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Статті в журналах з теми "Constituency service"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 11 березня 2023

Оновлено: 31 липня 2025

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1

Hofstetter, Emily, and Elizabeth Stokoe. "Getting service at the constituency office: Analyzing citizens’ encounters with their Member of Parliament." Text & Talk 38, no. 5 (2018): 551–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/text-2018-0014.

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Abstract In this paper, we present an analysis of how constituents procure services at the constituency office of a Member of Parliament (MP) in the United Kingdom. This paper will investigate how several previously documented interactional practices (e.g. entitlement) combine at the constituency office in a way that secures service. From a corpus of 12.5 hours of interaction, and using conversation analysis, we examine constituents’ telephone calls and meetings with constituency office staff and the MP, identifying practices constituents use. First, constituents opened encounters with bids to

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2

Arter, David, and Tapio Raunio. "Concluding Remarks: Constituency Service or Constituency Effort?" Representation 54, no. 1 (2017): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2017.1396241.

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3

Koop, Royce. "Party Constituency Associations and the Service, Policy and Symbolic Responsiveness of Canadian Members of Parliament." Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 2 (2012): 359–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423912000364.

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Abstract.Effective representation requires that representatives learn of the needs and preferences of their constituents and communicate their representative accomplishments back to those constituents. This article demonstrates how Canadian political parties, specifically their constituency associations in the ridings, assist MPs in their representative functions by facilitating communication between MPs and constituents. Representatives of local “sectors” on constituency association executives provide a means for focused communication between MPs and constituents. The result is that constitue

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4

King, Gary. "Constituency Service and Incumbency Advantage." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (1991): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006062.

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Numerous scholars have documented a dramatic increase in incumbency advantage in US congressional elections and also state legislative elections over the past four decades. For example, Gelman and King show that incumbents in the House of Representatives now receive about twelve extra percentage points solely as a result of holding congressional office during the campaign; the comparable figure for most of the first half of this century was only 2 per cent. This advantage of incumbency has made members of the US House and many state legislators nearly invulnerable to electoral defeat.

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5

Norris, Pippa. "The puzzle of constituency service." Journal of Legislative Studies 3, no. 2 (1997): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339708420508.

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6

André, Audrey, Jonathan Bradbury, and Sam Depauw. "Constituency Service in Multi-level Democracies." Regional & Federal Studies 24, no. 2 (2013): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2013.858708.

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7

Born, Richard. "Growing District Partisan Homogeneity and the Decline of the Personal Vote in U.S. House Elections." American Review of Politics 30 (November 1, 2009): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.251-274.

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Despite decline in the magnitude of U.S. House members’ personal vote, reelection safety has not been impaired. Oppenheimer’s explanation for this seeming paradox rests upon the growing partisan homogeneity of House districts; i.e., incumbents presumably reduced their level of constituency service knowing that any resulting attrition in their personal vote would be compensated by a more substantial partisan vote. My study uncovers some evidence to back up this explanation. I indeed find that members from safer partisan districts have been perceived by constituents as less engaged in constituen

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8

Kelly, B. D. "Voting and mental illness: the silent constituency." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 31, no. 4 (2014): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2014.52.

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Mental illness has been long associated with denial of certain human rights, social exclusion and political disempowerment. Too often, the effects of adverse social, economic and political circumstances, along with stigma, constitute a form of ‘structural violence’, which impairs access to psychiatric and social services, and amplifies the effects of mental illness in the lives of sufferers and their families. Existing literature indicates that voting rates are low among people with mental illness and, whereas voting preferences in the mentally ill may tend towards the liberal end of the polit

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9

Kusche, Isabel. "Reflection on Political Representation." Comparative Sociology 16, no. 5 (2017): 634–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341437.

