Статті в журналах з теми "East River Coal Mining Company"

Mining is an ancient occupation, long recognized as being arduous and liable to injury and disease. Coal mining carried dangers from exposure to noise, heat, and airborne dusts, causing many associated diseases. Respiratory diseases caused by coal mine dust are pneumoconiosis, chronic bronchitis, and emphysema. The process of coal mining involves the discharge of huge amount of effluent into the surface water. Effluent from coal mine contains high load of TSS, TDS, calcium carbonate and heavy metals accumulates in water, soil, sediment and living organism. Coal mining has long been established in East Kalimantan. This paper explores the public perceptions of the health and environmental impact of opencast coal mining in Kampung Tasuk, Gunung Tabur, Regency of Berau, East Kalimantan. The obtained result may be used as an input to formulate and redesign the community development program of coal mining company in Berau. The public perception of coal mining activity in kampung Tasuk was dissastified with costumer satisfaction index 58.1

40110 working face is arranged as the third Mechanized sublevel caving mining face in the 401 east-wing area along the coal seam by Dafosi company of the Binchang Mining Group Corporation. According to the conclusion based on the research about Binchang area coal geology not only shows the roof and floor lithology, structure, hydrology, the gas, dust features and so on but also proposes mining roadway supporting schemes and putting them into practice. Practical application shows that roadway supporting schemes effectively control the two-sided displacement and relative movement of the roof and floor to ensure the daily production of coal mine.

The Frank Slide occurred on the east limb of the Turtle Mountain Anticline, which was thrust up along the folded and splayed Turtle Mountain Fault. Easterly dipping, Paleozoic limestones and dolomites then rested on sheared, weaker, Mesozoic clastic rocks and coal strata. Cordilleran glaciers steepened the eastern flank of Turtle Mountain but left buttressing kame moraines. These were eroded by the Crowsnest River, which was pushed against Turtle Mountain between its North and South Peaks by the growth of the alluvial fan of Gold Creek. Blairmore Group mudstones and shales beneath the moraines were susceptible to toppling. Photographs of the east slope of Turtle Mountain before the Frank Slide show disturbed vegetation, uneven topography, steep slopes, and rock fall deposits, all consistent with active slope movements. The Frank Slide may have been triggered by the freezing of melting snow in rock joints and by coal mining. Our calculations show that, while individual stopes may have been unstable, the mine pillars and the coal mine itself were stable. Numerical simulations of the coal mining in the Frank Mine suggest mining reduced the strength of the east slope of Turtle Mountain by less than 10% before the Frank Slide.Key words: Rocky Mountains, Frank Slide, coal mining, river erosion, toppling.

Mining corporation plays a role as surrogate state since it takes after the state in its development agenda. One of the biggest coal mining companies in Indonesia, PT. KPC (Kaltim Prima Coal), has carried out several activities other than mining ones. The activities are manifested in CSR (Corporate Social Responsibility) programs. An obligation to recover post-mining area by KPC is already implemented in a program called PESAT (Integrated Cattle Farm) which is one of the CSR programs. The farm in the recovered post-mining area is developed as a social program for people living around the mining area. My research was carried out with qualitative approach. Participatory observation and interviews with people in the village of Swarga Bara, Kutai Timur, East Kalimantan, were used in collecting data. The result shows that the people living around the KPC is an active agent in responding the corporate lives. The local people, in fact, depend on the KPC’s social programs since the programs are in favor of local development and welfare. Nevertheless, the local people respond negatively toward programs which do not meet their needs

Background: The massive exploration of coal in Samarinda could lead to various environmental consequences, such as metal contamination of soil, toxic materials and sediments in rivers and air pollution. Scanning and exploring the impact of mining on environmental quality will strategic to develop and carry out rehabilitation on damaged ecosystems and as a preventive and adaptive action of the community in responding the threat of global environmental change.Objective: This paper mainly focused on determining environmental quality based on water and air quality parameters (sulfur dioxide/SO2, Nitrogen dioxide/NO2, Carbon monoxide CO and TSP/dust) also determining community perception about the environment.Methods: Water sample taken from Betapus river (upstream and downstream) and well. Air sample taken around residential in coal mining area. Household survey of 305 respondents conducted in five community neighborhoods in area that affected by mining activities. In general, the air quality parameters such as SO2, NO2, CO and TSP at normal condition.Result: The measurement result of wells water revealed that only the pH (power of hydrogen) at normal condition, while BOD (Biochemical Oxygen Demand), COD (Chemical Oxygen Demand), Iron (Fe) exceed the threshold and almost all water sample exceeds the threshold in Manganese (Mn). The results of river quality in pH and COD showed that both in the upstream, midstream and downstream on normal condition, while Fe, COD exceeds the threshold. The BOD in the upper, middle parts of the river exceed the threshold.Conclusion: This study found that there had been anomaly in water environment compounds. These indicate that mining has led to the occurrence of water pollution. Therefore, needs reevaluation analysis of environmental impacts document of the mining companies in Bayur Village. It is also important to treating Mn and Fe of well or river water, especially if the water use for drinking.

