Статті в журналах: "Disarmament campaign"

1

McKay, George. "Subcultural innovations in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament." Peace Review 16, no. 4 (January 2004): 429–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1040265042000318653.

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2

Fanning, Richard W. "PEACE GROUPS AND THE CAMPAIGN FOR NAVAL DISARMAMENT, 1927-1936." Peace & Change 15, no. 1 (January 1990): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.1990.tb00144.x.

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3

Frendo, Ruth. "Archival Review: Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament Archives at London School of Economics." Contemporary British History 23, no. 3 (September 2009): 387–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460903098483.

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4

Stewart, Mallory. "Defending Weapons Inspections from the Effects of Disinformation." AJIL Unbound 115 (2021): 106–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2021.4.

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The intentional spread of disinformation is not a new challenge for the scientific world. We have seen it perpetuate the idea of a flat earth, convince communities that vaccines are more dangerous than helpful, and even suggest a connection between the “5G” communication infrastructure and COVID-19. Nor is disinformation a new phenomenon in the weapons inspection arena. Weapons inspectors themselves are often forced to sift through alternative narratives of events and inconsistent reporting, and they regularly see their credibility and conclusions questioned in the face of government politics or public biases. But certain recent disinformation campaigns have become so overwhelmingly comprehensive and effective that they constitute a new kind of threat. By preventing accountability for clear violations of international law, these campaigns have created a challenge to the survival of arms control treaties themselves. If weapons inspectors cannot regain the trust of the international community in the face of this challenge, it will be increasingly difficult to ensure compliance with arms control and disarmament treaties going forward. In this essay, I will briefly discuss one of the most comprehensive disinformation efforts of the past decade: the disinformation campaign used to prevent accountability for Syria's repeated use of chemical weapons. After this discussion, I will propose one possible approach to help protect the credibility of disarmament experts and weapons inspectors in the face of pervasive disinformation. This approach will require a concerted effort to connect and support compliance experts and to understand and explain their expertise across cultural, political, national, economic, and religious divides.

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5

Burkett, J. "Re-defining British morality: 'Britishness' and the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament 1958-68." Twentieth Century British History 21, no. 2 (March 29, 2010): 184–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwp057.

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6

Herman, Sondra R. "The Woman inside the Negotiations: Alva Myrdal's Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, 1961-1982." Peace Change 23, no. 4 (October 1998): 514–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0149-0508.00102.

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7

Comrie, Margie. "REVIEW: Insider's view of nuclear-free NZ's 'people power'." Pacific Journalism Review 20, no. 1 (May 31, 2014): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v20i1.201.

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Book review of: Peace, Power & Politics: How New Zealand Became Nuclear Free, by Maire Leadbeater. Dunedin: Otago University Press, 2013, 344pp. , ISBN 9781877578588Journalism's focus on major political figures and high level negotiations leaves the more diffuse activities of grassroots politics in the shadows. So it is refreshing to see a well-researched book unapologetically placing civic groups at centre-stage. Marie Leadbeater’s thorough chronology of the last 40 years of New Zealand’s peace movement and the fight for a nuclear-free country fills some gaps in our knowledge about the mechanics of ‘people power’. It’s an insider’s view. Leadbeater, daughter of feminist and peace campaigner Elsie Locke, says activism is in her genes. She was secretary and then spokeperson for Auckland’s Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, closely involved with the nuclear free protests of the 1970s and 1980s and still demonstrating at Waihopai’s satellite communication monitoring station in 2013.

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8

Clavin, P. "The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World Wars." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 514 (May 26, 2010): 765–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq102.

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9

BURKETT, JODI. "The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and changing attitudes towards the Earth in the nuclear age." British Journal for the History of Science 45, no. 4 (December 2012): 625–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087412001094.

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AbstractThe nuclear age had a profound impact on politics and international affairs. More fundamentally, it altered the way people saw the planet and their relationship with it. These attitudes changed gradually in the post-war period, with the 1960s a key transitional moment. This article explores these changing attitudes towards the environment within the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND). At the beginning of the 1960s CND's concerns about nuclear testing and fallout fit easily into the dominant anthropocentric view of the environment. However, by the end of the decade they espoused a much more holistic, even ecocentric, attitude. This article examines how attitudes towards the environment were changing in the 1960s through a close examination of attitudes within CND, and argues that the modern environmental movement was a product of the nuclear age.

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10

Rosert, Elvira, and Frank Sauer. "How (not) to stop the killer robots: A comparative analysis of humanitarian disarmament campaign strategies." Contemporary Security Policy 42, no. 1 (May 30, 2020): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2020.1771508.

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11

Kulska, Joanna Dorota. "Towards “global zero”: the role of the Holy See in the campaign on nuclear disarmament." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia 25, no. 2 (February 5, 2019): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/k.2018.25.2.67-80.

