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Статті в журналах з теми "Disparate Campaign"

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Dr.K.Lenin. "REDUCTION OF ACTIVE POWER LOSS BY PIONEERING POLL ALGORITHM." International Journal of Research - Granthaalayah 5, no. 11 (2017): 139–48. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1069406.

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This paper projects Pioneering Poll (PP) algorithm, which inspired by poll around the world is used to solve optimal reactive power problem. In Pioneering Poll (PP) algorithm population is general people and each person may be a candidate or a voter. Definite number of people will form dissimilar groups to set up political parties in the solution space. Advertising movement is the fundamental of this Pioneering Poll (PP) algorithm and it contains three core phases: sanguine campaign, disparate campaign and union campaign. During sanguine campaign, the nominee proclaims themselves through accen
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2

Britt, Rebecca K. "Evaluation of a Rural Organ Donation Campaign Designed to Improve Health Promotion among Young Adults." Studies in Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (2022): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v10i2.5377.

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A health communication campaign to promote organ donation was conducted in partnership with Donate Life America at a rural university campus. Materials included posters, flyers, and postcards, along with personal contact. Participants included university students located at a rural university campus in a survey in a pre-post intervention during National Donate Life Month. Data from research about the campaign included the target audience who completed surveys prior to and after the campaign about attitude and intent towards donation. Likewise, after pre-post intervention of the campaign, repor
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3

Lenin, K. "REDUCTION OF ACTIVE POWER LOSS BY PIONEERING POLL ALGORITHM." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 5, no. 11 (2017): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v5.i11.2017.2337.

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Анотація:
This paper projects Pioneering Poll (PP) algorithm, which inspired by poll around the world is used to solve optimal reactive power problem. In Pioneering Poll (PP) algorithm population is general people and each person may be a candidate or a voter. Definite number of people will form dissimilar groups to set up political parties in the solution space. Advertising movement is the fundamental of this Pioneering Poll (PP) algorithm and it contains three core phases: sanguine campaign, disparate campaign and union campaign. During sanguine campaign, the nominee proclaims themselves through accen
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4

Sudarsono, Sudarsono. "Political Marketing Strategy: Efforts of Regional Head Candidates to Attract the Sympathy of Voters in Wajo Regency." Jurnal Bina Praja 16, no. 3 (2024): 453–69. https://doi.org/10.21787/jbp.16.2024.453-469.

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This study aims to analyze the most effective communication strategies, personal branding, social media utilization, and data-driven campaign methods in influencing public opinion and mobilizing support. Qualitative descriptive research methods were employed to collect data through in-depth interviews, direct observation, and the analysis of documents pertinent to political campaigns. The result showed that the primary strategies employed by regional head candidates encompass the construction of a favorable image, placing campaign props in pivotal locations, and adapting campaign messages to a
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5

Olatunde, Folasewa. "Rhetorical Space and the Virality of the Bring Back Our Girls Campaign." International Conference on Gender Research 5, no. 1 (2022): pp282–291. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/icgr.5.1.296.

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On April 14th, 2014, at about 11:35pm, 276 girls were abducted by the insurgent group Boko Haram from their boarding house in Government Girls College, Chibok in Northeast Nigeria. Nigerians, joined by the rest of the world, began to demand that the Nigerian government rescue the abducted girls. This agitation birthed the tagline Bring Back Our Girls. What started as a simple hashtag on Twitter would later become a global campaign tagged Bring Back Our Girls. Rhetorical spaces—virtual, material, and agential— have contributed to the escalation, amplification, and sustenance of the Bring Back O
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6

Bannister, Jerry. "The Campaign for Representative Government in Newfoundland." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 5, no. 1 (2006): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031071ar.

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Abstract This paper examines the campaign for an elected assembly in Newfoundland, granted in 1832, and challenges established views of the Colony's reform movement. In the early nineteenth century reformers repeatedly appealed for a local legislature, but their efforts met with limited success in the face of opposition from both merchants and government officials. However, fuelled by concerns over taxation, the reform movement transformed in 1828 into a viable coalition for representative government. In London the reformers overcame the government's intransigence through a strategy designed t
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Sinclair-Chapman, Valeria, and Harry Targ. "Fusion Politics from the Poor People’s Campaign to the Rainbow Coalition to the New Poor People’s Campaign." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 18, no. 1-2 (2019): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341502.