Mining stage design which is a complex problem in terms of three-dimensional geometry that is always changing, then in this thesis the pit limit, mine sequence design or mining stages are in accordance with the tolerance stripping ratio recommended by the company and the production equipment to be used in order to obtain production targets the optimal. The research was conducted using software to design the final pit and block model method to calculate the volume. The results of the research that have been carried out obtained 752,930 MT of mined reserves and Over Burden (OB) volumes of 4,439,394 BCM and Stripping Ratio (SR).

The authors review the challenges and trends of the Russian coal exports and describe fields that are potentially attractive for exports in the new coal mining centers in the East of Russia. A conclusion is made that the only option available for the Russian coal industry in the eastern parts of the country is the export-oriented sustainable development in conditions when the global coal trade is shifting towards the Asia-Pacific region. Scientific and methodological support for the implementation of investment projects of Russian coal companies has been developed for the new economic conditions. The economic and mathematical model is proposed to assess the options of perspective development of production subsystem of an export-oriented coal company, which helps to define the parameters of a rational option to develop the coal sector including the volumes of annual expenses of investors to obtain the highest revenue from coal export.

The research is aimed at analyzing the ICSID (International Centre Settlement Investment Dispute) decision in solving a dispute between Churchill Mining PLC and the Government of the Republic of Indonesia. The case brought to the public attention, because mining license owned by PT. Ridlatama which acquired from Churchill Mining PLC had been revocated. Churchill Mining PLC holds 75% share of PT. Ridlatama and it suffered losses caused by the revocation of its mining license. Churchill Mining PLC filed the case to the local court but it failed. Churchill Mining PLC then sought ruling from International arbitration or ICSID. On December 6, 2016, ICSID issued a decision that clearly threw out Churchill Mining PLC claim. ICSID, the World Bank court, ordered the firm to pay a total of US$.9.446.528 in cost to the Government of the Republic of Indonesia. It is based on the evidences that the UK-Australia company did the fraud and had document forgery of coal mining permit in East Kutai, Indonesia. So the firm has violated the Bilateral Investment Treaties between Indonesia-UK and Indonesia-Australia.

Lukha River (Wah Lukha) is one of the major rivers of Meghalaya situated in the southern part of East Jaintia Hills District. Activities such as mining of coal and limestone, manufacturing of cement, deforestation etc. have been taking place in the catchment area of the river leading to changes in water quality. This is evident from the deep blue appearance of water of Lukha River during winter months for the last 7-8 years.Till date no convincing and conclusive reason has been given for this annual change in physical appearance.To get insight, we studied the physico-chemical water quality parameters of this river in different seasons and found that the water quality has started deteriorating due to activities occurring in the catchment area. Based on Canadian Council of Ministers of the Environment-Water Quality Index (CCME-WQI) the water of the river at some locations was found of ‘poor’ quality.

A coal mining industry typically applies a 24-hours working time, which enforces some workers to stay conscious during night shift, opposing human body's biological clock. This study aims to analyse the level of fatigue experienced by high dump truck operators (HD operators) in a coal mining site in East Kalimantan, Indonesia. This study utilizes primary data which obtained from distributing Industrial Fatigue Research Committee (IFRC) survey to all HD operators and secondary data (for Fatigue Likelihood Scoring - FLS) which consists of HD operators’ working schedule that currently applied in the company. Results obtained is analyzed using Fatigue Risk Management System (FRMS) framework which combines FLS classification and Dawson-McCulloch’s model of fatigue risk trajectory. This study reveals that based on IFRC survey, HD operators experienced low/mild fatigue due to insignificant influence of fatigue-related factors contained in the survey. However, consideration for improvement is in need since the result of fatigue for night shift operators is close to moderate level. In addition, based on FLS, the level of fatigue indicates that HD operators experienced excessive working hours, in which in FRMS graph classified as fatigue-related errors. Thus, this study proposes several strategies as the hazard control mechanism: (1) providing optimum resting time, (2) equipping operators with audio music that lead to positive energy and increasing work focus, and (3) adding afternoon shift to balance the working hours.

