Статті в журналах з теми "Documents administratifs – Faux"

<p>Le problème de la distinction entre les documents authentiques et les faux fut posé au 17e siècle en Allemagne et en France, pour des raisons politiques et sociales: en France, en raison de la lutte des rois contre les revendications des nobles; en Allemagne, à cause des contestations de droit civil. Mais c'est dans les milieux des Acta Sanctorum à la deuxième moitié de ce siècle que l'on a commencé à faire dans les archives des couvents des recherches systématiques sur l'authenticité des documents, en vue de l'édition des Vies des saints. La recherché dans ce domaine du moine jésuite Daniel vo Papenbroeck (1659), la première du genre, fut importante, quoique incomplète et avec des critères souvent inexacts. Le bénédictin Jean Mabillon en 1675 a corrigé et complété cette recherche avec une rigoureuse méthode scientifique: dans son grande oeuvre De re diplomatica (1681) il a formulé des règles fondamentales pour l'étude critique des documents, mettant ainsi les bases de la Diplomatique en tant que science à part. Selon l'opinion généralement admise, on considère comme faux les documents dont les éléments ne correspondent pas aux données historiques et diplomatiques. La falsification des documents est un phénomène diachronique concernant des affaires ecclésiastiques, publiques ou privées. Au Moyen Âge, à Byzance et aux pays Balkaniques, les faux n'étaient pas rares et leur nombre s'augmenta à l'époque de la domination ottomane.</p>Objectif de la falsification des documents est principalement la revendication des biens (fonciers ou revenus) et des privilèges, exemptions fiscales ou subventions, et d'autres objets d'intérêt surtout économique. Le temps de leur falsification a une grande importance pour la recherche, car il peut fournir d'éléments utiles pour le motif de cette entreprise. Le faussaire ne rédige jamais en entier son document, mais au contraire, afin de lui donner une apparence d'authenticité, il copie un ou plusieurs documents authentiques antérieurs, dont le contenu concorde plus ou moins à son sujet. Ainsi quelquefois le faux a l'aspect d'une copie - authentifiée, philologique ou figurée -, ce qui crée dans certains cas des difficultés à la recherche (cf. Actes de Chilandar, n. éd., No 37). <p>Critères de fausseté sont certains éléments de forme et de fond: tells le papier (p. ex. les filigranes), l'encre, l'emploi anormal du sceau et l'écriture; la structure et l'enregistrement; Vintitulatio et la phrase finale des actes impériaux; les fautes d'orthographe, de syntaxe et d'expression, surtout pour les documents de la chancellerie impériale; l'emploi inexact de termes, de titres, d'institutions et de données prosopographiques et numismatiques ne correspondant pas à la réalité historique; enfin, la discordance des éléments chronologiques qui constitue la faute la plus fréquente. Pour tous ces cas nous citons d'exemples caractéristiques. Quand le faussaire a comme modèle un seul document authentique, il le copie d'habitude presque mot à mot, tâchant de remplacer les éléments spéciaux de son modèle par ceux qui correspondent à son objet. Il combine parfois les éléments des plusieurs documents authentiques. Dans certains cas la fabrication du faux se fait par étapes, surtout quand son modèle est en mauvais état ou bien qu'il n'existe pas un modèle propre à la circonstance (cf. Actes de Docheiariou, app. III).</p> <p>Parmi les méthodes les plus caractéristiques que le faussaire emploie pour donner une apparence d'authenticité à son faux, nous notons celle où l'on fait ratifier le document falsifié par une autorité, ecclésiastique d'habitude, qui, ne connaissant pas les critères d'authenticité, le certifie, de bonne foi, ou plus encore il le fait introduire dans son propre document. Tel fut le cas du faux chrysobulle de Manuel II Paléologue (1407), en faveur du couvent de Kastamonitou, fabriqué au 16e siècle et ratifié par le patriarche Jéremie II en 1579, qui l'a fait introduire dans son gramma dont une copie confirmée par l'Hiéra Koinotès du Mont Athos fut par la suite ratifiée par le patriarche Callinique IV vers 1803 (Actes de Kastamonitou, Ιγ). Mais le cas le plus frappant est celui des deux faux chrysobulles en faveur du couvent de Xéropotamou, attribués l'un à l'empereur Théodose II (427), conservé en "copie conforme" (ίσον άπαράλλακτον) du métropolite d'Adrinople Nicéphore (1774-1780), et l'autre à Romain 1er Lécapène (924) (!!); tous les deux, pleins de fautes diplomatiques et d'anachronismes historiques, furent fabriqués probablement à la première moitié du 18e siècle, pour soutenir l'ancienneté du couvent et certifier la possession précieuse d'un morceau de la Sainte Croix. Le faux de Romain 1er fut traduit en valaque (déjà en 1759), italien, latin et français (Actes de Xéropotamou, Ια et Iß). Nos recherches nous ont permis de soutenir que ce faux fut employé par les moines de Xéropotamou pour leur quête (ζητεία) surtout aux Principautés Danubiennes (depuis 1761) au profit de leur couvent qui se trouvait alors en grande pénurie; ce qui explique le motif de la fabrication et de la traduction en valaque.</p> <p>En terminant, nous signalons que la plupart de documents faux dont la date falsifiée se rapporte à Byzance ou aux pays Balkaniques sont fabriqués durant la domination ottomane, quand la situation politique et économique ainsi que les cadres administratifs avaient totalement changés et que les couvents et autres fondations avaient perdu leur revenus et leurs privilèges. Le fait que les autorités d'alors ignoraient les critères d'authenticité des documents facilitait cette entreprise.</p> <p>Nous signalons enfin que les documents falsifiés, tout en étant faux du point devue diplomatique, ont une certaine valeur en tant que sources historiques, car il peuvent, sous certaines conditions, nous fournir des renseignements utiles, diplomatiques et historiques.</p><p> </p><br />

Le travail décrit ici vise à permettre une exploitation factuelle de documents de type administratif ou juridique. Par exploitation factuelle il faut entendre la création d’une base de données qui permette une prise en compte précise des faits et non une simple description du contenu des documents. Diverses expérimentations ont été entreprises. Elles ont abouti à une solution satisfaisante prenant la forme d’éléments méthodologiques pour la mise en place de telles applications et d’une définition des contraintes à respecter (fourniture du texte intégral, existence de moyens d’accès différenciés à l’information, fourniture d’une description de la structure de la base de données sous la forme, par exemple, d’une classification, apparition de la dimension analytique de ce type de base de données).

This article proposes an integration approach to realize human rights values within administrative agencies. Using social assistance as a factual context, it examines how rights enforcement has become the dominant mechanism for reforming government benefits programs. Rights enforcement is ineffective at achieving the values underlying human rights codes, however, even where enforcement occurs at administrative tribunals. Attention must therefore be directed towards efforts to infuse individual and institutional discretion with human rights values. Given their quasi-constitutional status, such values have a key role to play in shaping the design of administrative agencies and the everyday decisions of front-line workers. Dans ce document, l’auteur propose une approche axée sur l’intégration des droits afin d’assurer le respect des valeurs qui sous-tendent les droits de la personne à l’intérieur des organismes administratifs. En se servant de l’aide sociale comme toile de fond, l’auteur explique que la plupart des décisions discrétionnaires prises dans le cadre de l’exécution des droits ne sont pas contestées. Les mécanismes d’exécution des droits ne permettent pas d’assurer le respect des valeurs qui sous-tendent les droits de la personne, notamment en ce qui concerne les programmes d’avantages sociaux du gouvernement. En conséquence, il faut tenter d’intégrer ces valeurs aux décisions administratives discrétionnaires prises au niveau tant personnel qu’institutionnel. En raison de leur statut quasi constitutionnel, ces valeurs ont un rôle clé à jouer pour façonner la conception des organismes administratifs et les décisions que les travailleurs de première ligne sont appelés à prendre tous les jours.