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12

Petrova, Margarita H. "Weapons prohibitions through immanent critique: NGOs as emancipatory and (de)securitising actors in security governance." Review of International Studies 44, no. 4 (June 6, 2018): 619–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021051800013x.

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AbstractThe article examines the roles of NGOs in banning cluster munitions that resulted in the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions and the campaign against landmines in the 1990s. It argues that NGOs have managed to move questions about the use of force from the closed decision-making sphere of military commanders and arms control diplomats into open public debate. Thus NGOs have simultaneously desecuritised the use of force by states, securitised certain weapons technologies, and made human beings the referent object of security. This has marked a shift from state security and strategic disarmament to human security and humanitarian disarmament, without fundamentally challenging the laws of war. However, in contrast to realist views that only militarily useless weapons ever get banned and radical critical perspectives that see new legal regimes as legitimating war and US hegemony, I argue that NGOs have engaged in immanent critique of military arguments and practices based on prevailing principles of international humanitarian law. The resulting weapon ban treaties have both restrained US policy and undermined its legitimacy. The article explores the discursive choices that underpinned the remaking of the security agenda by NGOs and their role as de/securitising actors and emancipatory agents of change.

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13

OLDBERG, INGMAR. "Peace Propaganda and Submarines: Soviet Policy toward Sweden and Northern Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001005.

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Since the late 1970s, as part of an intensified peace propaganda campaign, the Soviet Union has sought to create a nuclear-free zone in Sweden and northern Europe. Simultaneously, it has increased its criticism of Sweden's defense, partly to offset the effects of Soviet submarine violations of Swedish waters. These violations have increased since the stranding of the U-137 in 1981 and have seriously impaired Soviet-Swedish relations. The Soviet leaders perceive new opportunities with the advent of the Social Democrats in Sweden, whose active foreign policy favors détente and disarmament rather than the arms race. Important factors in the background include growing East-West tension, with Soviet superiority in northern Europe, and the political and economic stagnation, militarization, and “KGB-ization” of Soviet society.

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14

Johnson, Gaynor. "R. T. Davies,The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament Between the Two World Wars." Diplomacy & Statecraft 20, no. 2 (August 5, 2009): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290802564940.

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15

McKay, George. "Just a closer walk with thee: New Orleans-style jazz and the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in 1950s Britain." Popular Music 22, no. 3 (October 2003): 261–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143003003180.

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This article looks at a particular moment in the relation between popular music and social protest, focusing on the traditional (trad) jazz scene of the 1950s in Britain. The research has a number of aims. One is to reconsider a cultural form dismissed, even despised by critics. Another is to contribute to the political project of cultural studies, via the uncomplicated strategy of focusing on music that accompanies political activism. Here the article employs material from a number of personal interviews with activists, musicians, fans from the time, focusing on the political development of the New Orleans-style parade band in Britain, which is presented as a leftist marching music of the streets. The article also seeks to shift the balance slightly in the study of a social movement organisation (the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, CND), from considering it in terms of its ‘official’ history towards its cultural contribution, even innovation. Finally, the article looks at neglected questions around Americanisation and jazz music, with particular reference to power and the past.

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16

Stites, Elizabeth, and Anastasia Marshak. "Who are the Lonetia? Findings from southern Karamoja, Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 2 (May 13, 2016): 237–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x16000021.

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ABSTRACTThe increase in crime and violence committed by young men known as lonetia in southern Karamoja, Uganda, has occurred in parallel to overall security improvements since the start of the 2006 disarmament campaign. This article examines the lonetia phenomenon from the perspective of the young men themselves. Panel data from four sets of interviews conducted in 2013 with approximately 400 young men provide details on the motivations of young men and the challenges they experience in the face of changing livelihood opportunities. We find that the lonetia category is highly fluid and that a set of behaviours and attributes correspond with the frequency of engagement in lonetia activity. Examination of seasonality highlights the contribution of hunger to lonetia frequency. We examine the perceptions of power and respect of young men in their communities as well as their propensity towards violence. The article concludes with thoughts on influencing lonetia involvement.

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17

Stites, Elizabeth, and Kimberly Howe. "From the border to the bedroom: changing conflict dynamics in Karamoja, Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 1 (March 2019): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000642.

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AbstractFor the latter decades of the last century, the Karamoja region of north-eastern Uganda was infamous as a place of violent cattle raids and road ambushes, populated by fierce warriors. Using primary data, this article examines the shifts from large-scale raiding to opportunistic theft as well as the profound transformation in the security environment over the past 10 years. We argue that the combination of a top-down sustained disarmament campaign and grassroots peace resolutions have created relative stability for the first time in decades. This stability has allowed for the expansion of markets, investments by national and international actors, and the rejuvenation of livelihoods for many residents. However, while large-scale violent cattle raids are largely a thing of the past, violence and insecurity have shifted to the domestic sphere in the form of small-scale but pervasive thefts and rampant domestic violence.

