Catalina Montoya Arenas¹, Lina María Escobar Ocampo¹, Claudia Maria Venegas Velez¹ ¹Facultad de Arquitectura, UPB. Circular 1 N°70-01 Medellin, Colombia. E-mail: catalina.montoyaarenas@upb.edu.co, lina.escobar@upb.edu.co, claudia.ve7@gmail.com Keywords (3-5): Cultural landscape, social management, heritage, spacial transformations, tourism Conference topics and scale: Stages in territorial configuration The historic center of Marinilla, National Monument since 1959, is located sixty minutes from Medellin at San Nicolas Valley. It has exceptional landscape conditions, highly productive lands, and a large percentage of the water reserve that supplies the region and the country, giving the territory an economic center character since the colony. These physical values make part of collective imagination as a recreation area and an opportunity for development in the 1960s, according to the construction of large national infrastructure works. At the same time, it was object of armed conflict in the 1980s and 1990s, and more recently, directly related to the spatial dynamics of the region: unplanned urban expansion, changes in land use and vegetation cover, with effects on the cultural landscape. In a post-conflict situation, the economic strategies of different actors trust on tourism as a social-spatial management strategy to improve the territory. However, the identity of rurality shows spatial imbalances without recognizing elements of historical construction whose legacies must be revealed to ensure equitable development. To do this, we propose an approach from the cultural landscape in a revision of the historical, symbolic and relational transformation through five systems (anthropic, productive, political, symbolic and spatial), analyzing competitiveness, tourism, landscape and social management, in different scales and during three historical moments. References (100 words) Busquets, J., and Cortina, A. (2009). Gestión del paisaje: Manual de protección, gestión y ordenación del paisaje. Ariel, Barcelona. Sierra, P. A. (2003). Periferias y nueva ciudad: el problema del paisaje en los procesos de dispersión urbana. Universidad de Sevilla. Barrera, S. (2014). Consideraciones teóricas para el análisis del paisaje. La Metodología de Los eventos relacionales. Perspectivas sobre el paisaje. Varón, D. C. Z. (2015). El derecho al paisaje en Colombia.: Consideraciones para la definición de su contenido, alcance y límites. U. Externado de Colombia. Olmo, R. M. (2008). El paisaje, patrimonio y recurso para el desarrollo territorial sostenible. Conocimiento y acción pública. Arbor, 184(729).
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Mavroeidis, Vasileios, Ryan Hohimer, Tim Casey, and Audun Jesang. "Threat Actor Type Inference and Characterization within Cyber Threat Intelligence." In 2021 13th International Conference on Cyber Conflict (CyCon). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23919/cycon51939.2021.9468305.

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ARIVA, Jelena, Katri KALL, Liis OPER, and Ants-Hannes VIIRA. "EFFECTS OF THE RESTRICTIONS OF PRACTICES USED FOR THE MAINTENANCE OF PERMANENT GRASSLANDS." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.163.

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From 2004-2015, the utilised agricultural area (UAA) in Estonia increased by 25%. Half of the UAA growth arose from the increase in the area of permanent grassland temporarily not used for production purposes. The main driver of growth in such land has been single area payment (SAP) paid in Estonia since the EU accession in 2004. While subsidising the maintenance of permanent grassland not used for agricultural production is in line with the objectives of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), it fuels discussions about the effects of this policy on agricultural producers. For every year, member states establish practices equivalent to maintenance of permanent grassland. Until 2014, in Estonia, the minimum activity for the maintenance of permanent grassland under the SAP, was harvesting the grass or chopping it and leaving on the ground. In 2015 and 2016 options for chopping and leaving the grass on the ground were restricted with an aim to target SAP more towards active land users, i.e. agricultural producers. Both agricultural producers and non-producers maintain permanent grassland not used for production purposes. Research on the practices used by different types of actors helps in understanding the variety of practices and potential effects of restrictions of these practices. The survey data was combined with the data from the registries of Estonian Agricultural Registers and Information Board (ARIB), to analyse the potential effects of restrictions of practices on agricultural producers and the area of permanent pasture in Estonia. The results indicate that both agricultural producers and non-producers use grass harvesting and chopping practices. Therefore, restrictions that have effect on both groups of land users are not the most efficient way of targeting SAP towards agricultural producers, and potentially reduce the area of permanent grasslands. This result would be in conflict with the aims of the CAP.