L'objectif général de ce texte est d'esquisser un bilan des principales publications sur l'administration publique québécoise, en vue de faire le partage entre les connaissances acquises et les connaissances à acquérir. Quand on essaie de faire l'inventaire des travaux sur les divers aspects de l'administration publique québécoise, on est pris de vertige, parce que la documentation est absolument considérable. Pour pouvoir donner une idée exacte des contributions apportées à la recherche administrative par les spécialistes des différentes disciplines et institutions, il faudrait lire et analyser une quantité énorme de volumes, de documents gouvernementaux, d'articles de revues et de thèses d'étudiants. Étant donné l'ampleur du sujet, nous avons donc dû définir de façon plutôt restrictive le champ de l'administration publique québécoise. Ce texte porte en fait sur l'ensemble des agents publics qui sont à l'emploi des ministères, des organes centraux du Gouvernement (tels que le Secrétariat général, le Conseil du trésor, la Commission de la fonction publique, le Service des achats, etc.), des organismes publics autonomes (tels que l'Hydro-Québec, la Société des alcools, etc.), et finalement des bureaux régionaux et locaux des ministères et des organismes autonomes. Nous avons renoncé à aborder les études relatives aux administrations municipales et scolaires et aux établissements publics de santé et de services sociaux. Seront aussi exclus de notre inventaire les travaux portant sur des processus administratifs généraux comme la planification, l'administration du budget, l'acquisition et la gestion des matériels, l'information et la consultation des clientèles, etc. Nous ne traiterons pas non plus des études reliées à l'analyse des politiques gouvernementales. Ces différents champs de recherche exigeraient des relevés distincts. Les lecteurs particulièrement intéressés par ces secteurs pourront toujours se reporter à notre bibliographie sur l'administration publique canadienne (78, 79). En somme, ce texte a pour objet les matériaux qui permettent de mieux connaître la fonction publique québécoise au sens étroit du terme, de même que ses institutions administratives. Le bilan présenté ici est également incomplet sur le plan de la documentation retenue. L'inventaire porte uniquement sur les livres, les articles de revues (et dans quelques rares cas de journaux quotidiens), les publications gouvernementales et les thèses d'étudiants mis en dépôt dans les grandes bibliothèques et facilement accessibles aux chercheurs universitaires. Nous avons dû ignorer de nombreux documents gouvernementaux destinés exclusivement à l'administration elle-même: par exemple, des études menées au sein des unités administratives, des rapports de commissions ou comités spéciaux d'étude, des travaux réalisés par des firmes privées de consultation ou des centres universitaires de recherche, etc. Il faut regretter que la tradition de secret de notre administration conduise à réserver le résultat de ces recherches à de trop rares privilégiés. Ces travaux apporteraient une contribution plus importante à la connaissance de l'administration publique québécoise s'ils avaient une diffusion plus grande. Les mêmes remarques s'appliquent aux projets d'intervention réalisés par les étudiants de l'Ecole nationale d'administration publique et commandités par des organismes publics ou para-publics. Nous n'en avons pas tenu compte vu que la majorité de ces rapports sont confidentiels ou doivent être consultés sur place. De même, nous n'avons pu consulter quelques thèses de maîtrise que les bibliothèques universitaires ne peuvent prêter. Nous avons écarté aussi. Les communications présentées lors de congrès ou de colloques, étant donné que ces textes demeurent pour la plupart enfouis dans les archives de leurs auteurs ou de divers groupements. Nous sommes bien conscients que ce faisant plusieurs travaux de grand intérêt ont été négligés. Soulignons enfin qu'il aurait été extrêmement difficile de faire l'inventaire des recherches en cours sur l'administration publique québécoise. Dans le but de permettre une connaissance à la fois globale et multiforme de l'administration publique québécoise, cet inventaire retient des références qui auraient été laissées de côté dans un autre type de bilan. Il ne tient pas compte de cette distinction entre publications scientifiques et autres publications faite seulement à partir du caractère universitaire ou spécialisé d'un ouvrage ou d'une revue. En outre, quelques références relèvent plus de l'information que de l'analyse scientifique d'un problème. L'importance de la documentation retenue est donc très inégale: cela va de l'ouvrage qui renouvelle complètement un sujet ou l'épuisé, à un article sommaire qui ne fait qu'effleurer une question. Nous croyons néanmoins que ce type d'articles peut fournir certains points de départ, voire même certaines avenues pour des recherches plus fouillées. Notons, par ailleurs, que cet inventaire exclut des études théoriques qui n'ont pas un rapport très immédiat avec l'administration publique québécoise, même si elles ont été écrites par des Québécois. Ce bilan n'est pas limité aux seuls travaux des spécialistes de la science administrative, mais il tient compte également des travaux des disciplines connexes (notamment le droit public, la science politique, etc.), bref de toutes les publications permettant de mieux connaître les divers aspects de ce champ d'étude vaste et complexe que constitue l'administration publique. Toutes ces limites étant posées, nous pouvons maintenant aborder les œuvres recensées en les regroupant selon quatre grands secteurs de recherche : la fonction publique, les administrations centrales, les administrations déconcentrées et les organismes autonomes.

PT. Gramedia is the largest printing service provider company in Indonesia. Besides in Jakarta, PT. Gramedia also opened several branches / sites in several regions, namely: Cikarang, Bandung, Surabaya, Medan, Bawen, Bali, Makassar and Palembang. The problem in this research is the process of delivering production schedule information and sending digital documents which are still carried out by production administration officers using fax machines, electronic mail (e-mail) and also messaging applications such as whatsapp. So that the production process at each site can run and well-coordinated applications are needed that can handle the production process and digital documents in PDF format that are needed as supporting information for centralized production. The application made consists of flexbox-based web applications and can be accessed by every user quickly and easily. The Bulma framework is needed so that the web application development process becomes faster and more efficient, because Bulma provides various libraries and web application components needed. The resulting web application can solve the problem of PT. Gramedia, easy to use, has a responsive display with an attractive layout and has compatibility with various mobile devices in use today.

Abstract We developed BRITE (Bringing Resources and Information to Employees), an expert information retrieval system, for problem solving and retrieving technical product information. Specialists in our Technical Assistance Center (TAC) use the BRITE system on a Pentium workstation to access information in &lt; 3 s. Manuals, technical bulletins, parts lists, and administrative tools such as word processing and network fax are available electronically. The system allows consistent troubleshooting and definition of customers' problems by TAC specialists. BRITE seamlessly integrates expert system, document retrieval, and relational database technologies; the system runs on a token ring local area network, which is part of a Ciba Corning Diagnostics wide area network. Information received over the wide area network is used to develop and update BRITE daily. BRITE is kept current by input or troubleshooting and new applications from TAC specialists.

In English : PT. Gramedia is the largest printing service provider company in Indonesia. Besides in Jakarta, PT. Gramedia also opened several branches / sites in several regions, namely: Cikarang, Bandung, Surabaya, Medan, Bawen, Bali, Makassar and Palembang. The problem in this research is the process of delivering production schedule information and sending digital documents which are still carried out by production administration officers using fax machines, electronic mail (e-mail) and also messaging applications such as whatsapp. So that the production process at each site can run and well-coordinated applications are needed that can handle the production process and digital documents in PDF format that are needed as supporting information for centralized production. The application made consists of flexbox-based web applications and can be accessed by every user quickly and easily. The Bulma framework is needed so that the web application development process becomes faster and more efficient, because Bulma provides various libraries and web application components needed. The resulting web application can solve the problem of PT. Gramedia, easy to use, has a responsive display with an attractive layout and has compatibility with various mobile devices in use today. In Indonesian : PT. Gramedia adalah sebuah perusahaan penyedia jasa cetak yang terbesar di Indonesia. Selain di Jakarta, PT. Gramedia juga membuka sejumlah cabang/site di beberapa daerah, yaitu : Cikarang, Bandung, Surabaya, Medan, Bawen, Bali, Makassar dan Palembang. Permasalahan dalam penelitian ini ialah proses penyampaian informasi jadwal produksi dan pengiriman dokumen digital masih dilakukan secara menual oleh petugas administrasi produksi menggunakan mesin fax, surat elektronik (e-mail) dan juga aplikasi pengiriman pesan seperti whatsapp. Agar proses produksi di setiap site dapat berjalan dan terkoordinasi dengan baik dibutuhkan sebuah aplikasi yang dapat mengelola jadwal proses produksi dan dokumen-dokumen digital dengan format PDF yang diperlukan sebagai informasi pendukung produksi secara terpusat. Aplikasi yang dibuat berupa aplikasi web yang berbasis flexbox dan dapat diakses oleh setiap pengguna dengan cepat dan mudah. Framework Bulma diperlukan agar proses pengembangan aplikasi web menjadi lebih cepat dan efisien, karena Bulma menyediakan berbagai pustaka dan komponen-komponen aplikasi web yang dibutuhkan. Aplikasi web yang dihasilkan dapat mengatasi permasalahan PT. Gramedia, mudah digunakan, memiliki tampilan yang responsif dengan layout yang menarik serta memiliki kompatibilitas dengan berbagai perangkat mobile yang digunakan saat ini.