ABSTRAK PT Berau Coal merupakan perusahaan batubara yang terletak di Kabupaten Berau, Provinsi Kalimantan Timur. Sebagai perusahaan yang mempunyai visi menunjang perwujudan cemerlang melalui peran aktifnya sebagai pengalihragam energi yang eksponensial, PT Berau Coal komit terhadap program Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). Dalam CSR Policy perihal Pengembangan Masyarakat, PT Berau Coal mempunyai tujuan untuk mendorong komunitas sekitar tambang untuk berperan secara aktif dalam pemberdayaan masyarakat melalui pengembangan sumberdaya manusia, penguatan pranata sosial budaya dan pengembangan sumber daya ekonomi menuju masyarakat yang berdaya sejahtera dan mandiri secara bekelanjutan. Pada tahun 2018, penyerapan tenaga lokal di Kabupaten Berau menurut data Dinas Ketenagakerjaan dan Transmigrasi (Disnakertans) Berau hanya 30 % dimana permohonan kerja sektor tambang masih mendominasi di masyarakat. Menurut Peraturan Daerah Kabupaten Berau nomor 8 tahun 2018 tentang Perlindungan Tenaga Kerja Lokal, pemerintah daerah memberikan aturan kepada pengusaha untuk wajib mengupayakan pengisian lowongan pekerjaan di dengan tenaga kerja lokal paling sedikit 80% sesuai dengan syarat kualifikasi yang dibutuhkan. Untuk menutupi kesenjangan tersebut, PT. Berau Coal melalui CSR-Yayasan Dharma Bakti Berau Coal memberikan pelatihan kerja (vokasional) berupa sistem pemagangan kepada pemuda lingkar tambang sebagai bentuk komitmen dan kepatuhan perusahaan terhadap regulasi daerah. Sesuai dengan pilar CSR, program vokasi memiliki tujuan untuk mengembangkan masyarakat lingkar tambang dan juga menjadi asset yang dibentuk oleh organisasi sehingga kemampuan ataupun hasil dari pendidikan vokasinya dapat diserap oleh perusahaan di area operasional PT Berau Coal. Salah satu pilot program tersebut adalah melalui Program Pendidikan Pengawas Pertambangan, dengan mengacu kepada kompetensi POP dan kompetensi teknis. Metodologi pengembangan masyarakat yang didesain oleh PT Berau Coal menggunakan pendekatan vokasional, dimana metode tersebut menggunakan beberapa tahapan : (1) Konsep link and match diterapkan dari mulai link dengan kebutuhan industri pada saat program akan dilaksanakan dan match dengan kompetensi yang dibutuhkan dalam dunia industri dengan menyisipkan kompetensi izin kerja di operasional PT Berau Coal disesuaikan dengan kurikulum dari peserta pendidikan vokasi. (2) Membuat dan mengadopsi skema kompetensi untuk internal sesuai dengan kebutuhan industri. (3) Pelatihan dengan komposisi 70% on-job-training dan 30% In-Class. (4) Melaksanakan sertifikasi uji kompetensi sebagai persyaratan lulus program dan bagian dari working permit. Target dari pada program tersebut adalah bagaimana peserta didik tersebut dapat siap bekerja dengan budaya organisasi yang ada di operasional PT Berau Coal sebagaimana layaknya karyawan bekerja. Dengan model pengembangan masyarakat tersebut, program dapat memberikan dampak positif secara langsung untuk organisasi, diantaranya dengan menyiapkan tenaga kerja yang siap kerja melalui talent pool. Selain itu, perusahaan juga dapat menutupi kesenjangan komposisi tenaga kerja lokal yang ada di PT. Berau Coal dengan cepat sesuai dengan kebutuhan operasional perusahaan. Ketiga, program tersebut memberikan dampak secara langsung terhadap blockade/isu-isu lokal mengenai serapan tenaga kerja lokal yang erat terjadi di perusahaan tambang yang dapat berdampak terhadap kegiatan operasional. Kata Kunci : Corporate social responsibility, pendidikan vokasi, pengembangan masyarakat lokal ABSTRACT PT Berau Coal is a coal company that is located at Berau Regency, East Kalimantan Province. As a company which has vision to enable a brighter future through becoming an exponential energy transformer, PT Berau Coal commits to have a Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) programme. In CSR Policy regarding people development, PT Berau Coal has an objective to enforce communities around mining activity to actively contribute in community empowerment through developing human resources, strengthening social and cultural institutions and developing economic resources towards a sustainable and prosperous community. According to Department of Manpower and Transmigration, local employees who work in the mining sector within Berau Regency only around 30% in 2018, where the job demand in mining sector is still dominated. Referring to Berau Regency Local Regulation no 8 year 2018 about Protection of Local Workers, it is stated that local government provides rules for employers that should fill the job occupancy with at least 80% local workers with required qualification requirements. To cover the gap , PT Berau Coal through CSR-Yayasan Dharma Bakti Berau Coal is giving vocational training in the form of an apprenticeship system for fresh graduates around mining company as company’s commitment form and company’s compliance to local regulation. According to CSR’s pillar, vocational program has a vision to develop community around mining area and become a meaningful asset which is formed by organization so the result of vocational education can be absorbed by companies within PT Berau Coal operational area. One of the pilot programs is Mining Supervisor Development Program which is referring to POP competencies and technical competencies. Methodology of society development by using vocational approach is designed by PT Berau Coal. This method is using several steps (1) Link and Match concept which start to apply from link with industrial needs when the program starts and match it with competencies that are needed with industry, adding operational work permit competencies at PT Berau Coal, adjusted with curriculum from vocation education participants. (2) Creating and adopting scheme of competencies for internal in accordance with the industrial needs. (3) Training program with composition 70% on-job-training and 30% In-Class. (4) Implementing competencies test as requirement to pass the program and part of work permit. The target for this program is how program participants are ready to work with organization culture at PT Berau Coal. Through this society development model, the program can give positive impact directly for the organization by preparing workers who are ready to work through the talent pool. In addition, the company can also covered the gap in the composition of the local workforce in PT. Berau Coal quickly according to the operational needs of the company. Lastly, this program give direct impact to blockade and local issues regarding local worker absoprtion in mining companies that can have an impact on operational activities. Keyword: Corporate social responsibility, vocational educational, local society development