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18

Anderson, Samuel Mark. "A Disarmament Program for Witches: The Prospective Politics of Antiwitchcraft, Postwarcraft, and Rebrandcraft in Sierra Leone." Cultural Anthropology 34, no. 2 (May 22, 2019): 240–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca34.2.04.

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Descending on the capital city of Freetown a decade after Sierra Leone’s civil war, members of the Sierra Leone Indigenous Traditional Healers Union (SLITHU) unearthed countless “witch guns,” apprehended dozens of malevolent witches, and endeavored to rehabilitate culprits as productive citizen herbalists. The organization’s leader, President Field Marshal Alhaji Dr. Sulaiman Kabba, described these operations as a “disarmament program” for witches, discursively echoing postwar disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration programs previously imposed by the United Nations. Moreover, he dubbed SLITHU’s interventions “a rebranding effort,” appropriating pervasive marketing rhetorics. This article follows Kabba’s example by successively examining the disarmament campaign through the discourses of antiwitchcraft, postwarcraft, and rebrandcraft. A common logic underlying all three discourses hinges on a spectacular politics by prospection, exposing aspirations for social transformation but displacing the labor of change from leaders to their putative clients. The illusory effects of witch-finding, postwar reintegration, and rebranding epitomize models of contemporary neoliberal governance built on an unstable foundation of trust rather than material investment, leaving them vulnerable to devastating collapse. Abstrakt We dɛn bin de ɛnta di kapital siti Fritɔng tɛn ia afta di Salon sivul wa, memba dɛm na di Sierra Leone Indigenous Traditional Healers Union (SLITHU) pul wich gɔn dɛm, siz dɔzin pan dɛn wikɛd man wich dɛm ɛn tray fɔ cheng dɛm fɔ bi bɛtɛ sitizin ɛn abalist dɛm. Di ɔganayzeshɔn in lida, Prɛsidɛnt Fil Mashal Alhaji Dɔkta Sulaiman Kabba, diskrayb di ɔpreshɔn dɛm as “disamamɛnt program” fɔ wich dɛm. Dis in spich fala poswa disamamɛnt dimobilayzeshɔn ɛn rintigreshɔn program dɛm we di Yunaytɛd Nɛshɔn bin ɔblaj bifo. Fɔ ad pan dis, i bin kɔl SLITHU in intavɛnshɔn wan “ribrandin ɛfɔt” we i dɔn tek langwej frɔm global makitin. Dis atikul gɛt fɔ fala Kabba in kampen bay we ɔf pwel wich bisnɛs ɛn poswa biznɛs ɛn ribrand biznɛs wan-wan. Wan kɔmɔn lɔgic fɔseka ɔl tri diskɔshon ɛng pan spɛktakyula politiks fɔ fɛn prɔspɛkts ɛn so ɛkpos pipul dɛn aspireshɔn fɔ soshial transfɔmeshɔn yet disples di lebɔ fɔ cheng frɔm lida dɛm to dɛn wan dɛm we dipɛnd pan dɛm. Di fɔls ɛfɛkt dɛm fɔ fɛn wich, postwa rintigreshɔn ɛn ribrandin kin pruv modɛl dɛm fɔ kɔntɛmporari niolibral gɔvmɛnt bisnɛs we bil pan fawndeshɔn ɔf trɔst rada dan matirial invɛstmɛnt ɛn we de lɛf dɛm vɔnɔrebul to kolaps.

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19

Grant, Matthew. "Images of Survival, Stories of Destruction: Nuclear War on British Screens from 1945 to the Early 1960s." Journal of British Cinema and Television 10, no. 1 (January 2013): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2013.0119.

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This article discusses a range of depictions and discussions of nuclear war, which appeared on British screens in the first half of the Cold War, in order to understand the changing way nuclear weapons were viewed within British culture. Using such screened images to understand how nuclear war was constructed and represented within British culture, the article argues that the hydrogen bomb, not the atomic bomb, was the true harbinger of the nuclear revolution that transformed cultural understandings of warfare and destruction. Although the atomic bomb created a great deal of anxiety within British popular culture, representations of atomic attack elided atomic destruction with that experienced in 1939–45, emphasising the ‘survivability’ of atomic war. In the thermonuclear era, the Second World War could not undertake the same symbolic work. The image of the city-destroying bomb was an imaginative as well as technological step-change. Screened representations stressed that a thermonuclear war would literally end the world. As such, they preceded, and indeed provided the cultural climate for, the rise of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND). The Campaign exploited and further popularised this idea of the apocalyptic nuclear war as a key aspect of its political and moral standpoint. The article concludes, however, that the cultural hegemony of this vision of nuclear war equally helped underpin notions of nuclear deterrence. The basic assumptions about the nature of nuclear war constructed and circulated on British screens therefore formed part of CND's ‘cultural’ victory but the article also explains why this did not translate into the political realm.