RÉFORME. n. f. Rétablissement dans l'ordre, dans l'ancienne forme, ou dans une meilleure forme. Ces choses-là ont besoin de réforme, d'une réforme complète. Cela ne pourrait se faire que par une réforme générale. La réforme des institutions. La réforme des mœurs. La réforme du calendrier. On a fait de nombreuses réformes dans cette administration. RÉFORME se dit encore en parlant des Chevaux de la cavalerie, de l'artillerie, etc., qui ne sont pas ou qui ne sont plus en état de servir. Il y a eu dans ce régiment une réforme de vingt chevaux, qu'il a fallu remplacer. Un cheval de réforme. On dit de même : Du matériel en réforme. Dictionnaire de l’Académie française 8ème édition (1932) La langue française étonnera toujours : voilà deux sens pratiquement contradictoires du même réforme, vocable qui nous préoccupe depuis nombre d’années. La première entrée signifie, globalement, rétablissement dans l'ordre et rendre meilleur. Ce qui n’est pas la même chose, ou, plutôt pas le même cheminement pour obtenir la même chose : rétablir dans l’ordre est, dans une situation de pertinence pédagogique, l’équivalent de ce que j’ai appelé jusqu’à présent restaurer l’académique dans ses droits, spoliés par tant de pratiques informationnelles (au niveau de l’université) et paradigmatiques (au niveau de l’ensemble du système éducatif marocain). La deuxième entrée signifie rejeter ce qui a été jugé désormais inexploitable, dépassé ou forclos. On achève bien les chevaux ! Bien évidemment, la contradiction n’est qu’apparente, et le deuxième sens est pratiquement inclus au deuxième ; on ne réforme, on ne rend meilleur qu’en rejetant, tout ou partie de l’objet à réformer. Et il nous semble bien, comme pour l’Abbé de Saint-Pierre de d’Alembert que le système d’éducation et de formation, fait partie des «établissements les plus utiles [qui ont] besoin de réforme » telles ces « horloges qu’il faut de temps en temps nettoyer et remonter». Pourtant, si la raison lexicale, sur laquelle il me plaît souvent de fonder mes interventions[1], délimite quelque peu le cadre sémantique, elle demeure insuffisante à préciser clairement l’objet critique de mon propos. Réinventons un peu la roue. De l’intérieur du système éducatif[2] et de formation, réformer est un appel magistral d’une ‘’pause épistémologique’’, qui décide de modifier certains rapports au savoir selon les orientations suivantes : - L’actualité académique et épistémique dans la mesure où les contenus sont à la fois renouvelables à l’envie et objets ou supports de critique et d’innovation, - La pertinence méthodologique de ce rapport qui en validerait les dispositifs de production, de transmission et de réception ; dont la fonctionnalité (ou la caducité) de concepts et des moyens pédagogiques mis en œuvre ainsi que l’opportunité des compétences acquises en fonction des besoins sociétaux, humains et économiques à venir ; et, donc, - L’efficience de la formation, dans le souci de ne point gaspiller leur argent et leur temps aux bailleurs de fonds, à l’étudiant, aux employeurs et à la communauté. C’est dire que l’on entame pas une réforme, quand celle-ci engage des fonds lourds et des risques majeurs pour le devenir d’un pays, juste pour le plaisir d’adopter une nouvelle terminologie et la structuration qui en découle (ou qu’elle traduit ?). Celle-ci n’est pas qu’un habillage. Elle est une instrumentalisation conceptuelle qui, pour rétablir dans le droit et rendre meilleur, a dû s’assurer d’une conscience cognitive critique, donc d’un diagnostic fiable, qui, même en tenant compte des maqâmat (séances informelles) de l’opinion publique, doit formaliser cette dernière et la transcender, afin de décider de ce qui est à conserver ou à réformer du système objet de Réforme, tel que celle-ci pourrait se traduire dans le quotidien des professeurs, et dans les performances des établissements. La Réforme implique une nouvelle normalisation. Je voudrais dans les lignes qui suivent démontrer qu’en dépit de la richesse des tableaux, et des documents produits pour la Réforme et autour d’elle, l’on a oublié d’inscrire quelques garanties, dans la police de l’assurance qualité à l’Université.

Introduction The CureCloud™ is being created by the Multiple Myeloma Research Foundation (MMRF) as a follow-up project to the CoMMpass Trial. The CureCloud direct-to-patient (CC-DTP) registry's goal is to accumulate over 5,000 well-characterized myeloma patients with linked data from EHR, myeloma-specific 77-gene NGS panels, exome genomic panels, and patient reported data. COTA, Inc. and MMRF have formed a partnership to populate the CC-DTP with real-world data (RWD). COTA manages the record retrieval and abstraction of data from various contributing provider institutions. Methods After obtaining IRB approval, electronically-signed consent forms were obtained from patients during the online registration process for the CC-DTP registry. During an initial 24 patient pilot, COTA presented the consent forms to 54 provider organizations to obtain medical records for abstraction. A request package containing the signed consent, IRB certificate of action, and overview of the CC-DTP registry was prepared and submitted to each of the institutions using fax or direct mail. Metrics tracked during the record retrieval process included time to delivery and fees for record release. Additionally, all returned data was screened for the presence of structured, coded medical information prior to a manual abstraction process into the CC-DTP data dictionary format. Results Of the 54 institutions contacted in the pilot, 80% of record returns were in under 30 days, but 20% took over 40 days, and half of those (or a total of 10%) took over 60 days. The median retrieval time across all sites was 25 days (range of 5 to 87). In two instances, a processing fee request in excess of $300 was initially tied to the release of the medical record, and human intervention was required to have the fees waived. MMRF and COTA recorded that six of the 54 (11%) institutions that received a medical record request rejected the use of electronically-signed patient consent forms and five of the six institutions required their own authorization to be used in place of the IRB-approved patient consent. At 10 of the 54 institutions, the information requests were rejected in favor of hand-signed documents before patient records were provided. Additionally, for all retrieved records, the only coded information included were ICD-10 codes for the primary diagnosis. All other ICD10, LOINC, RxNORM, SNOMED or any other coded vocabulary were absent from the records. In no cases were any adverse events coded with MedDRA. Discussion Despite a significant investment in electronic health solutions in the United States, many of the institutions approached as part of the CC-DTP pilot were unable to provide all of the needed data in a timely, cost-free, and coded manner. The four major challenge areas were: 1) extensive administrative delays (slow processing times), 2) rejection of electronic patient signatures on consent forms, 3) unexpected high fees to obtain EHR record abstracts, and 4) virtually all structured, coded medical information was stripped from provided abstracted EHR records. These challenges not only delayed the gathering of clinical data but forced a series of complex and costly work-arounds. The goal of building a fully linked registry complete with coded EHR data remains challenging. Future studies to explore obstacles of record retrieval and limited codified data should be conducted. A comprehensive, research-focused data abstraction process for coded data exchange is being put into place and will be needed to support future RWD projects of this nature. Disclosures Goldberg: Cancer Outcomes Tracking and Analysis (COTA) Inc.: Equity Ownership; Bristol-Myers Squibb: Consultancy; COTA: Equity Ownership. Keogh:COTA: Employment, Other: Equity. Belli:COTA: Employment, Other: Equity. Norden:COTA: Employment, Other: Equity.

