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Статті в журналах з теми "Democratic structures"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 30 травня 2022

Оновлено: 31 липня 2025

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1

Lucas, Luis Felipe Garcia. "Rancière and the crisis in the contemporary democratic structure." Núcleo do Conhecimento 02, no. 03 (2023): 40–49. https://doi.org/10.32749/nucleodoconhecimento.com.br/philosophy-en/democratic-structure.

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Анотація:

This review seeks to contextualize the perception that the thinker Jacques Rancière has about the contemporary political structure and the concept of democracy. The text is careful to present the author's criticism of current democracies and the way governments demonstrate and defend their structures. The French thinker is emphatic in stating that the responsibility for the removal of entities from the public environment is the result of an action by the governments themselves, which, in order to have greater freedom, encourage the masses to live only on the pursuit of the individual and priva

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2

Gelpi, Christopher F., and Michael Griesdorf. "Winners or Losers? Democracies in International Crisis, 1918–94." American Political Science Review 95, no. 3 (2001): 633–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401003148.

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We attempt to explain when and why democratic states will prevail in international crises. We review several of the prominent theories about democratic political structures and derive hypotheses from each framework about crisis outcomes. These hypotheses are tested against the population of 422 international crises between 1918 and 1994. Our findings provide further evidence that the democratic peace is not a spurious result of common interests. Moreover, we also begin the difficult task of differentiating among the many theories of the democratic peace. In particular, we find strong evidence

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3

Douglas, Mark. "Democratic Structures and Democratic Cultures: A “Response” to Paul Hanson and David Novak." CrossCurrents 59, no. 2 (2009): 241–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1939-3881.2009.00075.x.

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4

Douglas, Mark. "Democratic Structures and Democratic Cultures: A “Response” to Paul Hanson and David Novak." CrossCurrents 59, no. 2 (2009): 241–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cro.2009.a782440.

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5

Unterrainer, Christine, Michal Palgi, Wolfgang G. Weber, Anna Iwanowa, and Rainer Oesterreich. "Structurally Anchored Organizational Democracy." Journal of Personnel Psychology 10, no. 3 (2011): 118–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1866-5888/a000038.

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Six hundred and six employees in 33 enterprises (Austria, Germany, Israel, and Italy) that represent different levels of structurally anchored organizational democracy were examined in a multi-method, cross-level study. Based on a typology of democratic enterprises, we investigated the extent to which democratic structures impact employees’ individually perceived participation, affective commitment, and humanitarian ethical orientation. We found support for the expected relationships. Whereas cross-level mediation tests suggest that individually perceived participation fully mediates the posit

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6

Mendez de Hoyos, Irma, Nancy G. Domínguez Lizárraga, and Jesús E. Sánchez Zazueta. "Between democratic structures and illiberal practices in Sinaloa." Latin American Policy 12, no. 2 (2021): 571–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lamp.12230.

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7

Providence, Kennedy-Jude. "Democratic Socialism a Solution to Colonial Tourism Structures." Caribbean Quilt 6, no. 2 (2022): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i2.36946.

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The Caribbean’s environmental diversity and tourism products have been a longstanding source of income leading many to argue that the detriments of tourism outweigh its beneficial, economic effects. However, as the COVID-19 pandemic changed the course of travel- and by extension, tourism, countries have been forced to re-evaluate travel structures, means of income and longstanding Clientelist relationships with their North American neighbours. In this commentary, I discuss the socio- economic effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on tourism- in the context of Jamaica; as well as the possibility of r

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8

Matthews, Hugh, and Melanie Limb. "Another white elephant? Youth councils as democratic structures." Space and Polity 7, no. 2 (2003): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1356257032000133928.

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9

Ostheimer, Andrea E. "Transforming peace into democracy: Democratic structures in Mozambique." African Security Review 8, no. 6 (1999): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.1999.9628156.

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10

Joshi, Devin K., J. S. Maloy, and Timothy M. Peterson. "Popular vs. elite democratic structures and international peace." Journal of Peace Research 52, no. 4 (2015): 463–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343314567722.

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11

Asenbaum, Hans, and Sonia Bussu. "Democratic Assemblage." Theoria 72, no. 183 (2025): 1–23. https://doi.org/10.3167/th.2025.7218301.