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20

ZIEMANN, BENJAMIN. "The Code of Protest: Images of Peace in the West German Peace Movements, 1945–1990." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (May 2008): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004396.

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The article examines posters produced by the peace movements in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War, with an analytical focus on the transformation of the iconography of peace in modernity. Was it possible to develop an independent, positive depiction of peace in the context of protests for peace and disarmament? Despite its name, the pictorial self-representation of the campaign ‘Fight against Nuclear Death’ in the late 1950s did not draw on the theme of pending nuclear mass death. The large-scale protest movement in the 1980s against NATO's 1979 ‘double-track’ decision contrasted female peacefulness with masculine aggression in an emotionally charged pictorial symbolism. At the same time this symbolism marked a break with the pacifist iconographic tradition that had focused on the victims of war. Instead, the movement presented itself with images of demonstrating crowds, as an anticipation of its peaceful ends. Drawing on the concept of asymmetrical communicative ‘codes’ that has been developed in sociological systems theory, the article argues that the iconography of peace in peace movement posters could not develop a genuinely positive vision of peace, since the code of protest can articulate the designation value ‘peace’ only in conjunction with the rejection value ‘war’.

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21

Hughes, Celia. "The Struggle of the Male Self: A New Left Activist and His 1961 Diary." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 4 (September 2, 2015): 898–925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.118.

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AbstractThis article examines the 1961 diary of a new left young activist to explore his fractured sense of personal and political self. At the height of the Cold War, John Hoyland was an undergraduate at London's University College, living with his Communist Party family and active in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND). His intensely political world notwithstanding, Hoyland's diary reveals that interior life troubled his every day and shaped much of his thinking. Hoyland's self-conscious narrative illuminates self-making, male heterosexuality, generation, and relationships and cultures in the early 1960s British Left. He experienced himself as fragmented and struggled to negotiate his conflicting identities. He felt torn between older models of socialist identity and morality, his hedonism associated with the beatnik metropolitan scene, and his project of personal self-improvement. His diary offers rare insight into the intimate thoughts and feelings of one New Left young man at a time when political, social, and sexual codes and cultures were in transition before the emergence of feminist sexual politics. The article examines the identities Hoyland held as a socialist, sexual, and domestic male subject; it considers how his emotional world and relationships were shaped by his metropolitan landscapes, consisting of CND marches, Communist Party meetings, urban youth spaces, and the parental home; and it discusses Hoyland as a writer and the sense of selfhood the diary helped to make possible.

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22

Wood, James L., and Patricia A. Wood. "Dilemmas and Opportunities of International Collective Behavior/Social Movements Research: A Case Study." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 4, no. 2 (August 1986): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072708600400210.

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There is a national focus to much collective behavior/social movements research. However, when the investigation takes place in a foreign country, certain dilemmas-and opportunities-may arise. Three sets of dilemmas and opportunities in relation to conducting research on social movements abroad are explored: 1. the decision to describe the movement, or test a general hypothesis about social movements; 2. the decision to study the social movement at one point in time, or to study it over a longer time periods 3. the decision to use observational methods, or survey research methods. The way research goals can be modified according to the practical constraints encountered is illustrated by a case study of Britain's Nuclear Diearmament Movement, with particular focus on the Peace Camps such as Greenhorn Common and CND (Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament). The peace camps represented a new form of social protest. Although the Greenhorn Common camp had received coverage in the media, almost no information was available concerning the 14 or so other camps. Practical constraints and situational factors are discussed which influenced the investigation of the peace camps to become a descriptive, observational study within a shorter time frame. Yet contrasting experience with a study of CND illustrates circumstances favoring at least some hypothesis testing even within a shorter time period. Finally, a possible middle ground between description and hypothesis testing is suggested, whereby descriptive data are collected within a specific theoretical framework.

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23

Kozlyakov, Vyacheslav. "Military Operations of the Polish-Lithuanian Garrison in Moscow Against the First Zemstvo Militia in Early 1611." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.3.