To improve online learning pedagogy within the field of paralegal education, this study investigated how paralegal students and paralegal instructors perceived the effectiveness of synchronous and asynchronous online paralegal courses. This study intended to inform paralegal instructors and course developers how to better design, deliver, and evaluate effective online course instruction in the field of paralegal studies.Survey results were analyzed using independent samples t-test and correlational analysis, and indicated that overall, paralegal students and paralegal instructors positively perceived synchronous and asynchronous online paralegal courses. Paralegal instructors reported statistically significant higher perceptions than paralegal students: (1) of instructional design and course content in synchronous online paralegal courses; and (2) of technical assistance, communication, and course content in asynchronous online paralegal courses. Instructors also reported higher perceptions of the effectiveness of universal design, online instructional design, and course content in synchronous online paralegal courses than in asynchronous online paralegal courses. Paralegal students reported higher perceptions of asynchronous online paralegal course effectiveness regarding universal design than paralegal instructors. No statistically significant differences existed between paralegal students’ perceptions of the effectiveness of synchronous and asynchronous online paralegal courses. A strong, negative relationship existed between paralegal students’ age and their perceptions of effective synchronous paralegal courses, which were statistically and practically significant. Lastly, this study provided practical applicability and opportunities for future research. Akyol, Z., & Garrison, D. R. (2008). The development of a community of inquiry over time in an online course: Understanding the progression and integration of social, cognitive and teaching presence. Journal of Asynchronous Learning Networks, 12, 3-22. Retrieved from https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ837483.pdf Akyol, Z., Garrison, D. R., & Ozden, M. Y. (2009). Online and blended communities of inquiry: Exploring the developmental and perceptional differences. The International Review of Research in Open and Distributed Learning, 10(6), 65-83. Retrieved from http://www.irrodl.org/index.php/irrodl/article/view/765/1436 Allen, I. E., & Seaman, J. (2014). Grade change: Tracking online education in the United States. Babson Park, MA: Babson Survey Research Group and Quahog Research Group, LLC. Retrieved from https://www.utc.edu/learn/pdfs/online/sloanc-report-2014.pdf Alreck, P. L., & Settle, R. B. (2004). The Survey Research Handbook (3rd ed.) New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Irwin. American Association for Paralegal Education (2013, Oct.). AAfPE core competencies for paralegal programs. Retrieved from https://cdn.ymaws.com/www.aafpe.org/resource/resmgr/Docs/AAfPECoreCompetencies.pdf American Bar Association, Standing Committee on Paralegals. (2017). https://www.americanbar.org/groups/paralegals.html American Bar Association, Standing Committee on Paralegals (2013, September). Guidelines for the approval of paralegal education programs. Retrieved from https://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/administrative/paralegals/ls_prlgs_2013_paralegal_guidelines.authcheckdam.pdf Astani, M., Ready, K. J., & Duplaga, E. A. (2010). Online course experience matters: Investigating students’ perceptions of online learning. Issues in Information Systems, 11(2), 14-21. Retrieved from http://iacis.org/iis/2010/14-21_LV2010_1526.pdf Bailey, C. J., & Card, K. A. (2009). Effective pedagogical practices for online teaching: Perception of experienced instructors. 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<p>El desafío de encontrarse con nuevos paradigmas de la educación universitaria frente al cierre de las instalaciones físicas educativas, en función del aislamiento preventivo obligatorio por la presencia de la <em>COVID-19</em>, puede transformarse en una oportunidad de indagar en nuevas prácticas, abordajes y miradas.</p><p> </p><p>El presente documento propone sistematizar, analizar y reflexionar sobre una serie de situaciones categorizadas como administrativas, curriculares y contextuales, y acciones adoptadas en la primera parte del cursado de una materia teórica con fuerte contenido práctico, en el contexto actual.</p>

! e present article reff ers to the phenomenon of 19th century nobility confi rmations asked by members of the noble families that gained their nobility during the 16th – 18th centuries for devoted military or executory services. ! e Romanian origin of the protagonists of the 19th century documents kept in the local administration archives is not explicitly revealed but more or less presumed based on their christian names and sometimes on their religion.Starting with the second half of the 16th century there can be detected a radical change in the way the nobility parchments were conferred being of common knowledge the proliferation of the armorial nobility in Transylvania, Banat and Partium. ! e exempt from obligations, usually of fi scal origin and the conferring of certain privileges to the ennobled person, which sometimes extended also upon his descendants, accompanied by a coat of arms, represented a characteristic of the phenomenon of ennoblement.! e information kept about certain families of Romanian origin who’s descendents asked the confi rmation of their nobility based on nobility parchments received by their forefathers from the Hungarian kings, rulers of Transylvanian Principality and later on by the Habsburg emperors, help the historians to complete a global image of the phenomenon of ennoblement during the centuries.! ere are plenty of documents kept at the level of local administration during the 19th century in which one witnesses the practice of requiring and getting the confi rmation of the nobility. One of the families that frequently appears in documents and sometimes the information is backed up also by the Romanian and Hungarian bibliography of the late 19th and early 20th centuries is Faur family originally from Teiuș who’s members lived also in Arad, Timiș, Caraș, Cenad, Zărand Counties. Testimony was also kept about a member of the well known Matskási of Tinkova family, namely Matskásy Lajos junior who asked the representatives of Caraș county to confirm his nobility based on the fact that his father Matskásy Lajos senior enjoyed certain privileges as a noble and civil servant of the Szeckler Chairs of Odorhei, Cristur and Brăduţ.Not only well known families of Romanian origin as Matskásy (Măcicaș) family can be traced out but also other names as Cornia alias Barb, Pap alias Popvici, Fogarasy, Șubony, Jumanca and Racz. Certain descendents with the name of Racz appear during the 19th century process of nobility confirmation but one cannot tell if the family was of Serbian or Romanian origin, on the one hand because of the fact that both Romanians and Serbians had the same orthodox religion and on the other hand because the translation from Hungarian language of the word „racz” is Serbian. There are also some Romanian names recorded in the lists of noble man from Caraș county such as Nicolae Krecsun, Koszta Greku, Mihaly Krecsun, Iuon Blusovan, Athanasie Doma, Dioniszie Popeszko, Paszku Miksa and so on but they might gain their nobility during the second half of the 18th century or even during the 19th century as the documents do not give information concerning this aspect.

DEVELOPING ENGLISH READING MATERIALS OF PROCEDURE TEXT BASED ON SCHEME BASE APPROACH IN SMK SWASTA ERIA MEDAN *Dayanur ** Sumarsih ABSTRACT Dayanur. Registration Number: 2132121007. Developing English Reading Materials of Procedure Text based on Sheme base Approach in SMK Swasta Eria. A thesis. English Education Study Program, Medan State University, 2021. This study aimed to develop English reading material for students based on scheme base approach in vocational school. The study conducted by using Research and Development (R&D). The respondent of this research was 31 students of Office Administration grade XI in SMKS ERIA Medan. The data was consisted of syllabus, lesson plan, and existing reading materials. Based on the data, the existing reading materials were not appropriate for students of office administration department because those were intended for general students. The instruments of collecting data were questionnaires and interview to students and English teacher. This aimed to collect the data and information about students‟ needs and learning needs. The need analysis showed the needs of students on English reading materials. Based on the need analysis and material evaluation, the new reading materials were developed by associating to contextual teaching and learning approach, students‟ need and their department. The genre of text was procedure text which told about the manual steps. After designing the product, the experts validated the product. And finally, the English reading materials for office administration students could be used. The developed reading materials were how to use LCD projector in an office meeting, how to print a document, how to use a scanner, how to use a photocopier, and sending a fax. The product had been validated by an English lecturer and an English teacher with the mean score was 3,585 from 4. The product was categorized as “ Very Good and Relevant” reading materials for eleventh grade students of office administration program. Keywords: Reading Materials, Scheme Base Approach, Research and Development, Office Administration Program.

Quelles sont les communes les mieux gérées de Wallonie ? C’est la question à laquelle nous avons essayé de répondre, loin de toute polémique, dans ce numéro de Regards économiques en livrant un "Palmarès des villes et communes en Wallonie : une approche en termes d’efficacité". C’est la première évaluation de la bonne gouvernance dans le sud du pays. Pour ce faire, nous avons collecté des infor­mations pertinentes sur la bonne exécution des compétences communales, regroupées en cinq familles (services administratifs, voiries et transports, enseignement, services sociaux et médicaux, environne­ment et propreté). Nous avons ensuite mis les performances de chaque commune, en regard avec les recettes ordinaires par habitant dont elle dispose. Nous avons ensuite comparé les communes entre elles, en appliquant la méthode de dominance qui consiste à identifier les communes qui "font mieux avec moins de moyens". Résultat ? Celui-ci est illustré en page 3 de Regards économiques (cf. document pdf joint) à travers une cartographie en couleurs des villes et communes wallonnes. Les communes les plus performantes qui caracolent en tête de classement se trouvent en jaune clair. Plus la teinte des entités est foncée, moins la commune est performante. Un certain nombre de communes, surtout dans la région liégeoise (en gris sur la carte), ne sont pas classées, la Direction générale des pouvoirs locaux de la Région wallonne n’ayant fourni aucun budget à leur sujet. Des communes se démarquent nettement des autres en faisant mieux sur les cinq familles d’indicateurs, avec moins de recettes, que beaucoup d’autres communes. Ainsi Flobecq fait mieux que 36 autres communes et Ottignies-Louvain-la-Neuve supplante 26 entités. Il importe de signaler qu’il ne s’agit pas d’un palmarès du bien-être. Il n’y a en effet pas de corrélation entre les revenus moyens d’une commune et sa place dans le classement. Il n’existe pas davantage de rapport entre le nombre d’habitants ou la densité de population et la place d’une commune dans notre classement. Le verdict est-il sans appel pour les entités les plus mal administrées ? Disons plutôt que ce palmarès signale aux édiles communaux que, sur un certain nombre de compétences, certes les principales, beau­coup d’autres villes et communes font mieux avec moins de moyens. Cela devrait les encourager à se pencher sur les défaillances et à traquer les dysfonctionnements. Mais il ne faut pas faire dire à ce pal­marès ce qu’il ne mesure pas. Il ne délivre pas un bon ou mauvais bulletin au bourgmestre, car toutes les composantes du travail communal n’ont pu être évaluées. Si une "première", comme l’est ce palmarès, a toujours le mérite d’exister et de faire avancer la réflexion, elle a aussi ses limites. Certaines données manquent cruellement en Wallonie. Outre l’absence de recettes ordinaires pour 14 communes, surtout dans la région liégeoise, les compétences sportives et culturelles des communes n’ont pas pu être prises en considération faute de données fiables sur la qualité de l’infrastructure et la variété de la programmation des salles de sports, des bibliothèques ou autres centres culturels. La Communauté française n’a pas non plus accepté de livrer des informa­tions utiles relatives aux taux d’échecs ou d’absentéisme des élèves. Quoi qu’il en soit, un outil comme ce palmarès, même enrichi au fil du temps, comme nous l’espérons, par de nouvelles données, devra toujours être complété par d’autres démarches de type qualitatif.