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Анотація:

Over the past two decades, the scholarly community interested in participatory and deliberative democracy has focused their attention on democratic innovations. Designs such as participatory budgets and citizens assemblies have been conceptualised as the actualisation of democratic ideals in a micro setting, in relative isolation from each other and the wider society (Bussu et al. 2022). In recent years the attention of democracy scholarship turned toward the connectivity between various democratic innovations and raised questions about their political and societal impact (Dean et al. 2019; Ja

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12

Haythornthwaite, Caroline. "Democratic Process in Online Crowds and Communities." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 4, no. 2 (2012): 160–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v4i2.137.

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This paper explores the underlying structures that support participation and reputation in online crowd and community-based peer productions. Building on writings on open source, peer production, participatory culture, and social networks, the paper describes crowd and community structures as two ends of a continuum of collective action - from lightweight to heavyweight - differentiated by the extent of connectivity and engagement between contributions and among contributors. This is followed by an examination of the recognition, reputation and reward systems that support these collectives, an

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13

Christensen, Henrik Serup. "Broadening Democratic Participation?" Scandinavian Journal of Public Administration 17, no. 3 (2013): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.58235/sjpa.v17i3.15724.

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   Municipalities in several countries have adopted measures of e-democracy in order to strengthen citizen involvement in the political decision-making. For this reason it has been expected that the Internet would lead to a deepening of democracy. However, e-democratic measures do not necessarily entail a deeper involvement of citizens in the political decision-making; it can also serve to strengthen the traditional representative structures. This study examines the implementation of e-democracy in the websites of 188 Finnish municipalities in order to assess whether the init

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14

Gold, Marina. "The Swiss Paradox." Social Analysis 63, no. 1 (2019): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sa.2019.630103.

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The Swiss system of direct democracy is in many ways paradoxical. The federal structure counteracts the formation of centralizing state hierarchies and protects the egalitarian representation of local political interests. Simultaneously, local political structures can have hierarchical and exclusionary effects, especially when democratic processes are turned into values. This article considers the tensions between egalitarian and hierarchical values in Swiss democratic structures in the wake of the rise of anti-foreigner and anti-EU passions harnessed by extreme right-wing parties. These tensi

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15

Hutchcroft, Paul D. "Understanding ‘Source’ and ‘Purpose’ in Processes of Democratic Change: Insights from the Philippines and Thailand." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 1, no. 2 (2013): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2013.1.

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AbstractPrevious decades' celebrations of the triumph of democracy were frequently based on mainstream analyses that displayed two major theoretical problems. First, conceptualisations of democracy based on ‘minimal pre-conditions’ commonly conflated the formal establishment ofdemocratic structureswith the far more complex and historically challenging creation ofsubstantive democracy. Second, a deductive and generally ahistorical model asserting fixed stages of ‘democratic transition’ diverted attention from deeper and more substantive examination ofstruggles for power among social forces with

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16

Laycock, David. "Representative Economic Democracy and the Problem of Policy Influence: The Case of Canadian Co-operatives." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (1989): 765–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020242.

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AbstractThis article discusses interest representation by Canadian co-operative business associations, as a way of exploring difficulties faced by democratically structured group interests in influencing federal government policy. Several dimensions of co-operatives’ problems in this regard are examined: their internal structures of democratic representation, their reform ideology, their influence by two conflicting logics of collective action and selected aspects of federal policy development. The article concludes by contending that the problem of democratic representation by economic group

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17

CHEN, AN. "Democratic Reform of Management Structures in China's Industrial Enterprises." Politics & Society 23, no. 3 (1995): 369–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329295023003005.

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18

Knotts, Shelly. "Changing Music’s Constitution: Network Music and Radical Democratization." Leonardo Music Journal 25 (December 2015): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/lmj_a_00934.

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Анотація:

A review of radical democratic theories influenced by technological developments and nonhierarchical network structures allows us to analyze factors influencing hierarchical structure in music ensembles. Network music ensembles are uniquely positioned to deploy heterarchical technologies that enable them to address radical democratic concerns relating to communication structures and power distribution. This essay provides examples of current politically tinged explorations in network music and examines the room left for maneuvering in developing systems that consider the implication of data st

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19

Nurul, Wahidah, and Suharno. "The Identity of Civic Education as a Systemic Vechle for Democratic Education." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MULTIDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH AND ANALYSIS 08, no. 01 (2025): 227–32. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14710928.