Introduction. River bottom sediments are a significant link in the biogeochemical cycles of water bodies and an accumulator of pollutants. The purpose of this study is to assess the level of heavy metal pollution of river sediments within the coal-mining areas of the East Donbass (Rostov Region, Russian Federation) to assess the potential risk for the population using surface water as a source of water supply. Methods. It is suggested to use the pelitic fraction for a more accurate assessment of the heavy metal pollution level of river sediments. It is proposed to use the average continental shale concentration as a baseline value for the pelitic fraction. Contamination factor (Cf), degree of contamination (Cd) and geo-accumulation index (Igeo) were used to assess the degree of heavy metal pollution of the bottom sediments in the East Donbass rivers. Results. Studies of the chemical composition and the level of bottom sediments pollution in the East Donbass rivers showed that the concentration values of heavy metals vary greatly. Assessing the degree of heavy metal pollution of the river sediments in the East Donbass allows us to classify them mainly as moderately contaminated (uncontaminated to moderately contaminated). At the same time, the level of river sediments pollution in the Seversky Donets basin is generally lower than that in the Tuzlov basin. Conclusion. The results will be used to improve the system for assessing water and bottom sediments quality in the region as well as evaluate the environmental risk to public health. Although the results showed a moderate level of heavy metal contamination of the East Donbass rivers sediments, the potential hazard of secondary pollution of the aquatic environment with metals deposited in sediments remains. Pollution of water and river bottom sediments is directly linked to the potential risk to public health because these rivers are used as sources of drinking water for towns and countryside.

Coal mining, as one of the key drivers of land degradation worldwide, caused land subsidence problems. In this study, we conducted experimental research to explore the reclaimed mine soil (RMS) water dynamics and its sources in relation to reclaimed land use types using stable water isotopes in the Longdong coal mining area with high groundwater level in east China. We collected water samples seven times in 2017 from all of these water bodies (precipitation, surface waters (river water and water from subsidence pits (WSP)), groundwater and soil water). Our main findings are three fold: (1) the values of slope and intercept of the local meteoric water line of Craig (LMWL) of precipitation for the study area are higher than the global meteoric water line of Craig (GMWL) because of the humid monsoon climate zoon, and the values of δD and δ18O of surface waters and soil water and groundwater deviated from LMWL to some extent with a range of 5–30%, and the D and 18O of precipitation and the surface waters have higher seasonal variation than groundwater; (2) the values of δD and δ18O of RMS for the whole soil profile (0–100 cm) are lower than that of precipitation and have obvious seasonal variations and great fluctuation in the topsoil (0–30/40 cm) and decrease at depth (30/40–70 cm) and stable in deep soil layers (below 70 cm deep); (3) the RMS with forest and crop enhanced water infiltration capacity and soil water mixing strength compared with the waste RMS, so establishment of forest and crops should be encouraged in the RMS; (4) the main sources of topsoil (0–30 cm for crop and 0–40 cm for forest) of RMS are precipitation through infiltration, the main supply for deep soil water (below 70 cm deep) is groundwater, and the soil water for the middle deep soil layers (30/40–70 cm) is mainly from mixing sources of precipitation, groundwater, and river water through pant root water absorbing and groundwater upshifting.

<p><em>Several laboratories tests have been developed in Indonesia and another countries that carry out mining activities, especially coal mining.</em> <em>The purpose of this analysis is to find out the presence and absence of soil layers which have the potential to form acidity.</em> <em>The most commonly known analytical methods are static and kinetic methods. The most commonly known method of analysis is static and kinetic methods. Our test this time are uses the NAPP method (Net Acid Producing Potential)</em><em>.A</em><em>and then, from the results of this calculation, was known that the mine area had acidic or not.</em> <em>This time, an investigation was conducted to determine the acidity of PAF</em><em> (Potential Acid Forming)</em><em> and NAF</em><em> (Non Acid Forming)</em><em>, which is owned by the mining company PT GIE (Globalindo Inti Energy) at the Handil, Muarajawa, Balikpapan, East Kalimantan regions.</em> <em>From the results of tested and mapped , it was found that this mining area had NAF (Non Acid Forming) soil content, with a PH range between 4.65 - 5.75 and had a negative NAPP price.</em></p>