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Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the military confrontation between the PolishLithuanian garrison and the Zemstvo forces to counter the organization of the First Zemstvo Militia led by P.P. Lyapunov in early 1611. Methods and materials. Information is analyzed from the previously unknown manuscript of the Diary of the Campaign of King Sigismund III recently introduced into the scientific circulation of materials from the “Russian Archive of Jan Sapieha”, the translation of “The Diary of Jan Peter Sapieha”, royal messenger Jan Komorowski’s report on the uprising in Moscow on March 19, 1611 and the Embassy book on relations between Russia and Poland 1615–1616. Analysis. The ways and goals of the Zemstvo self-organization, begun by Ryazan voyevoda P.P. Lyapunov, are shown and the centers of gathering forces are described. The article reveals the activities of head of the Moscow garrison A. Gosevsky in disrupting the unification movement of the former supporters of Tsar Vasily Shuisky and False Dmitry II, and suppressing the uprising in Moscow to gain a military advantage during the siege of Moscow by militias. Among the measures taken by the Polish-Lithuanian side there was the weakening of the streltsy troops in the Moscow garrison, and the disarmament of the townspeople; an attempt to make a coalition with the impostor hetman Jan Peter Sapega; blocking the main roads along which the militia could move to Moscow. By the order of A. Gosevsky, a campaign was organized for the joint ratification of boyar Prince I.S. Kurakin and the Polish-Lithuanian forces to Vladimir. A well-known role was played by the “Cherkasy” (Cossacks) detachments, who committed a punitive expedition to “Ukrainian cities”, which explains the absence of individual military units from this part of the Moscow State in the First Zemstvo Militia. Results. The main military attack was in Moscow on March 19, 1611, which led to the uprising of the inhabitants of Moscow supported by partisans of the First Zemstvo Militia, who at that moment found themselves in Moscow. The consequence of these events was the beginning of the liberation war in Russia.

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Steinert, Christoph V., Janina I. Steinert, and Sabine C. Carey. "Spoilers of peace: Pro-government militias as risk factors for conflict recurrence." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (October 24, 2018): 249–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318800524.

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This study investigates how deployment of pro-government militias (PGMs) as counterinsurgents affects the risk of conflict recurrence. Militiamen derive material and non-material benefits from fighting in armed conflicts. Since these will likely have diminished after the conflict’s termination, militiamen develop a strong incentive to spoil post-conflict peace. Members of pro-government militias are particularly disadvantaged in post-conflict contexts compared to their role in the government’s counterinsurgency campaign. First, PGMs are usually not present in peace negotiations between rebels and governments. This reduces their commitment to peace agreements. Second, disarmament and reintegration programs tend to exclude PGMs, which lowers their expected and real benefits from peace. Third, PGMs might lose their advantage of pursuing personal interests while being protected by the government, as they become less essential during peacetimes. To empirically test whether conflicts with PGMs as counterinsurgents are more likely to break out again, we identify PGM counterinsurgent activities in conflict episodes between 1981 and 2007. We code whether the same PGM was active in a subsequent conflict between the same actors. Controlling for conflict types, which is associated with both the likelihood of deploying PGMs and the risk of conflict recurrence, we investigate our claims with propensity score matching, statistical simulation, and logistic regression models. The results support our expectation that conflicts in which pro-government militias were used as counterinsurgents are more likely to recur. Our study contributes to an improved understanding of the long-term consequences of employing PGMs as counterinsurgents and highlights the importance of considering non-state actors when crafting peace and evaluating the risk of renewed violence.

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25

Sorytė, Rosita. "SOKA GAKKAI’S CAMPAIGNS FOR NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT." Religious dialogue and cooperation 2 (2021): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.47054/rdc212165s.

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26

Alcalde, Javier. "Human Security and Disarmament Treaties: The Role of International Campaigns." Global Policy 5, no. 2 (May 2014): 235–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.12106.

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27

Ambos, Kai. "“Freiburg Lawyers’ Declaration” of 10 February 2003 – On German Participation In A War Against Iraq." German Law Journal 4, no. 3 (March 1, 2003): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015923.

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[Editors’ Comment: As is well known, opposition to a possible war against Iraq has been, within the Western world, among the strongest in Germany. Accurately sensing an overwhelming rejection of any armed intervention in Iraq among the German populace, the Social-Democrat / Green coalition government led by Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer began to take a stance against the forcible disarmament of Iraq and the toppling of the regime of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein during their reelection campaign in the fall of 2002. Since then, and in the face of an ever more undisguised intention on part of the Bush administration to go ahead with a war under all circumstances, Schröder and Fischer have reiterated and reinforced their position, going as far as to rule out any active German participation in an armed intervention even if such was eventually called for by the Security Council. The German government's position has been complicated by the fact that Germany is currently an elected member of the Security Council, and held its rotating presidency in the month of February. Its relations with the United States have been strained on account of the incompatibility of views on how to resolve the Iraq crisis, and Germany has increasingly found itself in an isolated position on the international plane, though it has recently been joined by France and Russia in its attempts to yet avoid a war. The Christian-Democratic and Liberal opposition have alleged that the Schröder government has internationally isolated the country, and, worse, alienated it from its traditionally strongest ally, the United States, in order to distract from its current domestic unpopularity. Be this as it may, it is probably true to say that the great majority of Germans across all sections of society are genuinely strongly opposed to a war. Such pacifist sentiments link back to the peace movement of the late 1970s and 1980s which saw an equally broad cross-section of society march side by side to protest against the military build-up of the Cold War, and which, among others, brought about the Green party itself. Critics have alleged then and now that such radical pacifism is both naive and the wrong lesson to be learned from Germany's omnipresent Nazi-past. Interestingly, the non UN-sanctioned intervention in Kosovo had the strong support of both this just re-elected government, as well as the general public, although the more mainstream adherents of a German ‘no’ to an Iraq intervention point to the very different circumstances in that case.