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Abstract This article compares how Members of Parliament in the United Kingdom and Ireland reflect on constituency service as an aspect of political representation. It differs from existing research on the constituency role of mps in two regards. First, it approaches the question from a sociological viewpoint that emphasizes the process character of role-taking and its need for validation by others. Second, instead of relying on interviews and surveys it analyses how mps refer to aspects of constituency work in parliamentary debate. This choice of empirical material opens up a long-term view o

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10

Skjæveland, Asbjørn, and Flemming Juul Christiansen. "Putting Party First? Constituency Service in Denmark." Representation 54, no. 1 (2018): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2018.1461682.

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11

Wekesa, Didmus Barasa, and Omariba Alice. "VISIONARY LEADERSHIP AND SERVICE DELIVERY IN NATIONAL GOVERNMENT CONSTITUENCY DEVELOPMENT FUND IN KENYA." International Journal of Novel Research in Interdisciplinary Studies 11, no. 1 (2024): 33–41. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10633857.

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<strong>Abstract:</strong> The study aimed to explore the impact of visionary leadership on the delivery of services in the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) of Kanduyi, Kenya. It utilized a descriptive research design and focused on 2,977 employees within the CDF departments. A sample size of 353 respondents was selected using simple random sampling. Primary data was collected through structured questionnaires, and a pilot test was conducted to ensure the reliability of the research instruments. The collected data was analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics, such as frequencie

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12

Christensen, Darin, and Simon Ejdemyr. "Do Elections Improve Constituency Responsiveness? Evidence from US Cities." Political Science Research and Methods 8, no. 3 (2018): 459–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.46.

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AbstractDo elections motivate incumbent politicians to serve their voters? In this paper, we use millions of service requests placed by residents in US cities to measure constituency responsiveness. We then test whether an unusual policy change in New York City, which enabled city councilors to run for three rather than two terms in office, improved constituency responsiveness in previously term-limited councilors’ districts. Using difference-in-differences, we find robust evidence for this. Taking advantage of differential timing of local election races in New York City and San Francisco, we

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13

Richardson, Lilliard E., and Patricia K. Freeman. "Gender Differences in Constituency Service among State Legislators." Political Research Quarterly 48, no. 1 (1995): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/449126.

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14

Nagel, Jack H., Bruce Cain, John Ferejohn, et al. "The Personal Vote: Constituency Service and Electoral Independence." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 8, no. 2 (1989): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3323398.

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15

Norris, Pippa. "The Nolan Committee: Financial Interests and Constituency Service." Government and Opposition 31, no. 4 (1996): 441–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01200.x.

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The Nolan Committee Has Put Parliament on Trial. Many believe that standards of public life have fallen into disrepute in recent years. The press has seized upon a series of sleaze issues: cash for parliamentary questions, the Scott inquiry into government contracts, undisclosed gifts from lobbyists, the hidden patronage of quango appointments, and the revolving door between public office and newly privatized company boards. Most believe this succession of stories has eroded public trust and confidence. Ivor Crewe's submission to the committee pointed out that agreement with the statement ‘Mos

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16

Distelhorst, Greg, and Yue Hou. "Constituency Service under Nondemocratic Rule: Evidence from China." Journal of Politics 79, no. 3 (2017): 1024–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/690948.

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17

Flanigan, William H., Bruce Cain, John Ferejohn, and Morris Fiorina. "The Personal Vote: Constituency Service and Electoral Independence." Political Science Quarterly 103, no. 3 (1988): 559. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150771.

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18

Richardson, Lilliard E., and Patricia K. Freeman. "Gender Differences in Constituency Service Among State Legislators." Political Research Quarterly 48, no. 1 (1995): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299504800110.

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19

Dropp, Kyle, and Zachary Peskowitz. "Electoral Security and the Provision of Constituency Service." Journal of Politics 74, no. 1 (2012): 220–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381611001216.

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20

Arter, David. "The What, Why’s and How’s of Constituency Service." Representation 54, no. 1 (2017): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2017.1396240.

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21

Ciftci, Sabri, and Tevfik Murat Yildirim. "Hiding behind the party brand or currying favor with constituents: Why do representatives engage in different types of constituency-oriented behavior?" Party Politics 25, no. 3 (2017): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817720438.