Kajian Kapasitas Daya Tampung Sungai Tutupan Kabupaten Balangan Terhadap Air Limbah dari Settling Pond PT Adaro IndonesiaCapacity of Assessment at The Tutupan River in Balangan Regency Against Wastewater from Settling Pond PT Adaro IndonesiaFitriansyahJurusan Teknik Sipil Fakultas Teknik – Universitas Achmad Yani Banjarmasin Alamat korespondensi : Jl. Achmad Yani Km. 5,5 Komplek Stadion Lambung Mangkurat, Banjarmasin 70249 AbstractThe river is a natural groove surface of the earth to drain the water and sediment, besides of course the interaction between discharge, sediment load and other factors such as human activity along the river gives the characteristics of the formation of different rivers. Each mining (including coal mining) must produce mine water or gas / air. Specifically for mine water, the largest portion comes from land clearing activities and waste material (waste) are easily eroded thus affecting water quality standards runoff coming out of the mining area and heading to cover the river water bodies located in the District of Juai which crosses 6 (six villages) namely; Ds. East buts, Ds.Wonorejo, Ds Source fortune, Ds.Teluk Bayur, Ds.Mungkur Uyam and Ds. Shingle. Cover river in length of 8.35 km with a capacity of capacity of 17.16 m3 / sec, able to accommodate flood discharge with a return period of 100 years (Q 100) of 18.62 m3 / sec.Keywords : Cover river, Capacity, Debit Flood,AbstrakSungai merupakan aluran alamiah dipermukaan bumi untuk mengalirkan air dan sedimen, disamping itu tentu saja interaksi antara debit, beban sedimen dan faktor lain seperti aktifitas manusia di sepanjang sungai memberikan karakteristik pembentukan sungai yang berbeda-beda. Setiap kegiatan penambangan (termasuk pertambangan batubara) pasti menghasilkan air tambang ataupun gas/udara. Khusus untuk air tambang, porsi terbesar berasal dari aktivitas pembukaan lahan dan material buangan (waste) yang mudah tererosi sehingga mempengaruhi baku mutu air limpasan yang keluar dari area penambangan dan menuju ke badan sungai Sungai Tutupan terletak pada Kecamatan Juai yang melintasi 6 (enam desa) yaitu; Ds. Tapian Timur, Ds.Wonorejo, Ds Sumber Rejeki, Ds.Teluk Bayur, Ds.Mungkur Uyam dan Ds. Sirap. Sungai Tutupan yang mempunyai panjang 8,35 Km dengan kapasitas daya tampung 17,16 m3/det, mampu menampung debit banjir dengan kala ulang 100 tahunan (Q 100) sebesar 18,62 m3/det.Kata Kunci: Sungai Tutupan, Daya Tampung, Debit Banjir,

SummaryDuring the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the British East India Company monopolized salt production in Bengal, and the British sought a new market for English salt in India. As previous studies have emphasized, external political and economic forces devastated indigenous industry and its workers. However, working conditions were influenced more by the natural environments of the salt-producing localities, particularly the availability of fuel, which was indispensable to the process of manufacture. The industry had always benefitted from abundant grass and straw for use as fuel. However, as grasslands were lost due both to constant river encroachment and to land clearance for cultivation, straw prices increased with the emergence of a regional market for biomass fuels, so that increasing difficulties in procuring fuel gradually made the salt industry costly. That state of affairs was accelerated by the advance of economic activity in general and a shortage of coal in particular. The changes made workers much more dependent on the fuel market.