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Abstract This article examines a model of fusion politics that connects activism to end poverty, and addresses a constellation of social injustices across more than a half century in the United States. We consider an articulation of fusion politics that highlights the actions of disparate groups and individuals, including youth, racial and ethnic minorities, women, LGBT activists, teachers, and union members who have joined in a cooperative effort to address independent but linked concerns such as quality public schools, livable wages, affordable healthcare, environmental justice, immigrant ri
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Brox, Brian, and Joseph Giammo. "Late Deciders in U.S. Presidential Elections." American Review of Politics 30 (January 1, 2010): 333–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.333-355.

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Despite their obvious importance in close elections, previous research into late-deciding voters has come to quite disparate conclusions regarding their traits, attitudes, and behavior. We seek to clear up this confusion through an analysis of late-deciding voters in U.S. Presidential elections from 1988 to 2004. Moving past cursory analyses that treat late deciders as a monolithic group, we divide late deciders by level of interest in the campaign. Low-interest late deciders have few demographic distinctions from other voters but are less connected to and active in politics. They tend to make
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Chakravarty, Anuradha, and Soma Chaudhuri. "Strategic Framing Work(s): How Microcredit Loans Facilitate Anti-Witch-Hunt Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 17, no. 2 (2012): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.2.f54x1h0622750028.

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This article shows how a social movement organization focused on microcredit loans is able to mobilize a community against its own cultural practice of witch-hunts. Successful mobilization against witch-hunts are possible when two conditions are met: first, when activists are able to tap into microcredit groups' social capacity for collective mobilization (defined by ties of mutual dependence, reciprocity, and friendship); and second, when activists are able to use strategic framing to present a coherent argument about the congruence of microcredit and anti-witch-hunt goals. In this context a
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Zhukov, Artem. "Rank Office Records from the RASL Manuscript 16.17.34 as a Source on the History of the Kazan Campaign of 1552." Slovene 9, no. 1 (2019): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2019.8.1.15.

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The Kazan campaign of 1552 became the one of the most important events of Ivan the Terrible’s foreign policy and has repeatedly attracted the attention of the researchers. The historical tradition of study of this campaign counts more than two hundred years. During that time, a lot of sources about the preparations and the course of the hostilities were introduced into scientific use. There are Russian chronicles, publicistic treatises and novels, documental compilations etc. The majority of these sources has been published. Therefore, a great value lies in the identification and publication o
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Книги з теми "Disparate Campaign"

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Cubizolles, Antonin. Evelyne, ou, L'Etrange disparue des combats de l'Oberwald: Récit historique. Entente, 1987.

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Bowman, Timothy, William Butler, and Michael Wheatley. The Disparity of Sacrifice. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789621853.001.0001.

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During the First World War approximately 210,000 Irishmen and a much smaller, but significant, number of Irish women served in the British armed forces, all were volunteers and a very high proportion were from Catholic and Nationalist communities. This book is the first comprehensive analysis of Irish recruitment between 1914 and 1918 for the island of Ireland as a whole. While many previous historians have relied too heavily on incomplete police recruitment figures, this book makes extensive use of the neglected internal British army recruiting returns held at The National Archives, Kew, alon
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3

Bucy, Erik P., and Patrick Stewart. The Personalization of Campaigns: Nonverbal Cues in Presidential Debates. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.52.

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Nonverbal cues are important elements of persuasive communication whose influence in political debates are receiving renewed attention. Recent advances in political debate research have been driven by biologically grounded explanations of behavior that draw on evolutionary theory and view televised debates as contests for social dominance. The application of biobehavioral coding to televised presidential debates opens new vistas for investigating this time-honored campaign tradition by introducing a systematic and readily replicated analytical framework for documenting the unspoken signals tha
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4

Horne, Gerald. “We Charge Genocide”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037924.003.0009.

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This chapter explores Patterson's genocide petition, which was a devastating indictment of the U.S. authorities' complicity and dereliction in lynching, murder, deprivation of voting rights, and all manner of crimes. Ominously for Washington, the petition virtually invited the international community to intervene forcefully in what had been seen traditionally as an internal U.S. affair. By early 1952, Patterson claimed that as a result of this petition, “the international offensive against racist terror” in his homeland had “reached unprecedented heights.” When Eleanor Roosevelt felt compelled
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Keo, Bernard Z. Imagining Malaya. Oxford University PressOxford, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/9780198917113.001.0001.