Quelles sont les communes les mieux gérées de Wallonie ? C’est la question à laquelle nous avons essayé de répondre, loin de toute polémique, dans ce numéro de Regards économiques en livrant un "Palmarès des villes et communes en Wallonie : une approche en termes d’efficacité". C’est la première évaluation de la bonne gouvernance dans le sud du pays. Pour ce faire, nous avons collecté des infor­mations pertinentes sur la bonne exécution des compétences communales, regroupées en cinq familles (services administratifs, voiries et transports, enseignement, services sociaux et médicaux, environne­ment et propreté). Nous avons ensuite mis les performances de chaque commune, en regard avec les recettes ordinaires par habitant dont elle dispose. Nous avons ensuite comparé les communes entre elles, en appliquant la méthode de dominance qui consiste à identifier les communes qui "font mieux avec moins de moyens". Résultat ? Celui-ci est illustré en page 3 de Regards économiques (cf. document pdf joint) à travers une cartographie en couleurs des villes et communes wallonnes. Les communes les plus performantes qui caracolent en tête de classement se trouvent en jaune clair. Plus la teinte des entités est foncée, moins la commune est performante. Un certain nombre de communes, surtout dans la région liégeoise (en gris sur la carte), ne sont pas classées, la Direction générale des pouvoirs locaux de la Région wallonne n’ayant fourni aucun budget à leur sujet. Des communes se démarquent nettement des autres en faisant mieux sur les cinq familles d’indicateurs, avec moins de recettes, que beaucoup d’autres communes. Ainsi Flobecq fait mieux que 36 autres communes et Ottignies-Louvain-la-Neuve supplante 26 entités. Il importe de signaler qu’il ne s’agit pas d’un palmarès du bien-être. Il n’y a en effet pas de corrélation entre les revenus moyens d’une commune et sa place dans le classement. Il n’existe pas davantage de rapport entre le nombre d’habitants ou la densité de population et la place d’une commune dans notre classement. Le verdict est-il sans appel pour les entités les plus mal administrées ? Disons plutôt que ce palmarès signale aux édiles communaux que, sur un certain nombre de compétences, certes les principales, beau­coup d’autres villes et communes font mieux avec moins de moyens. Cela devrait les encourager à se pencher sur les défaillances et à traquer les dysfonctionnements. Mais il ne faut pas faire dire à ce pal­marès ce qu’il ne mesure pas. Il ne délivre pas un bon ou mauvais bulletin au bourgmestre, car toutes les composantes du travail communal n’ont pu être évaluées. Si une "première", comme l’est ce palmarès, a toujours le mérite d’exister et de faire avancer la réflexion, elle a aussi ses limites. Certaines données manquent cruellement en Wallonie. Outre l’absence de recettes ordinaires pour 14 communes, surtout dans la région liégeoise, les compétences sportives et culturelles des communes n’ont pas pu être prises en considération faute de données fiables sur la qualité de l’infrastructure et la variété de la programmation des salles de sports, des bibliothèques ou autres centres culturels. La Communauté française n’a pas non plus accepté de livrer des informa­tions utiles relatives aux taux d’échecs ou d’absentéisme des élèves. Quoi qu’il en soit, un outil comme ce palmarès, même enrichi au fil du temps, comme nous l’espérons, par de nouvelles données, devra toujours être complété par d’autres démarches de type qualitatif.