Abstract. Coal mining at PT X Banko Barat site uses the Strip Mine type Open Mine System using mechanical equipment. To breaking coal from Pit 1 Timur using ripping with the Komatsu D 375 Bulldozer A. As for the digging and loading using Backhoe Komatsu PC 400 and Backhoe Hitachi ZX 470 Lc The problem with the company is the large size of the fragmentation of ripping coal which is greater than 20 cm which is not in accordance with the specifications of the grizzly dump hopper, so there must be a reduction in the size of the coal back by the backhoe so that production is getting lower. This study aims to optimize the ripping bulldozer space on coal so that it will produce coal fragmentation smaller than the actual ripping and the effect of coal fragmentation on bulldozer and backhoe production. The research included taking data of bulldozer cycle time ripping, backhoe cycle time, bulldozer obstacle time, backhoe obstacle time, coal density and coal fragmentation. From these data we will know the effect of bulldozer ripping spacing on the fragmentation of coal produced and the effect on bulldozer and backhoe production. For the East Pit coal production target, West Banko is 360,000 tons/ month. The actual bulldozer ripping space is 80 cm with B2 coal fragmentation yield of more than 20 cm is 11.36% with 363,476.74 tons/month ripping bulldozer and backhoe production 363,477.32 tons/month. For the 60 cm ripping spacing improvement, the B2 coal fragmentation yield of more than 20 cm is 3.05% with a bulldozer ripping production of 347,670.27 tons/month and backhoe production of 347,670.7 tons/month. As for the 40 cm ripping spacing improvement, B2 coal fragmentation which is more than 20 cm is 1.58% with a bulldozer ripping production of 288,922.03 tons / month and backhoe production of 288,922.9 tons/month. Based on the results of the study, coal fragmentation of more than 20 cm has reached the Company's SOP, which is less than 2%, but the production target has not been reached, so efforts must be made to improve. The improvement effort is by adding a bulldozer and increasing the bulldozer work efficiency. Bulldozer production was obtained at 385,229.37 tons/month and backhoe production at 385,229.60 tons/month so as to reach the production target. Abstrak. Penambangan batubara pada PT X Site Banko Barat menggunakan Sistem Tambang Terbuka tipe Strip Mine dengan menggunakan peralatan mekanis. Untuk memberaikan batubara pada Pit 1 Timur menggunakan ripping dengan Bulldozer Komatsu D 375 A. Sedangkan untuk penggalian dan pemuatannya menggunakan Backhoe Komatsu PC 400 dan Backhoe Hitachi ZX 470 Lc. Adapun masalah pada perusahaan adalah banyaknya ukuran fragmentasi batubara hasil ripping yang lebih besar dari 20 cm yang tidak sesuai dengan spesifikasi grizzly dump hopper, sehingga harus ada pengecilan ukuran batubara kembali oleh backhoe sehingga produksinya semakin rendah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengoptimalkan spasi ripping bulldozer pada batubara sehingga akan menghasilkan fragmentasi batubara yang lebih kecil dibandingkan dengan ripping aktualnya dan pengaruh fragmentasi batubara terhadap produksi bulldozer dan backhoe. Penelitian meliputi pengambilan data cycle time ripping bulldozer, cycle time backhoe, waktu hambatan bulldozer, waktu hambatan backhoe, densitas batubara dan fragmentasi batubara. Dari data tersebut akan diketahui pengaruh dari spasi ripping bulldozer terhadap fragmentasi batubara yang dihasilkan serta pengaruh terhadap produksi bulldozer dan backhoe. Untuk target produksi batubara Pit Timur, Banko Barat adalah 360.000 ton/bulan. Spasi ripping bulldozer aktual adalah sebesar 80 cm dengan hasil fragmentasi batubara B2 yang lebih dari 20 cm adalah 11,36% dengan produksi ripping bulldozer sebesar 363.476,74 ton/bulan dan produksi backhoe sebesar 363.477,32 ton/bulan. Untuk spasi ripping perbaikan 60 cm dengan hasil fragmentasi batubara B2 yang lebih dari 20 cm adalah 3,05% dengan produksi ripping bulldozer sebesar 347.670,27 ton/bulan dan produksi backhoe sebesar 347.670,7 ton/bulan. Sedangkan untuk spasi ripping perbaikan 40 cm dihasilkan fragmentasi batubara B2 yang lebih dari 20 cm adalah 1,58% dengan produksi ripping bulldozer sebesar 288.922,03 ton/bulan dan produksi backhoe sebesar 288.922,9 ton/bulan. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, fragmentasi batubara yang lebih dari 20 cm telah mencapai SOP Perusahaan yaitu kurang dari 2%, tetapi target produksinya tidak tercapai, sehingga harus ada upaya perbaikan. Adapun upaya perbaikannya adalah dengan menambahkan satu alat bulldozer dan meningkatkan efisiensi kerja bulldozer. Didapatkan produksi bulldozer sebesar 385.229,37 ton/bulan dan produksi backhoe sebesar 385.229,60 ton/bulan sehingga telah mencapai target produksi.

PT Trubaindo Coal Mining (PT TCM) is a coal mining company located in West Kutai, East Kalimantan.Demolition of overburden layer is done by drilling and blasting can effect results primarily blastingground vibration for highwall slope stability. Controlled blasting activities undertaken in 3000 Pit Block05 using linedrill. Vibration measurement data obtained from the reading apparatus is not necessarilya factor affecting vibration highwall slope stability, but with the direction of propagation horizontalvibrations that cause the decrease highwall slope stability. The maximum horizontal accelerationarising from blasting activities as parameters that play a role in the stability of the slope obtained bylinking the PPA with the equation Amax = 0.5167 x PPA. Therefore, to determine the effect of groundvibration due to blasting for highwall slope stability modeling needs to be done cross-section A-A ', BB',C-C ', D-D' and E-E '. Results of prediction equations safety factor value of each cross-section asfollows: Section of A-A’, FK = 5,1489 amax 6 – 32,719 amax 5 + 79,933 amax 4 – 93,928 amax 3 + 54,189 amax 2 – 13,898 amax + 1,30852 Section of B-B’, FK = 0,4838 amax 6 – 3,0058 amax 5 + 7,0149 amax 4 – 7,6767 amax 3 + 4,4953 amax 2 – 2,4997 amax + 1,44549 Section of C-C’, FK = 1,2021 amax 6 – 7,4203 amax 5 + 16,907 amax 4 – 17,239 amax 3 + 8,0429 amax 2 – 2,8212 amax + 1,3628 Section of D-D’, FK = 5,279a amax 6 – 33,941 amax 5 + 84,105 amax 4 – 100,68 amax 3 + 59,648 amax 2 – 15,946 amax + 1,57907 Section of E-E’, FK = -1,9442 amax 6 + 11,453 amax 5 – 24,289 amax 4 + 20,677 amax 3 – 2,7313 amax 2 – 4,8741 amax + 1,65573The calculation results of critical maximum horizontal acceleration for every cross-section varies asthe follows: Section of A-A’, amax-critical = 0,007 g Section of B-B’, amax-critical = 0,118 g Section of C-C’, amax-critical = 0,062 g Section of D-D’, amax-critical = 0,025 g Section of E-E’, amax-critical = 0,09 gVariation is influenced by the thickness of the layer of top soil (top soil) and any cross-sectionalgeometry highwall slope.