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Somerville, John. "Towards Improving the Educational Effectiveness of the United Nations Campaigns for Peace and Disarmament." Acorn 3, no. 2 (1988): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acorn1988/19893/42/19.

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29

Danielson, Leilah. "“It Is a Day of Judgment”: The Peacemakers, Religion, and Radicalism in Cold War America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 18, no. 2 (2008): 215–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2008.18.2.215.

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AbstractThis article argues that Christian beliefs and concerns shaped the political culture of anti-nuclear activism in the early years of the Cold War. It focuses in particular on the origins of the Peacemakers, a group founded in 1948 by a mostly Protestant group of radical pacifists to oppose conscription and nuclear proliferation. Like others who came of age in the interwar years, the Peacemakers questioned the Enlightenment tradition, with its emphasis on reason and optimism about human progress, and believed that liberal Protestantism had accommodated itself too easily to the values of modern, secular society. But rather than adopt the “realist” framework of their contemporaries, who gave the United States critical support in its Cold War with the Soviet Union, radicals developed a politics of resistance rooted in a Christian framework in which repentance for dropping atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was the first step toward personal and national redemption. Although they had scant influence on American policymakers or the public in the early years of the Cold War, widespread opposition to nuclear testing and U.S. foreign policy in the late 1950s and 1960s launched them into leadership roles in campaigns for nuclear disarmament and peace.

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Ivanova, K. A., M. Zh Myltykbaev, and D. D. Shtodina. "The concept of cyberspace in international law." Law Enforcement Review 6, no. 4 (December 23, 2022): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.52468/2542-1514.2022.6(4).32-44.

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The subject. The article is devoted to the analysis of approaches in the development of the concept of cyberspace in international law.The purpose of this article is to try to highlight the attributes of cyberspace, which will allow to resolve existing gaps in the field of universal cyber regulation in international law. The research presented in this article was conducted by combining various disciplinary approaches, including comparative law, comparative politics and international relations, political theory, and sociology. In addition, the study includes methods of dialectical logic, analysis and synthesis, as well as a formal-legal analysis of UN international legal acts.The main results and scope of their application. As states pay increasing attention to cyberspace management as the technical architecture that powers the global Internet and governance in cyberspace, in terms of how states, corporations and users can use this technology, the role of international law in cyberspace is increasing, becoming more prominent, becoming more important. At the same time, note that international law has no specific rules for regulating cyberspace. Moreover, the technology is both new and dynamic. Thus, for several years there have been open questions as to whether existing international law applies at all to cyberspace. Cyberspace is now the backbone of global commerce, communication and defense systems, and is a key aspect of the critical infrastructure that sustains our modern civilization. Technology and information spread almost instantaneously, and the global economy and supply chains are integrated to a degree unprecedented in history. Nevertheless, there is still no developed universal concept of cyberspace in international law, only approaches at the level of the UN, international organizations, including the First Committee of the UN General Assembly on Disarmament and International Security, the G20, the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Organization of American States and doctrinal approaches are singled out.Conclusions. The competition for strategic technology and the competition for advantage in the "information space" is growing, so far without the standard international rules of the road. Moreover, the future is likely to prove even more transformational. The potential threats are also extraordinary: autonomous weapons, cyber warfare, sophisticated disinformation campaigns and geopolitical instability. In such circumstances, it is crucial to develop a universal notion of cyberspace because of the persistent significant vulnerabilities and number of threats in global communications.

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JOHNSON, GAYNOR. "Enforced disarmament: from the Napoleonic campaigns to the Gulf War. By Philip Towle. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997. Pp. viii+268. ISBN 0-19-820636-4. £35.00. Globalization and fragmentation: international relations in the twentieth century. By Ian Clark. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. Pp. x+220. ISBN 0-19-878166-0. £13.00." Historical Journal 43, no. 3 (September 2000): 905–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00221213.

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32

"SOUTH SUDAN: Disarmament Campaign." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 49, no. 3 (April 2012): 19206B—19207B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2012.04398.x.

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"The campaign for nuclear disarmament." Choice Reviews Online 26, no. 08 (April 1, 1989): 26–4681. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.26-4681.

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Eilstrup-Sangiovanni, Mette, and Laura Breen. "‘Targeting Lethal Weapons’. Issue-Adoption and Campaign Structure in Transnational Disarmament Campaigns." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3489052.

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35

"THE CAMPAIGN FOR NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT: THE RESILIENCE OF A PROTEST GROUP." Parliamentary Affairs, October 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a052120.