The paper discusses mobility in the context of displacement. How is the mobile phone appropriated by refugees in immigration detention? What does the mobile phone, and indeed, mobility, signify in an Australian policy landscape of mandatory detention of asylum seekers and formerly prohibited access to mobile phones for detainees inside immigration detention centres? What does this intimate about the perceived dangers of “new” and mobile media? The author’s preliminary research with refugees in Australian immigration detention centres compares policy and practice. Firstly, it interrogates the unwritten policies regulating refugees’ access to media technologies when incarcerated in immigration detention. As there is no written policy on technology access and practices vary across immigration detention centres, the information in this paper has been given by detainees and has not been verified by the management of detention centres. The paper suggests that the utopian promises of mobile media echo those made about cyberspace in the 1990s. Furthermore, the residual effects of such rhetoric have infiltrated government policy in terms of perceiving mobile media as dangerous when adopted by marginalised groups such as refugees. Secondly, the research examines how and why the mobile phone has been adopted by immigration detainees despite their former prohibition. It explores the ways in which refugees practice an imagined mobility through media whilst in detention, and finds that this is critical to sustaining connection with their imagined communities. Why Refugees? In the context of increased forced migration of people due to circumstances such as political instability, war, natural disaster and famine; it is necessary to better understand how refugees mobilise and organise in situations of displacement. As new technologies encourage the capacity for borderlessness, such advantages also have to be contrasted with the potential dangers of spontaneous border crossings. The study of the behaviour and practices of refugees in relation to communication technologies offers an insight into the efficacy of immigration detention policy in filtering movement and interaction, both physical and virtual, between Australia and other countries. Although the study of refugees is a discipline in its own right, there has been minimal examination of how they appropriate technology, particularly that which facilitates and complements their mobility, to maintain connections with their diasporic networks while in situations of displacement. The studies that have been undertaken concentrate on the use of technology by refugees living in the wider community (see Glazebrook, McIver Jr. and Prokosch; Howard and Owens), rather than in the context of detention. In previous research of diasporas within the discipline of Cultural Studies, technology has been regarded as vital to subcultures and minority groups. Technology has been the tool by which such communities respond to their structural conditions (see Cunningham; Hall; Halleck). Such investigations have concentrated on the intersection of class, gender and ethnicity and how they inscribe meanings to specific technologies, which in turn, become intrinsic to the identities of the groups and communities. The research extends the work that has been done within Cultural Studies by similarly focusing on a marginalised group, refugees, and their participation in particular technologies. A review of literature across refugee studies, diaspora studies and technology studies has shown that: The study of technology use by refugees has had minimal investigation The study of diasporas has rarely included refugees The study of communities and communication practices which surround particular technologies has concentrated on groups other than refugees The escalation of issues of asylum and border control in public discourse warrant more knowledge about refugees and their networks of communication beyond the boundaries of detention and Australia The notion of “networks” refers to people, technologies, processes and practices that form the relationships between refugees in institutionalised immigration detention and the outside world. The Australian Immigration Detention Context Between 1992 and 1994, Australian law moved from permitting (but not enforcing) limited detention of asylum seekers, to a blanket policy of mandatory detention (HREOC) which, at one point, had up to 12,000 individuals in detention (Castan Centre for Human Rights Law). The detention context is particularly relevant to Australia, because its policy of mandatory detention means that refugees have restricted contact with the world outside of the detention centre. In 2005, the Migration Amendment (Detention Arrangements) Bill allowed detained families with children to live in community detention, that is, in residential accommodation outside of an immigration detention centre. Although community detention carries with it specific conditions, families are unaccompanied and have more freedom of movement. This paper discusses the author’s preliminary work with refugees in immigration detention, prior to the introduction of community detention. The research sought to investigate how asylum seekers use technology to sustain connections with their virtual communities in situations of displacement. Specifically, it explored how technology is appropriated to mediate communication in the context of institutionalised detention. The key research questions addressed by the research were: what kinds of technologies are available to refugees? How are these used? How are their benefits and limitations perceived? What, if any, kinds of social networks surround these technologies? How are relationships of power surrounding these technologies negotiated? Can technology assist refugees in sustaining connections with their communities of choice and reducing their sense of isolation? Can technology play a role in reducing the well-documented effects of this incarceration by providing mediated social interaction? What are the implications for policy, especially in relation to permitted technologies and surveillance of communication practices? Access to informants was gained by working with a refugee community advocacy group, which has established links with refugees in detention and experience in dealing with the management of detention centres. One such group is ChilOut, which organises visitor programs to immigration detention centres. This affiliation was important in gaining access to, and trust of, detainees who were willing to participate in the research. It presented opportunities to interact with detainees on a social basis. Semi-structured interviews with the research subjects were conducted to ascertain the strategies and resources currently utilised to counter the effects of mandatory detention. In 2005, detainees had access to a range of technology which can be broadly termed “old media”, while access to “new media” – such as the Internet and mobile phones – are prohibited. At the time of printing, detainees reported that mobile phones without cameras were only recently permitted. Detainees have access to pay phones inside the centre. Visitors are allowed to give detainees phone cards so they can use the pay phones without charge or the need for change. In addition to pay phones, detainees are provided with access to a fax and photocopier, which are generally used to liaise with and send relevant documentation to lawyers. There is distrust of using the fax machine at the detention centre because it is in a management office area and the detainees require permission to use it. It means the guards can read the faxes that are sent, as well as those that are received before notifying the detainees that they have received one. Detainees also have television, videos, DVDs and newspapers, so there is the possibility of feeling like part of an imagined community (Anderson) through these media. There are computers available, but no Internet access. Some of the children load computer games on them to play, others have Playstation in their rooms. It is noteworthy that the only technology to which detainees have access and which facilitates real-time person-to-person interaction is the telephone. The phone offers the opportunity for direct contact with the outside world without the visual and other sensory realities of detention. The telephone is able to mask the extent of imprisonment as it does not show the barbed razor wire surrounding the compound. Yet detainees were not permitted to have mobile phones for a long time. Thus, the key question remains: why were they deprived of access to mobile phones while allowed access to pay phones and landlines? What does this suggest about the perceived dangers of mobile media and the resonance of last century’s techno-utopian discourses? Given that detainees were only given access to “old media”, it seems that this tired but resolutely upbeat rhetoric about new technology which celebrates it as inherently liberating actually inflected policies determining the kinds of technologies to which detainees have access. It confirms the pessimistic assertions of media theorists such as Schiller and Mosco, that new technologies further alienate disadvantaged groups. As the Australian government attempts to regulate the physical movement of people across its borders, mantras of the dot.com era such as “everyone is a free agent” (Kumar 77) appear to undermine this agenda. The assumptions of liberty and democracy embedded in this “free agency” are implicit in policies that denied refugees access to “new media” such as the Internet and mobile phones. The “liberating” nature of such technology was regarded as unsafe in the hands of refugees, whose freedom of movement is institutionally contained by the Australian government through mandatory detention. The physical movement of refugees, as well as the agency and freedom with which they can claim asylum in a country, is actively discouraged through immigration detention policy and limitations on access to technology. The promise of self-expression afforded by mobile media seemed antithetical to the prejudicial administration of refugees, which is premised upon a distrust of their claims of identity and asylum. Subsequently, their use of mobile technology was also assumed to be suspect and therefore had to be restricted. Detained refugees serve as a reminder of the parameters of upbeat discourses about new technology. That is, the utopian possibilities of mobile media appear to be conditional such that its “power” can only be entrusted to certain groups. In policy terms, the mobile phone is a rich site of signification. Not only does the technology itself imply a way of being (that is free, mobile, always accessible and always able to access), but it also connotes an ideal type of user, one that is appropriate and deserving of such technology. It seems that refugees are not entitled to their mobility and, therefore, do not have rights to media that is considered to facilitate such mobility, in spite of their detention. Furthermore, there is a suggested dichotomy in the government’s classification of the technologies to which refugees have access. The fact of detention means refugees are surrounded by technology, held captive by it and are inevitably in close proximity to it. It is technology which is seen as antithetical to mobility and therefore could be described as “static”: phones, faxes, photocopiers, television, video – all of which may be characterised as “old media”. The binary opposite of such technology is that which can be regarded as mobile or new or interactive media; that which resonates with the residual effects of 1990s techno-utopian rhetoric; and could be considered as threatening in the hands of those who have physically made unauthorised border crossings. However, prior investigations of “mobile” technologies, demonstrates that such dualisms are flawed as the lowest technologies also have the capacity to facilitate mobility. Examples include Paul Gilroy’s work on the Black Atlantic, which notes that books and records have been vital in carrying oppositional ideologies and philosophies across the black diaspora. Within Asian diasporas, the exchange of video letters and taped Bollywood movies have been interpreted as forms of localised challenges to the centralised power of the broadcast media industries (Ang; Gillespie). These economies of exchange as facilitated by older forms of mobile media have been studied in relation to issues of migration and marginalisation. Given that refugees are also affected by such issues, their mobile media practices are a sobering reminder that mobility is not necessarily hi-tech nor confined to the realms of the affluent, educated and socio-economically advantaged. Rather, mobility can be a tenuous state of being displaced and