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Abstract Over the course of British colonial rule in Malaya, the Peranakan Chinese (hereafter referred to as Peranakan) attempted to bring to life a complex imagination of nationhood predicated on an inclusive and multi-ethnic approach to integrating Malaya’s plural society. A creolized community borne of intermarriage between Chinese migrants anqd indigenous Malays, Peranakan ideas of nationhood and belonging were influenced by their liminality. In word and deed, Peranakan political actors campaigned for the extension of citizenship rights to all those domiciled in Malaya regardless of race,
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DiPaolo, Marc, ed. Working-Class Comic Book Heroes. University Press of Mississippi, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496816641.001.0001.

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The Occupy Wall Street protests popularized the notion that “We are the 99 percent” mobilized against the political and economic interests of “the top 1%.” Some protestors wore Guy Fawkes masks in honor of the anarchist hero V, from Alan Moore’s comic book V for Vendetta. The 2016 United States Presidential election saw further evidence of populist unrest, with Democratic Primary candidate Bernie Sanders and Republican Party nominee Donald J. Trump making the economic fears of the beleaguered working- and middle-classes centerpieces of their campaigns. Since populist movements play an increasi
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7

To the promised land: Martin Luther King and the fight for economic justice. W.W. Norton & Company, 2018.

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Частини книг з теми "Disparate Campaign"

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Noakes, Stephen. "The power of state preferences: the ‘natural cases’ of the campaigns for Falun Gong and IPR protection." In The Advocacy Trap. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526119476.003.0003.

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This chapter is constituted by a systematic exploration of two transnational advocacy campaigns targeting the Chinese state: the search for justice on behalf of the Falun Gong religious movement, banned in China since 1999, and the transnational push to strengthen intellectual property rights in the PRC. In terms of results, these campaigns turned out completely differently. While the IPR protection campaign was welcomed by China’s leaders and witnessed the creation of an extensive if somewhat ineffectual set of institutions geared towards more rigorous enforcement, the campaign for Falun Gong
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2

Thomson, Graham. "Two Combative Leaders, Two Disparate Parties, and One Bitter Campaign:." In Blue Storm. University of Calgary Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.284996.5.

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3

Goodier, Susan, and Karen Pastorello. "Conclusion." In Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.003.0010.

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This concluding chapter explores the ways that suffragists used their enfranchisement to push the Nineteenth Amendment forward. The book's study places New York State at the forefront of the woman suffrage movement in the eastern United States. Its success had a profound effect on the national movement. As seems usual for suffragists, there is no one path activists followed. Some women, radicalized by their efforts in New York State, joined the militant National Woman's Party and picketed the White House. Others took their organizing skills, including canvassing and lobbying, to campaigns in n
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4

Stead, Annis. "Problematising “Lad Culture”." In Student Culture and Identity in Higher Education. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2551-6.ch008.

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The term “lad culture,” referring to dominant attitudes and behaviours in UK University contexts, will be examined with a view to rejecting the term. While the links between excessive alcohol consumption, sexual violence and bullying/intimidation can be understood with relation to gender norms, the term will be troubled. It is argued that the term “lad culture” implies similarity between disparate identities/experiences/behaviours, which ignores the continuum of behaviours and attitudes subsumed under the definition. As a result, extremely harmful behaviours are trivialised both by actors and
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5

Thomson, Graham. "Two Combative Leaders, Two Disparate Parties, and One Bitter Campaign: The 2019 Alberta Election." In Blue Storm. University of Calgary Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781773854199-003.

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"The Generalship of John Troglita: Art in Artifice." In Generalship in Ancient Greece, Rome and Byzantium, edited by Martine de Marre. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474459945.003.0012.

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The activities of a 6<sup>th</sup> century Byzantine general, John Troglita, the magister militum per African from 546 onwards, is the subject of this chapter. Procopius’ De Bello Vandalico is our only historiographical source. Together with this we have an account of John’s activities against the African Mauri in the Iohannis, an epic poem by Corippus. The latter work has often been regarded with scepticism by historians as it borrows freely from the epic tradition, and is clearly propagandistic. Both Procopius and particularly Corippus focus on two major battles in Troglita’s campaign, but P
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7

Shanahan, Brendan A. "Making Voters Citizens." In Disparate Regimes. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/9780197660577.003.0004.