Kegiatan penambangan Batubara sebagai salah satu komoditas penambahan devisa negara. Namun dampak negatif dari kegiatan penambangan batubara adalah sebagai penghasil air limbah dengan kandungan bahan-bahan yang berbahaya, terlebih jika kegiatan penambangan tersebut dekat di hulu sungai. PT. XXX adalah sebuah perusaahan yang bergerak dibidang pertambangan yang terletak di Muara Teweh Kalimantan Tengah. Guna mengetahui dampak lingkungan yang disebabkan olehkegiatan penambangan khususnya dampak dari air limbah batubara maka PT. XXX melakukan pemantauan lingkungan pertriwulan. Kegiatan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui penurunan kualitas air. Analisis data lapangan dan laboratorium atas beberapa parameter diantaranya analisis pH, Total Suspended Solid (TSS), kandungan Fe dan Mn yang merujuk pada Peraturan Gubernur Kalimantan Selatan No. 036 Tahun 2008 Tentang Baku Mutu Air Limbah Kegiatan Penambangan, Pengolahan/Pancucian Batubara dan Kepmen LH No. 113 Tahun 2003 untuk keluaran dari kolam pengolahan limbah cair tambang batubara. Berdasarkan Hasil analisis laboratorium didapatkan hasil uji parameter kualitas air yaitu nilai TSS berkisar <2 mg/l – 13 mg/l, nilai pH antara 6,89 -7,78, kandungan besi (Fe) berkisar 0,06 mg/l - 0,78 mg/l dan kandungan Mangan (Mn) berkisar < 0,0022 mg/l – 0,004 mg/l.Kata kunci: Batubara, parameter, penambangan, pH, TSS. Coal mining activities as one of the commodity additions of foreign exchange. However, the negative impact of coal mining activities is as a producer of waste water with dangerous ingredients, especially if the mining activities are near the upstream of the river. PT. XXX is a mining company located in MuaraTeweh, Central Kalimantan. In order to know the environmental impact caused by mining activities, especially the impact of coal waste water, PT. XXX conducts quarterly environmental monitoring. This activity aims to determine the decrease of water quality. Analysis of field and laboratory data on several parameters such as pH analysis, Total Suspended Solid (TSS), Fe and Mncontents referring to South Kalimantan Goverment Regulation no. 036 Year 2008 About Quality Standard of Wastewater Mining, Processing / washing Coal and LH Decree No. 113 of 2003 for the output of liquid waste pools of coal mines. Pursuant to result of laboratory analysis got result of water quality parameter test that is value of TSS about <2 mg / l - 13 mg / l, pH value between 6,89 -7,78, iron content (Fe) 0,06 mg / l - 0 , 78 mg / l and Manganese content (Mn) ranged from <0.0022 mg / l - 0.004 mg / l.Key word: coal, mining, parameter, pH, TSS.

Semayang Lake and Melintang Lake in Kutai Kartanegara district, East Kalimantan is one of the biggest lake in Indonesia. Both lakes are located in the Mahakam River Basin and has an important role for economic and ecological activities in the Province of East Kalimantan. In addition to being a source of livelihood for fishermen around the lake, is also as habitat for freshwater mammals Pesut Mahakam that are endangered. Illegal logging in the forest around the lake, causing floods when it rains and water pollution will increase with sediment flowing into the lake. In some areas also get the impact of transportation activities of coal mining industry around the Mahakam River. All this causes silting almost the entire surface of the lake, lead to a reduction of existing fishery potential and cause extinction of Pesut Mahakam. To control pollution in the lake, local government of Kutai Kartanegara has implemented an online monitoring technology to monitor the water quality of the lake in four point location. Monitoring results are used to support local goverment in taking pollution control policies in both lakes. Keywords: Water quality online monitoring system, lake water quality monitoring system, GSM and SMS technology, multiprobe sensor, telemtry system.