Звіти організацій з теми "Conflict actors":

1

Walsh, Alex, and Ben Hassine. Mediation and Peacebuilding in Tunisia: Actors and Practice. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.061.

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This Helpdesk Report is part mapping of the mediation and peacebuilding actors in Tunisia and part review of the available literature. There are a host of governmental and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that are involved in the mediation of conflicts and peacebuilding, both in formal and informal ways. There is overlap in the principles and goals of peacebuilding and mediation; many organisations conduct both practices, intermingling them. Local, regional, national and international actors have applied mediation and peacebuilding to many different types of conflict in the past decade in Tunisia, involving varied parties. The case studies included in this rapid review cover conflicts relating to labour and the economy, the environment, basic services, constitutional/political disputes, and women’s rights. They involve local communities, the unemployed national and regional trade unions, civil society organisations (CSOs), national utility and mineral companies, and political parties.
2

Rawson, Holly B. Does the Law of Armed Conflict Need to Evolve With Respect to Non-State Actors? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada415488.

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3

Tanner, Lydia, and Leben Moro. Missed Out: The role of local actors in the humanitarian response in the South Sudan conflict. Oxfam GB, CAFOD and Trócaire in partnership, Christian Aid, Tearfund, April 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2016.606290.

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4

Arias, Maria Alejandra, and Ana Maria Ibáñez. Agricultural production amidst conflict : the effects of shocks, uncertainty and governance of non-state armed actors. Universidad de Los Andes, August 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.35648/20.500.12413/11781/ii052.

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5

Rokhideh, Maryam. Leveraging the Peacebuilding Potential of Cross-border Trader Networks in Sub-Saharan Africa. RESOLVE Network, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.17.lpbi.

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Cross-border trade plays a prominent role in economic, social, and political life in Sub-Saharan Africa, contributing significantly to development, poverty reduction, and job creation. Across the continent, cross-border trade accounts for 43 percent of the entire population’s income. As actors embedded in licit and illicit networks at local and regional levels, cross-border traders have the potential to fuel conflict or mitigate it. They can act as spoilers, supporting armed groups and war economies, or as peace intermediaries, negotiating peace deals and bridging conflict divides across communities. Given that most armed conflicts in Sub-Saharan Africa are shaped by cross-border dynamics, cross-border traders present an underexamined yet critical point of entry for analyzing and addressing conflicts and should be included in new and ongoing peacebuilding programming. This policy note provides recommendations on how policymakers can leverage the untapped peacebuilding potential of cross-border traders and decrease their spoiling power.
6

Idrissa, Rahmane, and Bethany McGann. Mistrust and Imbalance: The Collapse of Intercommunal Relations and the Rise of Armed Community Mobilization on the Niger-Mali Border. RESOLVE Network, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2021.2.

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The border area of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso is a site of endemic violence. The area is punctuated by anti-state attacks, the targeted killing of traditional chiefs, and attacks on markets and other socioeconomic convening locales that otherwise serve as central mechanisms for the preservation of normalized intercommunal interactions. In addition, foreign military interventions and asymmetric insurgent warfare pit multiple state and non-state actors equipped with heavy weaponry against one another, adding another level of insecurity and threat to local communities. Community-based armed groups (CBAGs) of Fulani and Tuareg ethnicity have aligned themselves with outside actors carrying out operations in the region out of choice, coercion, or in some cases both. Building on other research reports in RESOLVE’s Community-Based Armed Groups Series, this report explores local perceptions regarding the nature and impact of the violence in southwestern Niger. The report provides a summary of understanding of ongoing conflict dynamics from the most impacted communities and an insight on the knowledge and attitudes around actors participating in the violence. It hopes to inform efforts to bring an end to the violence and increase understanding of participating actors.
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Allouche, Jeremy, Harriet Hoffler, and Jeremy Lind. Humanitarianism and Religious Inequalities: Addressing a Blind Spot. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.002.