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Civics education plays a vital role in strengthening democracy amidst global threats such as authoritarianism, political polarization and the spread of disinformation. These threats not only threaten political structures but also affect democratic education, especially critical and inclusive learning. The aim of this research is to find out how Citizenship Education. Identity is a systemic vehicle for democratic education. A qualitative approach is used by collecting data from journals, books and other printed materials, focusing on descriptive and systematic analysis based on empirical facts

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20

Fuller, Roslyn. "Structuring Big Data to Facilitate Democratic Participation in International Law." International Journal of Legal Information 42, no. 3 (2014): 504–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500012208.

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Анотація:

This is an interdisciplinary article focusing on the interplay between information and communication technology (ICT) and international law (IL). Its purpose is to open a dialogue between ICT and IL practitioners that focuses on the ways in which ICT can enhance equitable participation in international legal structures, particularly through capturing the possibilities associated with big data. This depends on the ability of individuals to access big data, for it to be structured in a manner that makes it accessible and for the individual to be able to take action based on it.

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21

Hutchcroft, Paul D., and Joel Rocamora. "Strong Demands and Weak Institutions: The Origins and Evolution of the Democratic Deficit in the Philippines." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (2003): 259–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001363.

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Анотація:

No country in Asia has more experience with democratic institutions than the Philippines. Over more than a century—from the representational structures of the Malolos republic of 1898 to the political tutelage of American colonial rule, from thecaciquedemocracy of the postwar republic to the restoration of democracy in the People Power uprising of 1986—Filipinos know both the promise of democracy and the problems of making democratic structures work for the benefit of all. Some 100 years after the introduction of national-level democratic institutions to the Philippines, the sense of frustrati

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22

Stoiber, Michael, Michèle Knodt, and Marie-Sophie Heinelt. "Heterogeneity, Participation and Democratic Quality in Latin America: A Comparison between Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru." Comparative Sociology 11, no. 3 (2012): 422–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913312x638615.

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Abstract Societal and economic heterogeneity are regarded as a challenge to the functioning of democracies. We integrate this problem as context variables into a model of evaluating the quality of democracy. The context determines the optimal composition of participation structures. This demand has to be confronted with the given structure and its effectiveness. We discuss the problem of effective participation for Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, which share similar problems regarding economic inequality and societal heterogeneity. Our main aim is to analyze how different institutional se

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23

Blokker, Paul. "Dissidence, Republicanism, and Democratic Change." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 2 (2011): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410387642.

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The dramatic changes of 1989 have been widely understood as the confirmation of Western, liberal democracy as the ultimate model of the modern polity. The fact that 1989 was about a dual language that not only emphasized the rule of law and the implementation of rights, but also articulated ideas of democracy alternative to the mainstream liberal-constitutional idea, has not been at the forefront of interpretations of post-1989 trajectories. This does not mean, though, that 1989 has not had implications for the democratic imaginary and structures emerging in the new democracies. Dissidence has

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24

Macdonald, Kate, and Terry Macdonald. "Democracy in a Pluralist Global Order: Corporate Power and Stakeholder Representation." Ethics & International Affairs 24, no. 1 (2010): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2010.00242.x.

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Whereas representative democratic mechanisms have generally been built around preexisting institutional structures of sovereign states, the global political domain lacks any firmly constitutionalized or sovereign structures that could constitute an analogous institutional backbone within a democratic global order. Instead, global public power can best be characterized as “pluralist” in structure. Some recent commentators have argued that if global democratization is to succeed at all, it must proceed along a trajectory beginning with the construction of global sovereign institutions and culmin

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25

Lee, Yeonho. "Participatory Democracy and Chaebol Regulation in Korea: State-Market Relations under the MDP Governments, 1997––2003." Asian Survey 45, no. 2 (2005): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.2.279.

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The government-chaebol nexus formed under Democratic Party governments reflects new state-market relations in Korea that are predicated on a democratic model emphasizing participation and equity. The participatory democratic logic of corporate reform assumes that civic organizations, functioning as a third sector, should act as watchdogs and whistle-blowers to correct any unequal market structures.

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26

Siaroff, Alan. "Democratic Breakdown and Democratic Stability: A Comparison of Interwar Estonia and Finland." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 1 (1999): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010118.