itinerant, with technology adopted to manage and adapt to its challenges. The Mobile Media Practices of Detained Refugees The initial findings from the fieldwork indicate that for refugees, the mobile phone is not a technology of choice but instead, a technology of necessity and survival. Every technology that is available to them is used to sustain connection to their localized and globalised networks. The restriction to their physical movement of detainees is compensated through use of technology which allows any sort of interaction and communication. Being part of a technologically-mediated community appears to minimise the marginalisation and isolation they experience. Such feelings of dislocation have been well-documented in studies of the impact of incarceration on the mental health of refugees (see Mares and Jureidini; RANZCP; Hodes). It seems that the telephone and fax are the mainstays of their communication networks. However, such technologies are closely monitored, as landline phone calls can be traced or even tapped, and faxes have to be sent from an office manned by guards. An experienced visitor to detention centres commented that “most” detainees had mobile phones and when they were contraband, guards knew about them but generally ignored their use by detainees. Only mobile phones offer the potential for communication to be free from the surveillance by detention centres staff. The ways in which mobile phones are used by detainees is decidedly lo-tech, for example, for communication with family where use of a landline is impractical. One of the detainees said that he speaks to his wife and children on the centre pay phone every few days. However, the call costs are expensive as his family only has a mobile phone, not a landline, at their place of residence. For them to call him is also expensive and awkward, because they have to call the pay phone and if somebody answers, they have then to locate him somewhere within the compound. Thus, the connections between the detainees and their loved ones are very fragile in that they are almost totally dependent on the phone to maintain these relationships. In this instance, the mobile phone offers another means for managing the tenuous nature of these ties. The mobile phone, particularly SMS technology, offers a suitable alternative as the detainee can communicate with his family cheaply and quickly. It compensates for the constraints of the pay phone. The informal interactions afforded by the mobile phone also extend beyond family members of detainees to their supporters and advocates. Likewise, the mobile phone complements the communication practices facilitated through permitted technologies. For example, when detainees are liaising with the Department of Immigration (DIMIA), they will ask advice from the regular visitors to the immigration detention centre who come from an array of organizations such as churches, refugee advocacy groups, law firms and health organizations. Visitors generally offer whatever assistance they can by obtaining necessary forms from the department, searching the Internet, undertaking letter writing campaigns, and lobbying government ministers. Something worked in amongst all the network activity that took place over the course of this week. As promised to the family, I scoured the DIMIA web site for a form for applying under Section 417. While there didn’t seem to be an official form, I used the opportunity to research the section of the Migration Act. Googling turned up a 12 page “guide to section 417 applications” written by a barrister, which I printed out and faxed to them. So as to ensure that the family received the fax, I SMS-ed them to let them know a fax was on its way and how many pages to expect. They responded to me by fax, saying that they had been notified that they too were going to be released into community detention in the coming weeks. (Extract from fieldwork diary) The mobile phone serves the function of anticipating and verifying communications which may potentially be surveilled by staff of detention centres. Where detainees may not trust that they are being given all the letters or faxes that have been sent to them, the mobile phone enables a degree of privacy so that they at least know what to expect from their correspondents. Furthermore, it provides the opportunity for detainees to speak about matters related to their case for asylum that are regarded as too sensitive to risk being discussed in a public place such as on the centre pay phone. Often this involves seeking assistance with their application for asylum. He rang T on the centre pay phone and said that he would like to speak with me, but did not have my number. He didn’t have a pen and paper to jot down my details at the time, so he gave T his mobile number and asked her to pass it onto me, so I could ring him on it. When I rang, he had returned to his room where he could talk freely. He told me about the visit from the Commonwealth Ombudsman, who undertook to look into his case over the next couple of weeks. We talked about what would assist the Ombudsman in reviewing the case. I said I would write a letter or email in the first instance, and if he wanted other letters of support, I could circulate details of his case on the ChilOut newsletter. He said he didn’t want publicity at this stage. I offered to fax him a copy of my email, but he preferred that I give it to him in person as the fax machine in the office was too public and any documents received could be read. Again, the mobile seems to be the most appropriate technology for coordinating and organising privately away from centre surveillance… (Extract from fieldwork diary) Fear of breaches of confidentiality form only part of detainees’ desire for privacy from detention centre staff. There is also a need for private space away from other detainees as their imprisonment necessitates the constant use of communal facilities such as the pay phone. In addition to being used for its capacity for private communication, the mobile phone was also exploited as a broadcast technology by detained refugees. Text messages proved an effective way of providing brief updates to family and friends about the status of their case: 20 September 200510:24:07 Hi Linda. I am fine thank u. not news yet, I think they’ll come to see me soon, if I got news, I’ll let u know. Wish u have a good time. 15 October 200516:31:49 HI Linda, I was interview by Ombudsman yesterday, we talked about one hour and a half, it sound good…Thank u for yr concern 25 December 200520:26:54 Hi Linda. I am still in [detention centre]. No any news from Ombudsman, may be early next year. I am fine here, thanks. Tuesday 17 October 200613:44:41 Hi Linda…I transferd to [community] housing. Its much better here. How a u? takecare ur health, thanks. Thursday 16 November 200618:46:23 HI There is a good news to let u know I got the decision from that I won the FC case. Thus, for detained refugees, the mobile phone has been adopted for simple, lo-tech use. None of the respondents indicated a desire for a camera function on their mobile phones. However, one detainee did suggest that she would like to use a webcam to see and hear her child in China, whom she has not seen in eight years. While she did use the Internet for this purpose when she was on the “outside”, now she can only rely on weekly telephone conversations made from inside the detention centre. Conclusion What happens when technology is placed in the hands of those for whom it was never meant? It makes explicit what is often implied in studies of adoption of new technology, that the “utopian promise” is confined to a narrow socio-economic demographic: the advantaged, the affluent and the educated. Those who fall outside these perimeters are perceived as undeserving and untrustworthy of such technology. This is exemplified in the Australian government’s policy to deny refugees access to “new” and mobile media whilst being compulsorily detained. The decision to withhold mobile technology from mobile communities who are not so materially privileged is not only ironic but unwarranted in light of the empirical data. This has since been acknowledged by allowing detainees use of mobile phones. The mobile phone practices of detained refugees show that it is being used as a complementary and alternative technology, that is, to compensate for the inadequacies of the communication media allowed by detention centres. The mobile phone is exploited for the functions that permitted technologies do not offer: firstly, the ability to communicate with friends and family more immediately and effectively; secondly, the capacity to communicate privately with less probability of surveillance; thirdly, the opportunity to broadcast content one to many. In such communications, use of the mobile phone is simple and lo-tech: it is deployed for straightforward (but improved) interaction with detainees’ imagined communities which would otherwise be possible anyway through the “old” media technologies provided in detention. In practice, there was no evidence of the use of the hi-tech functions of mobile phones; nor was there any indication, as implied by policy, of the possible dangers that may ensue if such features of mobile media were available to detained refugees. Potentially, the research can impact on immigration detention policy, particularly in terms of reviewing the conditions under which technology is made available to refugees in institutionalised detention contexts. However, further research is required, especially a comparison of the former prohibited use of mobile media in immigration detention centres with the permitted use of these in community immigration detention. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities. London: Verso, 1993. Ang, Ien. Living Room Wars: Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World. London: Routledge, 1996. Castan Centre for Human Rights Law. 2003. “Detention, Children and Asylum Seekers: A Comparative Study.” Submission to the National Inquiry into Children in Immigration Detention. 26 July 2004. http://www.hreoc.gov.au/human_rights/children_detention/ submissions/castan.html>. Cunningham, Stuart. “Popular Media as Public ‘Sphericules’ for Diasporic Communities.” International Journal of Cultural Studies 4.2 (2001): 131-147. Gillespie, Marie. Television, Ethnicity and Cultural Change. London: Routledge, 1995. Gilroy, Paul. There Ain’t no Black in the Union Jack. London: Hutchison, 1987. Glazebrook, Diana. “Becoming Mobile after Detention.” Social Analysis: International Journal of Cultural and Social Practice 48.3 (2004). Hall, Stuart. “Aspirations and Attitude… Reflections on Black Britain in the 90s.” New Formations: Frontlines, Backyards. London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1998. Halleck, Dee. “Watch Out Dick Tracy! Popular Video in the Wake of Exxon Valdez.” Technoculture. Eds. Constance Penley and Andrew Ross. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1991. Hodes, Matthew. “Three Key Issues for Young Refugees’ Mental Health.” Transcultural Psychiatry 39.2 (2002): 196-213. Howard, Ellen, and Christine Owens. “Using the Internet to Communicate with Immigrant/Refugee Communities about Health.” Poster presentation at JCDL ‘02, Portland, Oregon, 13-17 July 2002. Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC). “A Last Resort?” Report on National Inquiry into Children in Immigration Detention. 26 July 2004. http://www.hreoc.gov.au/human_rights/children_detention/ submissions/castan.html>. Kumar, Amitava. “Temporary Access: The Indian H-1B Worker in the US.” Technicolor: Race, Technology and Everyday Life. Eds. Alondra Nelson and Thuy Linh Tu. New York: NYU P, 2001. Mares, Sarah, and Jon Jureidini. “Children and Families Referred from a Remote Immigration Detention Centre.” Forgotten Rights – Responding to the Crisis of Asylum Seeker Health Care: A National Summit. 12 Nov. 2003. McIver, William, and Arthur Prokosch. “Towards a Critical Approach to Examining the Digital Divide”. IEEE, 2002. Mosco, Vincent. Pushbutton Fantasies: Critical Perspectives in Videotex and Information Technology. Norwood: Ablex, 1982. Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists. “RANZCP Airs Deep Concern at the Mandatory Detention of Child Asylum Seekers.” Media release, 11 Nov. 2003. Schiller, Herbert. Information Inequality: The Deepening Social Crisis in America. London: Routledge, 1996. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Leung, Linda. "Mobility and Displacement: Refugees' Mobile Media Practices in Immigration Detention." M/C Journal 10.1 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/10-leung.php>. APA Style Leung, L. (Mar. 2007) "Mobility and Displacement: Refugees' Mobile Media Practices in Immigration Detention," M/C Journal, 10(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/10-leung.php>.