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36

Gill, Manraj, Dylan McCormick, and Jennifer Cascino. "An Interview with Professor Jonathan King. Part II: on the Influence of Private Funding on Public Policy." MIT Science Policy Review, August 30, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.38105/spr.nk3f9ezdmn.

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In his many years of advocacy efforts from within academia, Professor King has centered the issue of nuclear weapons disarmament. His numerous initiatives within this realm emphasize that disarmament is fundamentally a question of funding, making clear that a society that prioritizes the funding of warfare does so at the cost of failing to fortify public health and healthcare. Dr. King currently chairs the Nuclear Disarmament Working Group of Mass Peace Action (MPA), a nonprofit that works to generate political momentum toward “a more just and peaceful U.S. foreign policy” [1]. At MPA, he has also helped to organize the Healthcare not Warfare campaign, which calls for the prioritization of tax dollars toward healthcare, housing, public transport, food security, and education through major cuts to the annual federal military budget. His career-long critique of the military-industrial complex stems from his days participating in Science for the People, an organization that emerged from the antiwar culture of the late 1960s to push the scientific establishment to approach science as a social endeavor by using scientific discoveries for the advancement of social causes rather than profit-making and warfare. His advocacy work critically examines the links between funding, public policy, and the types of societies that we build. In part II, we explore these issues with Professor King to gain his perspective on the relationship that funding (of higher education, lobbying, research) has with the social and scientific institutions that we configure.

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37

Menini, Stefano, Elena Cabrio, Sara Tonelli, and Serena Villata. "Never Retreat, Never Retract: Argumentation Analysis for Political Speeches." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 32, no. 1 (April 26, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v32i1.11920.

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In this work, we apply argumentation mining techniques, in particular relation prediction, to study political speeches in monological form, where there is no direct interaction between opponents. We argue that this kind of technique can effectively support researchers in history, social and political sciences, which must deal with an increasing amount of data in digital form and need ways to automatically extract and analyse argumentation patterns. We test and discuss our approach based on the analysis of documents issued by R. Nixon and J. F. Kennedy during 1960 presidential campaign. We rely on a supervised classifier to predict argument relations (i.e., support and attack), obtaining an accuracy of 0.72 on a dataset of 1,462 argument pairs. The application of argument mining to such data allows not only to highlight the main points of agreement and disagreement between the candidates' arguments over the campaign issues such as Cuba, disarmament and health-care, but also an in-depth argumentative analysis of the respective viewpoints on these topics.

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38

Das, Arunjana. "Role of moral foundations in the nuclear disarmament of South Africa." Scientia Militaria 50, no. 1 (June 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.5787/50-1-1331.

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South Africa is the only country in the world that successfully acquired a nuclear deterrent capability in the form of six nuclear devices and dismantled them completely. Extant explanations include strategic reasons, i.e.., its security conditions changed subsequent to the removal of the Soviet threat after the Soviet collapse in 1989 and an end of superpower rivalry in Africa; South Africa’s increasing isolation on account of apartheid; pressure from the US, and concerns about undeclared nuclear technology falling in the hands of a Black-led government. Whereas these factors potentially contributed to the eventual dismantlement, the world-wide campaign led by domestic and transnational movements that sought to make moral claims by connecting the cause of anti-apartheid to that of anti-nuclear likely played a role. I apply Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) to the South Africa case to explore the role played by moral claims in the eventual disarmament.

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"Document: The Manila Declaration. Statement of the Asia—Pacific People's Conference on Peace and Development." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 14, no. 3 (July 1989): 371–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437548901400308.

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Over 200 peace and nuclear disarmament activists from 18 countries assembled in Manila, Philippines from January 10–14, 1989 to participate in the Asia-Pacific Peoples Conference for Peace and Development. Sponsored by the Australian Anti-Bases Coalition campaign and the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific-Philippine Forum, in conjunction with grassroots multi-sectoral and issue-oriented groups in the Philippines, the conference seeks to promote a regional approach to nuclear disarmament, demilitarization, the elimination of foreign military bases, peace and development in the Asia-Pacific region. As a result of this conference, the Asia-Pacific People's Forum on Peace and Development, a transnational coalition of organizations and individuals committed to a“nuclear free and independent Asia and Pacific region,” was organized. As a truly broad people's movement, the Forum has declared its support, among others, of the“total dismantling of all nuclear arms and foreign military and intelligence bases in our region,” the“full support for the inherent rights of indigenous peoples to their ancestral domains, and to their self-determination and preservation of their cultural heritage,” the“elimination of all discrimination based on race, gender, class, and religion,” the“full implementation of all international conventions on human rights, disarmament, peace, and development, throughout the region,” and“ending the use of foreign debt as the major vehicle of economic intervention and domination in the region, and repudiating “Third World’ debt. Demanding a new, just, and equitable economic order.” In light of the journal's commitment to peace, economic well being, social justice and ecological balance, we are publishing these documents for our readership's information and reflection. Additional information about the Forum may be obtained from Asia-Pacific People's Forum on Peace and Development, 5 Road 13th, Quezon City, Philippines, or 1314 14th Street, #5, N. W., Washington, DC 20005, USA.