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AbstractTwo of the new states of interwar Europe were Estonia and Finland. Both arose out of the Russian Empire and both were literate, Protestant nations. Yet democracy broke down in Estonia but survived in Finland. These outcomes would seem ironic, given that Finnish independence involved a brutal civil war and Finland was linguistically divided—factors not present in Estonia. This study, however, examines not just the nature of independence but also the constitutional structures, party politics and regime crises of these two neighbouring cases. In terms of the factors commonly cited as favo

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27

Schuster, Nikolas. "Velvet or Roses – Towards a Democratic Armenia?" Groundings Undergraduate 12 (June 4, 2019): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36399/groundingsug.12.159.

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This essay takes a first look at Armenia’s 2018 ‘velvet revolution’ by analysing its political system since independence and comparing it to the circumstances of the 2003 Georgian Rose Revolution. By considering parameters such as protection of civil liberties and freedom of elections, it characterises the regimes in Armenia since 1991 as competitive authoritarian according to Levitsky and Way’s definition. Low levels of influence from the West and prevailing informal structures made caused this state of affairs to persist. A first look at the events of 2018 reveals that Nikol Pashinyan, the n

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28

Faix, Anna-Vanadis. "Democratisation of Business How More Democratic Business Structures Generate Innovation." Global Business & Economics Anthology Volume II, December 2021 (2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.47341/21127.

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Democratisation is a topic that is increasingly finding its way into the economic debate and is also becoming more and more of a trend within companies. The debates reveal various advantages and disadvantages of democratising companies. Within the various models of democratisation of companies, however, there seems to be a lack of coherent integration of the theoretical integration of this into the broad corporate structures – at least within business perspective. These often refer to orthodox theoretical foundations of hierarchical structures and corporate orientations, which in principle opp

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29

Kashyap, Subhash C. "Revisiting Corruption: Need for Systemic Reforms to Strengthen Democratic Structures." Indian Journal of Public Administration 57, no. 3 (2011): 445–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120110307.

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30

Galam, Serge. "Majority rule, hierarchical structures, and democratic totalitarianism: A statistical approach." Journal of Mathematical Psychology 30, no. 4 (1986): 426–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0022-2496(86)90019-2.

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31

Cunha Borges, João, and Teresa Marat-Mendes. "Walking on streets-in-the-sky: structures for democratic cities." Journal of Aesthetics & Culture 11, no. 1 (2019): 1596520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20004214.2019.1596520.

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32

Danisch, Robert. "Rhetorical Structures, Deliberative Ecologies, and the Conditions for Democratic Argumentation." Argumentation 34, no. 3 (2019): 339–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10503-019-09496-w.

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33

Adeleke, Gbadebo Fatai, Musediq Olufemi Lawal, Folake Olubunmi Lanre-Bablola, and Temitayo Oluwakemi Akinpelu. "Democratic Ethos The Bane of Communal Conflicts in Nigeria." Africa Insight 51, no. 2-3 (2023): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ai.v51i2-3.3.

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Previous studies have established traditional causes of communal conflicts. Conversely, this study established a link between democratic processes and communal conflicts in Nigeria. Through a three-component model focusing on various democratic processes, several democratic flaws were identified as root causes of communal conflicts. Specifically, we found a misalignment of democratic equity principles among warring communities, which surfaced because of differences in community hierarchies, structures, and personalities. A biased distribution of democratic dividends, unequal access to competen

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34

Pattoni, Maria Pia. "Democratic Paideia in Aeschylus’ Suppliants." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 2 (2017): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340126.

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Abstract The analysis of political language in Aeschylus’ Suppliants confirms the hypothesis that the form of government here represented is strongly influenced by contemporary Athens: prehistoric Argos turns out to be a sort of mirror of democratic Athens. It is no coincidence that the sequence running from the entrance of Pelasgus at l. 234 to the Danaids’ song of benediction (ll. 625-709) presents a dramatic pattern similar in several respects to that underlying in Eumenides 397-1002 (the scenes between the entrance of Athena and the Chorus’ prayer of blessing). Pelasgus (likewise Athena in

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35

Hoggan, Chad, Tetyana Hoggan-Kloubert, and Renee Owen. "Living Democracy: Social Structures that Promote Civic Learning." Adult Learning 34, no. 3 (2023): 168–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10451595221149765.

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Democracy is not only a system of government, but also an overarching way of living together. It is through the social structures we live in and the resulting social relations, behaviors, and norms emanating from those structures, that we learn how to live together, democratically or otherwise. Adult education can promote the learning of democracy by helping people develop social structures that are democratic in form and function. Drawing on examples from Europe and the U.S., this article presents two such structures: (1) the system of voluntary associations in Germany; and (2) sociocracy as

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36

Anggraini, Rini, Sawirman Sawirman, and Rina Marnita. "The Structures of Trumpâ€™s Political Discourse." IJOLTL (Indonesian Journal of Language Teaching and Linguistics) 6, no. 1 (2020): 55–72. https://doi.org/10.30957/ijoltl.v6i1.650.