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Why do representatives prioritize certain types of constituency service in parliamentary systems? This study argues that the choice for constituency-oriented activities is conditioned by both partisan factors and legislative role orientations. Two novel data sets combining behavioral and attitudinal measures of constituency-oriented behavior are used for empirical tests: an elite survey including detailed interviews with 204 members of the Turkish parliament and 4000 parliamentary questions tabled by these members. The results from a series of ordered logit, ordinary least squares (OLS), and n

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22

Thomas, Sue. "The Effects of Race and Gender on Constituency Service." Western Political Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1992): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448769.

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23

Butler, Patrick, and Neil Collins. "Payment on delivery ‐ Recognising constituency service as political marketing." European Journal of Marketing 35, no. 9/10 (2001): 1026–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000005956.

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24

Thomas, S. "The Effects of Race and Gender On Constituency Service." Political Research Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1992): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299204500112.

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25

Che Fonchingong, Charles. "Legitimating Social Inequality: Political Elites, Ethnic Peddling and Dislocated Constituencies." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 26 (2016): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n26p163.

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Political cronyism has been flagged up as a trigger for state dysfunction in post-independence Africa, resulting in escalating social inequality. This paper lays out elite (mostly elderly) dislocation of political space; polarizing communities with constituents feeling distant from governmental machinery with constituency representation under siege. Using case studies, backed up with documentary analysis, framed in conjunction with the conceptual thinking of deliberative democracy; this study engages with the elements of dislocation. Constituency misrepresentation is laid out through a triangu

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26

KEEFER, PHILIP, and STUTI KHEMANI. "When Do Legislators Pass on Pork? The Role of Political Parties in Determining Legislator Effort." American Political Science Review 103, no. 01 (2009): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409090054.

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A central challenge in political economy is to identify the conditions under which legislators seek to “bring home the pork” to constituents. We conduct the first systematic analysis of one determinant of constituency service, voter attachment to political parties, holding constant electoral and political institutions. Our analysis takes advantage of data from a unique type of public spending program that is proliferating across developing countries, the constituency development fund (CDF), which offers more precise measures of legislator effort than are common in the literature. Examining the

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27

Thomsen, Danielle M., and Bailey K. Sanders. "Gender Differences in Legislator Responsiveness." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 4 (2019): 1017–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719003414.

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A growing body of research shows that women legislators outperform their male counterparts in the legislative arena, but scholars have yet to examine whether this pattern emerges in non-policy aspects of representation. We conducted an audit study of 6,000 U.S. state legislators to analyze whether women outperform or underperform men on constituency service in light of the extra effort they spend on policy. We find that women are more likely to respond to constituent requests than men, even after accounting for their heightened level of policy activity. Female legislators are the most responsi

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28

Mattes, Robert, and Shaheen Mozaffar. "Legislatures and Democratic Development in Africa." African Studies Review 59, no. 3 (2016): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.83.

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Abstract:Afrobarometer data collected three decades after Joel Barkan’s pioneering survey of rural Kenyans confirm his insights that voters stress MPs’ linkage roles in terms of representation (carrying views upward to the capital) and constituency service (bringing goods downward from national government) over their institutional roles (lawmaking and oversight). And, contrary to conventional wisdom, they prefer collective goods for the constituency over private goods. An African Legislatures Project survey of 822 MPs in seventeen countries revealed, however, that MPs misinterpret this as a de

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29

Katzan, Jr., Harry. "Design For Service Innovation." Journal of Service Science (JSS) 8, no. 1 (2015): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jss.v8i1.9517.

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This paper covers service innovation for service scientists. The subject has not been accorded the attention it deserves, because of inadequate professional and academic attention to services, in general, and service design, in particular. The changing of one’s perception of the human landscape from products to services is indeed cumbersome and entails a lot of effort on the part of the service establishment and the service entrepreneur. However, a new view of an age-old agenda in light of the ongoing move to globalization can be enlightening and rewarding. If Thomas Edison were engaged in ser

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30

Halligan, John, Robert Krause, Robert Williams, and Geoffrey Hawker. "Constituency Service among Sub-National Legislators in Australia and Canada." Legislative Studies Quarterly 13, no. 1 (1988): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/439944.