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Abstract Lawmakers and voters in six states repealed long-standing noncitizen voting rights laws via ballot measure during the late Gilded Age and Progressive Era; successful state constitutional amendment campaigns overturned similar provisions in the nation’s remaining seven alien suffrage states during and in the aftermath of World War I. The “standardization” of voting into a citizen-only right nationwide was a contingent development. National organizations—from immigration restrictionists and “patriotic” societies to the National American Woman Suffrage Association—increasingly argued tha
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8

Rowe, M. W. "Collingwood, C. I. Lewis, and Aristotle." In J. L. Austin. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198707585.003.0008.

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Abstract The chapter begins by describing the obvious split between the older Magdalen dons who believed in a relaxed, traditional, public school outlook, and several recently appointed left-wing dons who believed in reform and raising academic standards. Austin was a member of this second group. The chapter then considers why Collingwood (another Magdalen philosopher) and Austin had little to say about one another, and why Austin was so impressed by the work of the American philosopher C. I. Lewis. Several chapter sections are devoted to showing how Lewis’s Pragmatism enabled Austin to sharpe
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9

Warczok, Tomasz. "POLITYKA, SYSTEM AKADEMICKI I ANTYSEMITYZM. DWA KRYZYSY W POLSKIM POLU WŁADZY." In Polskie nauki społeczne w kontekście relacji władzy i zależności międzynarodowych. University of Warsaw Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.9788323556695.pp.77-103.

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The chapter is devoted to two fundamental and seemingly disparate crises in Poland – the anti-Jewish riots at Polish universities in the 1930s and the anti-Semitic campaign in March 1968 (along with the acute conflict in the core of the Polish United Workers’ Party), occurring in the context of the student revolt of the time. Both crises, contrary to the dominant narratives and common-sense as well as scholarly explanations, were based not so much on negative beliefs, stereotypes, and self-reproducing ideologies, but on structural changes, namely, the inflation of university degrees. This infl
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Rosen, Richard A., and Joseph Mosnier. "Opening Up the Workplace." In Julius Chambers. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628547.003.0011.

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This chapter describes the contributions of Julius Chambers and his partners, most particularly Robert Belton, to the LDF's national litigation campaign to enforce Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which new law outlawed racial discrimination in the workplace effective July 1965. In October 1965, Chambers filed the nation's first-ever Title VII suit, and soon after filed three additional cases which, when ultimately decided years later, substantially ended overt racial discrimination in American workplaces. These critical victories included Supreme Court triumphs in Griggs v. Duke Pow
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Disparate Campaign"

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Seymour, Kate, María Vicente, Betlem Alapont, and Christa Molenaar. "INNOVATIVE APPROACHES FOR THE RE-INTEGRATION OF FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPANISH PANEL PAINTINGS." In RECH6 - 6th International Meeting on Retouching of Cultural Heritage. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/rech6.2021.13516.

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The Suermondt-Ludwig Museum (Aachen) holds five Spanish fifteenth-century panel paintings in their collection. The five panels are all fragments, likely removed from their original settings at the turn of the nineteenth century during the upheaval of the Napoleonic Wars and sold on the art market after extensive restoration. Three of these five panels have been already treated at SRAL. The additional two will undergo a full conservation campaign in the coming year carried out in collaboration with conservation students from the University of Amsterdam and conservation training programmes in Sp
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Звіти організацій з теми "Disparate Campaign"

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Schwartz, William Alexander. The Rise of the Far Right and the Domestication of the War on Terror. Goethe-Universität, Institut für Humangeographie, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.62762.

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Today in the United States, the notion that ‘the rise of the far right’ poses the greatest threat to democratic values, and by extension, to the nation itself, has slowly entered into common sense. The antecedent of this development is the object of our study. Explored through the prism of what we refer to as the domestication of the War on Terror, this publication adopts and updates the theoretical approach first forwarded in Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, the Law and Order (Hall et al. 1978). Drawing on this seminal work, a sequence of three disparate media events are explored as t
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