For those seeking a diversion from the drudgery of work there are a number of websites offering to take you away. Consider the case of wasteaminute.com. On the site there is everything from flash video games, soft-core pornography and animated nudity, to puzzles and parlour games like poker. In addition, the site offers links to video clips grouped in categories such as “funny,” “accidents,” or “strange.” With its bright yellow bubble letters and elementary design, wasteaminute will never win any Webby awards. It is also unlikely to be part of a lucrative initial public offering for its owner, a web marketing company based in Lexington, Kentucky. The internet ratings company Alexa gives wasteaminute a ranking of 5,880,401 when it comes to the most popular sites online over the last three months, quite some way behind sites like Wikipedia, Facebook, and Windows Live.Wasteaminute is not unique. There exists a group of websites, a micro-genre of sorts, that go out of their way to offer momentary escape from the more serious work at hand, with a similar menu of offerings. These include sites with names such as ishouldbeworking.com, i-am-bored.com, boredatwork.com, and drivenbyboredom.com. These web destinations represent only the most overtly named time-wasting opportunities. Video sharing sites like YouTube or France’s DailyMotion, personalised home pages like iGoogle, and the range of applications available on mobile devices offer similar opportunities for escape. Wasteaminute inspired me to think about the relationship between digital media technologies and waste. In one sense, the site’s offerings remind us of the Internet’s capacity to re-purpose old media forms from earlier phases in the digital revolution, like the retro video game PacMan, or from aspects of print culture, like crosswords (Bolter and Grusin; Straw). For my purposes, though, wasteaminute permits the opportunity to meditate, albeit briefly, on the ways media facilitate wasting time at work, particularly for those working in white- and no-collar work environments. In contemporary work environments work activity and wasteful activity exist on the same platform. With a click of a mouse or a keyboard shortcut, work and diversion can be easily interchanged on the screen, an experience of computing I know intimately from first-hand experience. The blurring of lines between work and waste has accompanied the extension of the ‘working day,’ a concept once tethered to the standardised work-week associated with modernity. Now people working in a range of professions take work out of the office and find themselves working in cafes, on public transportation, and at times once reserved for leisure, like weekends (Basso). In response to the indeterminate nature of when and where we are at work, the mainstream media routinely report about the wasteful use of computer technology for non-work purposes. Stories such as a recent one in the Washington Post which claimed that increased employee use of social media sites like Facebook and Twitter led to decreased productivity at work have become quite common in traditional media outlets (Casciato). Media technologies have always offered the prospect of making office work more efficient or the means for management to exercise control over employees. However, those same technologies have also served as the platforms on which one can engage in dilatory acts, stealing time from behind the boss’s back. I suggest stealing time at work may well be a “tactic,” in the sense used by Michel de Certeau, as a means to resist the rules and regulations that structure work and the working life. However, I also consider it to be a tactic in a different sense: websites and other digital applications offer users the means to take time back, in the form of ‘quick hits,’ providing immediate visual or narrative pleasures, or through interfaces which make the time-wasting look like work (Wagman). Reading sites like wasteaminute as examples of ‘office entertainment,’ reminds us of the importance of workers as audiences for web content. An analysis of a few case studies also reveals how the forms of address of these sites themselves recognise and capitalise on an understanding of the rhythms of the working day, as well as those elements of contemporary office culture characterised by interruption, monotony and surveillance. Work, Media, Waste A mass of literature documents the transformations of work brought on by industrialisation and urbanisation. A recent biography of Franz Kafka outlines the rigors imposed upon the writer while working as an insurance agent: his first contract stipulated that “no employee has the right to keep any objects other than those belonging to the office under lock in the desk and files assigned for its use” (Murray 66). Siegfried Kracauer’s collection of writings on salaried workers in Germany in the 1930s argues that mass entertainment offers distractions that inhibit social change. Such restrictions and inducements are exemplary of the attempts to make work succumb to managerial regimes which are intended to maximise productivity and minimise waste, and to establish a division between ‘company time’ and ‘free time’. One does not have to be an industrial sociologist to know the efforts of Frederick W. Taylor, and the disciplines of “scientific management” in the early twentieth century which were based on the idea of making work more efficient, or of the workplace sociology scholarship from the 1950s that drew attention to the ways that office work can be monotonous or de-personalising (Friedmann; Mills; Whyte). Historian JoAnne Yates has documented the ways those transformations, and what she calls an accompanying “philosophy of system and efficiency,” have been made possible through information and communication technologies, from the typewriter to carbon paper (107). Yates evokes the work of James Carey in identifying these developments, for example, the locating of workers in orderly locations such as offices, as spatial in nature. The changing meaning of work, particularly white-collar or bureaucratic labour in an age of precarious employment and neo-liberal economic regimes, and aggressive administrative “auditing technologies,” has subjected employees to more strenuous regimes of surveillance to ensure employee compliance and to protect against waste of company resources (Power). As Andrew Ross notes, after a deep period of self-criticism over the drudgery of work in North American settings in the 1960s, the subsequent years saw a re-thinking of the meaning of work, one that gradually traded greater work flexibility and self-management for more assertive forms of workplace control (9). As Ross notes, this too has changed, an after-effect of “the shareholder revolution,” which forced companies to deliver short-term profitability to its investors at any social cost. With so much at stake, Ross explains, the freedom of employees assumed a lower priority within corporate cultures, and “the introduction of information technologies in the workplace of the new capitalism resulted in the intensified surveillance of employees” (12). Others, like Dale Bradley, have drawn attention to the ways that the design of the office itself has always concerned itself with the bureaucratic and disciplinary control of bodies in space (77). The move away from physical workspaces such as ‘the pen’ to the cubicle and now from the cubicle to the virtual office is for Bradley a move from “construction” to “connection.” This spatial shift in the way in which control over employees is exercised is symbolic of the liquid forms in which bodies are now “integrated with flows of money, culture, knowledge, and power” in the post-industrial global economies of the twenty-first century. As Christena Nippert-Eng points out, receiving office space was seen as a marker of trust, since it provided employees with a sense of privacy to carry out affairs—both of a professional or of a personal matter—out of earshot of others. Privacy means a lot of things, she points out, including “a relative lack of accountability for our immediate whereabouts and actions” (163). Yet those same modalities of control which characterise communication technologies in workspaces may also serve as the platforms for people to waste time while working. In other words, wasteful practices utilize the same technology that is used to regulate and manage time spent in the workplace. The telephone has permitted efficient communication between units in an office building or between the office and outside, but ‘personal business’ can also be conducted on the same line. Radio stations offer ‘easy listening’ formats, providing unobtrusive music so as not to disturb work settings. However, they can easily be tuned to other stations for breaking news, live sports events, or other matters having to do with the outside world. Photocopiers and fax machines facilitate the reproduction and dissemination of communication regardless of whether it is it work or non-work related. The same, of course, is true for computerised applications. Companies may encourage their employees to use Facebook or Twitter to reach out to potential clients or customers, but those same applications may be used for personal social networking as well. Since the activities of work and play can now be found on the same platform, employers routinely remind their employees that their surfing activities, along with their e-mails and company documents, will be recorded on the company server, itself subject to auditing and review whenever the company sees fit. Employees must be careful to practice image management, in order to ensure that contradictory evidence does not appear online when they call in sick to the office. Over time the dynamics of e-mail and Internet etiquette have changed in response to such developments. Those most aware of the distractive and professionally destructive features of downloading a funny or comedic e-mail attachment have come to adopt the acronym “NSFW” (Not Safe for Work). Even those of us who don’t worry about those things are well aware that the cache and “history” function of web browsers threaten to reveal the extent to which our time online is spent in unproductive ways. Many companies and public institutions, for example libraries, have taken things one step further by filtering out access to websites that may be peripheral to the primary work at hand.At the same time contemporary workplace settings have sought to mix both work and play, or better yet to use play in the service of work, to make “work” more enjoyable for its workers. Professional development seminars, team-building exercises, company softball games, or group outings are examples intended to build morale and loyalty to the company among workers. Some companies offer their employees access to gyms, to game rooms, and to big screen TVs, in return for long and arduous—indeed, punishing—hours of time at the office (Dyer-Witheford and Sherman; Ross). In this manner, acts of not working are reconfigured as a form of work, or at least as a productive experience for the company at large. Such perks are offered with an assumption of personal self-discipline, a feature of what Nippert-Eng characterises as the “discretionary workplace” (154). Of course, this also comes with an expectation that workers will stay close to the office, and to their work. As Sarah Sharma recently argued in this journal, such thinking is part of the way that late capitalism constructs “innovative ways to control people’s time and regulate their movement in space.” At the same time, however, there are plenty of moments of gentle resistance, in which the same machines of control and depersonalisation can be customised, and where individual expressions find their own platforms. A photo essay by Anna McCarthy in the Journal of Visual Culture records the inspirational messages and other personalised objects with which workers adorn their computers and work stations. McCarthy’s photographs represent the way people express themselves in relation to their work, making it a “place where workplace politics and power relations play out, often quite visibly” (McCarthy 214). Screen SecretsIf McCarthy’s photo essay illustrates the overt ways in which people bring personal expression or gentle resistance to anodyne workplaces, there are also a series of other ‘screen acts’ that create opportunities to waste time in ways that are disguised as work. During the Olympics and US college basketball playoffs, both American broadcast networks CBS and NBC offered a “boss button,” a graphic link that a user could immediately click “if the boss was coming by” that transformed the screen to something was associated with the culture of work, such as a spreadsheet. Other purveyors of networked time-wasting make use of the spreadsheet to mask distraction. The website cantyouseeimbored turns a spreadsheet into a game of “Breakout!” while other sites, like Spreadtweet, convert your Twitter updates into the form of a spreadsheet. Such boss buttons and screen interfaces that mimic work are the presentday avatars of the “panic button,” a graphic image found at the bottom of websites back in the days of Web 1.0. A click of the panic button transported users away from an offending website and towards something more legitimate, like Yahoo! Even if it is unlikely that boss keys actually convince one’s superiors that one is really working—clicking to a spreadsheet only makes sense for a worker who might be expected to be working on those kinds of documents—they are an index of how notions of personal space and privacy play out in the digitalised workplace. David Kiely, an employee at an Australian investment bank, experienced this first hand when he opened an e-mail attachment sent to him by his co-workers featuring a scantily-clad model (Cuneo and Barrett). Unfortunately for Kiely, at the time he opened the attachment his computer screen was visible in the background of a network television interview with another of the bank’s employees. Kiely’s inauspicious click (which made his the subject of an investigation by his employees) continues to circulate on the Internet, and it spawned a number of articles highlighting the precarious nature of work in a digitalised environment where what might seem to be private can suddenly become very public, and thus able to be disseminated without restraint. At the same time, the public appetite for Kiely’s story indicates that not working at work, and using the Internet to do it, represents a mode of media consumption that is familiar to many of us, even if it is only the servers on the company computer that can account for how much time we spend doing it. Community attitudes towards time spent unproductively online reminds us that waste carries with it a range of negative signifiers. We talk about wasting time in terms of theft, “stealing time,” or even more dramatically as “killing time.” The popular construction of television as the “boob tube” distinguishes it from more ‘productive’ activities, like spending time with family, or exercise, or involvement in one’s community. The message is simple: life is too short to be “wasted” on such ephemera. If this kind of language is less familiar in the digital age, the discourse of ‘distraction’ is more prevalent. 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