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31

Haughey, Sean. "Extra-parliamentary behaviour in Northern Ireland: MLAs and constituency service." Journal of Legislative Studies 23, no. 4 (2017): 529–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2017.1394737.

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32

Arter, D. "The Michael Marsh Question: How do Finns do Constituency Service?" Parliamentary Affairs 64, no. 1 (2010): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsq043.

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33

Heidar, Knut, and Rune Karlsen. "All about the Party? Constituency Representation—and Service—in Norway." Representation 54, no. 1 (2018): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2018.1489890.

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34

Prato, Carlo, and Stephane Wolton. "Campaign Cost and Electoral Accountability." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 1 (2016): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.8.

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The increasing cost of political campaigns and its impact on the electoral process are issues of paramount importance in modern democracies. We propose a theory of electoral accountability in which candidates choose whether or not to commit to constituency service and whether or not to pay a campaign cost to advertise their platform. A higher campaign cost decreases voter welfare when partisan imbalance is low. However, when partisan imbalance is high, a higher campaign cost is associated with a higher expected level of constituency service. More costly campaigns can thus have a rebalancing ef

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35

Russo, Federico. "Going Local: Parliamentary Questions as a Means of Territorial Representation in the Italian Parliament." Political Studies Review 19, no. 3 (2021): 410–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929920986798.

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Parliamentary questions are often employed by Members of Parliament to demonstrate their responsiveness to the needs of the constituency. This article takes advantage from this opportunity to study the determinants shaping the constituency focus of Italian deputies. Previous research has shown that the degree to which Members of Parliament devote attention to their geographical district depends on several factors related to electoral incentives, demands coming from citizens and taste-based preferences. By studying the behaviour of Italian deputies elected in three legislative terms with a syst

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36

Twight, Ben W., and Fremont J. Lyden. "Multiple Use vs. Organizational Commitment." Forest Science 34, no. 2 (1988): 474–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/forestscience/34.2.474.

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Abstract Q factor analysis and cluster analysis data demonstrate a high level of homogeneity among USDA Forest Service district rangers resembling that found by Kaufman in the 1950s, suggesting a current organizational culture committed primarily to one constituency group rather than the multiple constituencies implied by the Multiple Use-Sustained Yield Act. Such strong commitment to a single-constituency perspective may preclude agency sensitivity to other public perspectives obtained through citizen participation. Organization theory and social institutions theory are used to explain the fi

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37

Brack, Nathalie, and Jean-Benoit Pilet. "Explaining MPs’ constituency service in multilevel systems: the case of Belgium." French Politics 14, no. 4 (2016): 439–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41253-016-0011-8.

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38

Jackson, Nigel. "MPs and their e-Newsletters: Winning Votes by Promoting Constituency Service." Journal of Legislative Studies 14, no. 4 (2008): 488–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330802442923.

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39

Kinyingi, Jacinta Wanjiku. "Effects of raw materials on the quality of catering services at daycare centers." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 9, no. 2 (2020): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v9i2.622.

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This study examined the effect of raw materials on the quality of catering services in daycare centers in Nyeri Town Constituency, Kenya. The development and growth of a child depend to a great extent on what they consume as food. For a good development of a child, there is a need to consider the quality of food he or she takes. This is in relation to nutritional value, quantities per intake, quality in relation to cleanness, methods of cooking and its presentation to the child. This high level of participation in childcare centers is attributed to an increasing awareness that early childhood

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40

Baxter, Graeme, Rita Marcella, and Mary O'Shea. "Members of the Scottish Parliament on Twitter: good constituency men (and women)?" Aslib Journal of Information Management 68, no. 4 (2016): 428–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ajim-02-2016-0010.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of Twitter by Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) for the provision of constituency-related information, or in support of their constituency service work. Design/methodology/approach – Content analysis of 10,411 tweets sent by the 105 MSPs on Twitter during four weeks in early-2014. Findings – While there was some evidence of MSPs on Twitter acting as a promoter of local community interests and as a conduit for information on local policy issues and events, their tweets were dominated by the wider, national, political agenda and b

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41

Hlynsdóttir, Eva Marín, and Eva H. Önnudóttir. "Constituency Service in Iceland and the Importance of the Centre–Periphery Divide." Representation 54, no. 1 (2018): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2018.1467338.