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This study explains the discourse structure of antagonism in one of Trumpâ€™s political speeches. The analysis also describes the function of antagonistic discourse for Trumpâ€™s political purposes against his opponents from the Democratic Party like Joe Biden and Elizabeth Warren. CDA is the approach used in this research. The theories of political frontier antagonism from Malmberg, Howarth, and Stravakakis supported by the annihilating dynamics of meaning from Oâ€™Dawyer are applied to the data taken from the transcription of Trumpâ€™s political speeches. The findings show that Trump utilize

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37

Musah, Halidu. "DEMOCRATIC SUSTAINABILITY AND CONFLICT RESILIENCE IN GHANA’S DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (2020): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i2.13.

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Ghana could be described as an island of peace in an ocean of conflicts. This is because most of Ghana’s West African neighbours have experienced (and some are still experiencing) various forms of national civil conflicts which have never occurred in Ghana. In the last three decades, the West Africa sub-region has been plagued with many intra-state conflicts. In Liberia, Sierra-Leone, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali, conflicts have escalated into full scale war, bringing with it numerous loss of lives, destruction of property and causing social despair for the citizenry. The peace of some countries lik

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38

Colás, Alejandro. "The power of representation: democratic politics and global governance." Review of International Studies 29, S1 (2003): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210503005916.

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The notion of democracy has been invoked in the past decade by both opponents and proponents of global governance. Many in the so-called ‘anti-globalisation’ movement have underlined the inherently unaccountable, opaque and unrepresentative nature of global governance, whilst those more sympathetic to the pluralising dynamics of the phenomenon have emphasised the potentially democratic aspects of this new form of rule, especially with reference to the incorporation of a putative ‘global civil society’ into the structures of global governance and the accompanying diversification of sources of i

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39

O'Hair, Mary John, and Ulrich C. Reitzug. "Restructuring Schools for Democracy: Principals’ Perspectives." Journal of School Leadership 7, no. 3 (1997): 266–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105268469700700303.

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Currently there is renewed emphasis among theorists and practitioners on democratic schooling. Although frequently equated with school governance, democratic schooling extends beyond governance structures into all aspects of school and classroom practice. What democratic schooling means for the practices of principals, however, is unclear. In democratic schools principals not only no longer sit at the apex of the governance hierarchy but they must also discover what it means to be a democratic school in the various arenas of school policy and practice. What are appropriate practices for princi

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40

Jacobs, Lawrence R., and Judd Choate. "Democratic Capacity: Election Administration as Bulwark and Target." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 699, no. 1 (2022): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211061318.

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Headlines decried the fragility of American democracy during the 2020 elections, but extensive institutional structures steered officials in both political parties to certify the results of the election, and independent judges have validated their decisions. Political battles over election laws and procedures are not themselves signs of democracy’s demise, because legal and administrative guardrails contain the degree to which voting rights are threatened. These formidable institutional structures blunted former president Donald Trump’s efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election and li

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41

CHIȚAC, Ciprian. "THE CREATION OF AN INTEGRATED STRUCTURE OF RAPID REACTION AT EUROPEAN LEVEL AGAINST TERRORISM." INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, no. 1 (2022): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-22.

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Having as a starting point the end of the Cold War and the proliferation of terrorism at an unprecedented scale, the threats aimed at national security have become ambiguous, and the potential enemies are either classical structures, units and large units from within military structures, or structures of terrorist or paramilitary organizations which have capabilities that cover a large range of doctrines, forms of organization, equipment, instruction and ideological motivations. For these reasons, the structures must be capable of executing operations during times of peace, crisis, and war and

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Przeworski, Adam. "Ökonomische und politische Transformationen in Osteuropa: Der aktuelle Stand." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, no. 98 (1995): 130–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i98.975.

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The article examines the dilemma of the necessity to consolidate democratic structures by creating incentives for political forces to channel their interests into the democratic institutions, but the policy choices are tightly constrained by the economic crisis. The foreseeable future, however, does not offer the perspective of material improvements in Eastern Europe, despite all optimistic prognoses. Nevertheless, the democratic institutions already seem consolidated to an extent to which their existence is at least not threatened in short-term perspective.