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Religious identity is critically important to consider in assessing patterns of displacement and the dynamics of conflict and peace-building, as well as programmatic and policy responses to humanitarian crises. Conflicts are frequently driven by discrimination and generate massive numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) as they flee from persecution and violence, whilst individuals or groups may be targeted for their identity or face insecurity during community activities. As a result, the relationship between diversity, inclusivity, and interdependence is key to developing approaches that address intersecting forms of insecurity experienced by religious minorities. This paper reviews current thinking and policy directions in understanding religious inequalities in humanitarian contexts and asks the following questions: 1) What are the implications of programming that is blind to religious inequalities? 2) How can humanitarian actors incorporate sensitivity to religious difference and persecution in their programming, and what are the challenges of doing so?
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Pelham, Sarah, Tamara Göth, Jorrit Kamminga, Husnia Alkadri, Manizha Ehsan, and Anna Tonelli. 'Leading the Way': Women driving peace and security in Afghanistan, the Occupied Palestinian Territory and Yemen. Oxfam, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.7222.

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In Afghanistan, the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) and Yemen, women’s rights organizations are leading efforts to realize the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, in spite of ongoing conflict, insecurity and occupation. But without national duty bearers and international actors stepping up to meet their commitments, implement National Action Plans (NAPs) and provide resources and support, the full potential of the agenda will not be reached. This briefing paper explores challenges, lessons learned and opportunities related to realizing the WPS agenda, and makes recommendations to a range of national and international stakeholders on how to support its implementation in Afghanistan, OPT and Yemen.
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Haider, Huma. Mainstreaming Institutional Resilience and Systems Strengthening in Donor Policies and Programming. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.101.

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This rapid review synthesises evidence on key aspects of mainstreaming institutional resilience and systems strengthening in donor policies and programming in FCAS (Fragile and Conflict-affect States) contexts, particularly in nutrition (food security), health, WASH and the economic sector. Institutional resilience is the ability of a social system (society, community, organisation) to absorb and recover from external shocks, while positively adapting and transforming to address long-term changes and uncertainty. Investing in strong, well-functioning and adaptable social systems, such as health, education and social protection systems, can build resilience, as this help to cushion the negative economic and social effects of crises. While development actors have established guidance on how institutions can be made more effective, inclusive and accountable, there is much less literature on institutional resilience and how development actors can help to foster it. Much of the literature notes a lack of systematic evidence on applying the concept of resilience. These gaps extend to a dearth of guidance on how development actors can mainstream institutional resilience and systems strengthening into their policies and programmes. This rapid review draws on common factors discussed in the literature that are considered important to the strengthening of resilience and particular systems. These may, in turn, provide an indication of ways in which to mainstream institutional resilience and systems strengthening into development policy and programming
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Kelly, Luke. Threats to Civilian Aviation Since 1975. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.019.

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This literature review finds that the main malicious threats to civilian aviation since 1975 are attacks by terrorist groups, deliberate or accidental damage arising from conflicts, and incidents caused by people who work for airlines or airports. While the sector has responded to hijackings and bombings with increasing security since the 1970s, actors seeking to attack aircraft have modified their tactics, and new threats such as liquid explosives and cyber attacks have emerged. Civilian aviation has seen relatively fewer accidents and deaths over the years, but threats remain. The review focuses on malicious threats to civilian aviation. It, therefore, excludes weather events or accidents. The first section lists major malicious threats to civilian aviation since 1975. It includes both actual and planned events (e.g. hijackings that were prevented) that are recorded in open-source documents. Each threat is listed alongside information on its cause (e.g. terrorism, state actions, crime), the context in which it occurred (broader factors shaping the risk including geography, regime type, technology), and its impact (on passengers, policy, security, economic). The second section discusses some of the trends in threats to aviation. Motives for malicious threats include terrorism, crime, asylum-seeking, and insider attacks by aggrieved or mentally ill airline staff. Hijacking has been the most common form of threat, although bombing or suicide attacks have killed more people. Threats may also take the form of accidental attacks on civilian planes misidentified as threats in conflict zones. Experts suggest that growing threats are cyberattacks and the use of unmanned aerial vehicles, although neither has yet caused a major incident.

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