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42

McClendon, Gwyneth H. "Race and Responsiveness: An Experiment with South African Politicians." Journal of Experimental Political Science 3, no. 1 (2016): 60–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2015.10.

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AbstractDo politicians engage in ethnic and racial favoritism when conducting constituency service? This article presents results from a replication field experiment with local South African politicians that tested for racial bias in responsiveness to requests about public goods provision. The experiment represents an adaptation of similar experiments conducted in the United States, extending the design to a different institutional environment, albeit one with a similar racially-charged history. Although one might suppose that politicians in South Africa would seek to avoid racial bias given t

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43

Parker, David CW, and Caitlyn M. Richter. "Back from Holyrood: How mixed-member proportional representation and ballot structure shape the personal vote." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 3 (2018): 674–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118762279.

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Research on mixed-member legislatures demonstrates that members face different incentive structures when cultivating a personal vote. In this article, we examine how Scotland’s adoption of a mixed-member proportional system (MMP) and a change in ballot structure affect the legislative activities undertaken and emphasised by Members of Scottish Parliament (MSPs). Utilising a range of measures of legislative behaviour, we find that MSPs representing constituencies spend less time legislating and more time engaged in constituent service work. Regional members, conversely, lodge more parliamentary

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44

Barbrook, Alec T. "The Personal Vote: Constituency Service and Electoral Independence.Bruce Cain , John Ferejohn , Morris Fiorina." Journal of Politics 50, no. 4 (1988): 1112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131400.

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45

Gaines, Brian J. "The Impersonal Vote? Constituency Service and Incumbency Advantage in British Elections, 1950-92." Legislative Studies Quarterly 23, no. 2 (1998): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440279.

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46

Norton, Philip, and David Wood. "CONSTITUENCY SERVICE BY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT: DOES IT CONTRIBUTE TO A PERSONAL VOTE?" Parliamentary Affairs 43, no. 2 (1990): 196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a052244.

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47

Landgrave, Michelangelo, and Nicholas Weller. "Do More Professionalized Legislatures Discriminate Less? The Role of Staffers in Constituency Service." American Politics Research 48, no. 5 (2020): 571–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x20923588.

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Research suggests that organizational structure can influence the ability of actors to discriminate. In this research note, we examine whether the structure of state legislatures affects observed discrimination in correspondent audit studies. We find that increased legislative professionalization is associated with reduced discrimination against racial minorities. By analyzing thousands of emails collected in a prior study, we find that legislative professionalization is related to a higher likelihood that staffers respond to email contacts and staffers are less likely to discriminate against

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48

Freyss, Siegrun Fox. "Learning Political Engagement from the Experts: Advocacy Groups, Neighborhood Councils, and Constituency Service." PS: Political Science & Politics 39, no. 01 (2006): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096506060288.

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Ong, Elvin. "Complementary Institutions in Authoritarian Regimes: The Everyday Politics of Constituency Service in Singapore." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 3 (2015): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800009115.

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Recent political science research has suggested that autocrats adopt a variety of institutions such as nominally democratic elections and ruling parties to buttress authoritarian durability. In this article I investigate the role of constituency service in an authoritarian regime. I argue that Singapore's Meet-the-People Sessions (MPS) is a complementary institution that can serve to mitigate the weaknesses of other authoritarian institutions, thereby entrenching authoritarianism, rather than serve as a form of democratic representation. First, it is a mechanism to gain valuable everyday infor

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Chiru, Mihail. "Cheap Talk or Proper Signaling? Styles of Campaigning and Engagement in Constituency Service." Social Science Quarterly 99, no. 1 (2017): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12404.

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