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43

Ullah, AKM Ahsan. "Trends in Political Science Research: Democratic Dissatisfaction." International Political Science Abstracts 75, no. 3 (2025): 391–407. https://doi.org/10.1177/00208345251348731.

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This article critically examines the scholarship on democratic decline and citizens’ dissatisfaction as well as it explores the key drivers, manifestations, and consequences of democratic backsliding worldwide. The study highlights how declining trust in democratic institutions, economic inequalities, and the rise of populism have intensified public discontent, leading to increased polarization and support for alternative governance models. By analyzing global trends, including democratic erosion in South Asia, Latin America, and Europe, the article underscores the complex relationship between

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Bennett, Simon. "Fragmentation or Cooperation: Consociational Structures in Israel & Germany." Macalester Street Journal 2, no. 1 (2024): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.62543/msj.v2i1.44.

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In the past several years, Israeli politics have entered an unprecedented era of divisiveness and vitriol. After five elections in four years and crisis after crisis, an analysis of this decline of institutions is crucial to understanding how democratic trajectories function, especially in societies as diverse as Israel’s. Germany’s contrasting maintenance of many of Israel’s lost democratic habits serves as an intriguing prism through which to view Israel. What do the two countries’ systems do differently? This paper will argue that Israel’s recent turn and Germany’s stability are the result

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Schedler, Andreas. "The breaching experiment. Donald Trump and the normative foundations of democracy." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 13, no. 4 (2019): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-019-00438-0.

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AbstractIs US president Donald Trump a threat to democracy? Alerting against his manifold transgressions of democratic norms, many comparative political scientists have thought so. Their practical worries, however, have been inconsistent with prevalent theories of democratic stability. As careful examination shows, his main democratic norm violations have been discursive, and they have revealed him to be, not an ideological enemy of democracy, but a self-centered actor without deep democratic commitments. None of this should ring democratic alarm bells. But it does. As I suggest, Donald Trump

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46

Bauer, Michael W., and Stefan Becker. "Democratic Backsliding, Populism, and Public Administration." Perspectives on Public Management and Governance 3, no. 1 (2020): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ppmgov/gvz026.

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Abstract What happens to public administration when populists are elected into government? This article argues that populists seek to realize an anti-pluralist reform agenda, thereby fuelling trends of democratic backsliding. Against this background, the article discusses potential goals and strategies of populist public administration policy and introduces examples of how populists sought to capture (Orbán in Hungary), dismantle (Fujimori in Peru), sabotage (Trump in the United States), and reform (Blocher in Switzerland) the state bureaucracy. In doing so, populists in government aim at stru

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Cassani, Davide. "Reducing democratic type II supergravity on SU(3) × SU(3) structures." Journal of High Energy Physics 2008, no. 06 (2008): 027. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1126-6708/2008/06/027.

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Galam, Serge. "Democratic Voting in Hierarchical Structures or How to Build a Dictatorship." Advances in Complex Systems 03, no. 01n04 (2000): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219525900000133.

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The dynamics of voting in hierarchical structures is modelled using the very efficient tool of the real space renormalization group borrowed from the Physics of collective phenomena. Each hierarchical level elects the one just above from local cells using a majority rule voting. The process is restricted to a two party competition. For each party two critical thresholds are found in the overall support. Below the first one, the associated party is automatically self-eliminated. Above the second one the presidency is guaranteed. In between the results are probabilistic. Depending on the voting

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Smith, Michael Peter. "The Global Diffusion of Public Policy: Power Structures and Democratic Accountability." Territory, Politics, Governance 1, no. 2 (2013): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2013.808162.

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Han, Hahrie C. "When Protest Makes Policy: How Social Movements Represent Disadvantaged Groups. By S. Laurel Weldon. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2011. 244p. $65.00 cloth, $27.95 paper." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 3 (2012): 787–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712001090.

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Because social movements exist to challenge entrenched power structures or change prevailing social practices, they claim to represent marginalized or excluded constituencies. Yet as eloquently argued by E. E. Schattschneider, “the flaw in the pluralist heaven is that the heavenly chorus sings with a strong upper-class accent” (The Semisovereign People, 1960, 35). Lacking formal mechanisms of democratic accountability, social movements, like other organized interests, can fall prey to the trap of overrepresenting the privileged. In addition, some scholars have challenged the idea that movement

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