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40

De Stercke, Celien. "To ban or not to ban. Analyzing the banning process of autonomous weapon systems." Journal of Science Policy & Governance 21, no. 01 (October 17, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.38126/jspg210102.

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Over the last decade, autonomous weapon systems (AWS), also known as ‘killer robots’, have been the subject of widespread debate. These systems impose various ethical, legal, and societal concerns with arguments both in favor and opposed to the weaponry. Consequently, an international policy debate arose out of an urge to ban these systems. AWS are widely discussed at the Human Rights Council debate, the United Nations General Assembly First Committee on Disarmament and International Security, and at gatherings of the Convention of Conventional Weapons (CCW), in particular the Expert Meetings on Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems (LAWS). Early skepticism towards the use of AWS brought a potential ban to the forefront of policy making decisions with the support of a campaign to 'Stop Killer Robots' launched by the Human Rights Watch (HRW) in 2013. The movement is supported by Amnesty International, Pax Christi International, and the International Peace Bureau, among others. This campaign has catalyzed an international regulation process on the level of the United Nations (UN). Both a new protocol to the Convention on Conventional Weapons or a new international treaty have been considered. However, a lack of consensus stalls the process, and as such, leaves AWS in a regulatory gray zone.

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41

"Enforced disarmament: from the Napoleonic campaigns to the Gulf War." Choice Reviews Online 35, no. 06 (February 1, 1998): 35–3559. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.35-3559.

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42

Alcalde, Javier, and Rafael Grasa. "New Developments of Peace Research: The Impact of Recent Campaigns on Disarmament and Human Security." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2206329.

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Huckestein, Erika. "From Cradle to Grave: The Politics of Peace and Reproduction in the Anti-Fascist Campaigns of British Women's Organisations." Contemporary European History, April 29, 2022, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777322000157.

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This article examines the activism of British women's organisations to establish peaceful internationalism built on women's roles as mothers, while simultaneously opposing the rise of European fascism in the interwar period. It considers the maternalist arguments made by women's organisations in their work for disarmament, which coincided with the increasing militarism of fascist governments and their promotion of the idea that women's roles were primarily as mothers to create future soldiers for the state. These campaigns were also connected to debates about the birth rate, and women's organisations promoted the idea that women were actively refusing biological motherhood until policy makers heeded women's demands. This article demonstrates how feminist activists in interwar Britain fought to claim and mobilise their own gendered and politicised understandings of women's roles as mothers at a time when they feared fascism would strip women of the political rights they had worked for decades to achieve.

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Michael Folami, Olakunle. "The gendered construction of reparations: an exploration of women’s exclusion from the Niger Delta reintegration processes." Palgrave Communications 2, no. 1 (December 6, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palcomms.2016.83.

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Abstract The Niger Delta is located in the South-south region of Nigeria. Oil exploration and exploitation by the multinational oil companies led to environmental degradation. The agitations among the inhabitants for environmental protection led to a protracted conflict between the Nigerian security forces and the militant groups in the region. Amnesty, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) were adopted in the region to resolve the conflict by the government. The Niger Delta post-conflict DDR processes were gendered: exclusion of women from the peace processes was a major concern for peacebuilding actors and academics in the region. Men were significantly favoured in the DDR peacebuilding processes because they belonged to militant groups. The roles played by women in the conflict were not however recognised; these included roles in demonstrations, strikes, campaigns, lobbies, and as carers, nurses and cooks. Women have therefore sought redress in the peacebuilding processes. This study aims to identify roles played by men and women in the Niger Delta conflict. It examines methods of conflict resolution adopted in the region and also investigates the reason why women were largely excluded from the DDR processes. Recognition Theory is used in this study to examine the institutionalised norms that make gender inclusion in the Niger Delta peacebuilding processes problematic. Recognition theory considers equal treatment to be an important part of a just society, while distributive justice theorists believe that economic goods and wealth must be shared equally. This study was carried out in the Gbaramatu Kingdom, Niger Delta region, Nigeria, in three selected communities: Okerenkoko; Egwa; and Oporoza. A qualitative method involving in-depth interviews was used to collect data from 24 participants. I report that many men and women participated in the conflict but a small number of women (0.6%) were included in the DDR peacebuilding processes. I find that men and women demand that reparations should be considered in addition to the reintegration process that has been adopted in the Niger Delta. Furthermore, I find that apart from patriarchal culture, DDR operational norms only focus on security and not on human rights. I conclude that men’s and women’s rights could be recognized through the combination of DDR and reparations rights in the Niger Delta peacebuilding processes. This article is published as part of a collection on gender studies.

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