Background: Schoenefeldia is a genus of C4 grasses, consisting of two species in Africa, Madagascar and India. It is the only representative of the genus found in southern Africa, where it was previously only known from a few collections in the southern part of the Kruger National Park (Mpumalanga Province, South Africa), dating from the early 1980s.Objectives: The objective of this study was to document a newly recorded population of Schoenefeldia transiens in an area that is exploited for coal mining.Method: A specimen of S. transiens was collected between Musina and Pontdrift, about 30 km east of Mapungubwe National Park, in the Limpopo Province of South Africa. The specimen was identified at the National Herbarium (Pretoria).Results: This is not only a new distribution record for the quarter degree grid (QDS: 2229BA), but is also the first record of this grass in the Limpopo Province. The population of S. transiens has already been fragmented and partially destroyed because of mining activities and is under serious threat of total destruction.Conclusion: It is proposed that the population of S. transiens must be considered to be of conservation significance, and the population should be made a high priority in the overall environmental management programme of the mining company that owns the land.

Mining is essential for human health and prosperity, and is increasing as the global populationgrows. The need for minerals appears to conflict with what is commonly understood as ‘sustainability’,as geological resources are non-renewable on a human timescale. However, the Brundtland definition of sustainability includes the concept of ‘needs’, implying that there has to be a balanced approach thatconsiders poverty alleviation. It identifies the three pillars of sustainability: economic, social and environmental.In the UK, mining has a legacy extending back over 6000 years. The approach taken to sustainability will be illustrated by 3 examples from northern England. In the 18thand 19thcenturies, the London Lead Company was directed by members of the Religious Society of Friends, and hadsocial sustainability as a high priority, building a village with facilities to promote physical, mental and spiritual healthamongst the mining community. The legacy of this company’s mining operations on river water pollution is currently a major problem, reflecting its lackof knowledge of geochemistry.Potash mining started in North Yorkshire in the 1960s, and now there are plans for a new potash mine within the North York Moors National Park.Over 1 km deep, the new mine is planned to be as invisible as possible. Open pit coal mining takes place as part of aconstruction operation in city centreNewcastle, and in nearbyrural locations. Operators take great care to minimize their impact on local populations, adaptingequipment and making sure operations are timed to minimize disturbance.In the UK, one key characteristic of a successful mining operation is that it engages in dialogue with the local community.It is important to involve the community right from the start of planning a mine, even before its location has been finalized. Operators typically have a community fund, and this can be approached by local people to pay for resources that benefit the community, such as sports equipment and facilities. Mining companies need to have a clear plan for restoration, with dates, and some take the opportunity to plan major works of public art as a way of enriching the community with a legacy that can generate income through tourism.

Unconventional energy sources have become increasingly important to the global energy mix. These include coal seam gas, shale gas and shale oil. The unconventional gas industry was pioneered in the United States and embraced following the first oil shock in 1973 (Rogers). As has been the case with many global resources (Hiscock), many of the same companies that worked in the USA carried their experience in this industry to early Australian explorations. Recently the USA has secured significant energy security with the development of unconventional energy deposits such as the Marcellus shale gas and the Bakken shale oil (Dobb; McGraw). But this has not come without environmental impact, including contamination to underground water supply (Osborn, Vengosh, Warner, Jackson) and potential greenhouse gas contributions (Howarth, Santoro, Ingraffea; McKenna). The environmental impact of unconventional gas extraction has raised serious public concern about the introduction and growth of the industry in Australia. In coal rich Australia coal seam gas is currently the major source of unconventional gas. Large gas deposits have been found in prime agricultural land along eastern Australia, such as the Liverpool Plains in New South Wales and the Darling Downs in Queensland. Competing land-uses and a series of environmental incidents from the coal seam gas industry have warranted major protest from a coalition of environmentalists and farmers (Berry; McLeish). Conflict between energy companies wanting development and environmentalists warning precaution is an easy script to cast for frontline media coverage. But historical perspectives are often missing in these contemporary debates. While coal mining and natural gas have often received “boosting” historical coverage (Diamond; Wilkinson), and although historical themes of “development” and “rushes” remain predominant when observing the span of the industry (AGA; Blainey), the history of unconventional gas, particularly the history of its environmental impact, has been little studied. Few people are aware, for example, that the first shale gas exploratory well was completed in late 2010 in the Cooper Basin in Central Australia (Molan) and is considered as a “new” frontier in Australian unconventional gas. Moreover many people are unaware that the first coal seam gas wells were completed in 1976 in Queensland. The first four wells offer an important moment for reflection in light of the industry’s recent move into Central Australia. By locating and analysing the first four coal seam gas wells, this essay identifies the roots of the unconventional gas industry in Australia and explores the early environmental impact of these wells. By analysing exploration reports that have been placed online by the Queensland Department of Natural Resources and Mines through the lens of environmental history, the dominant developmental narrative of this industry can also be scrutinised. These narratives often place more significance on economic and national benefits while displacing the environmental and social impacts of the industry (Connor, Higginbotham, Freeman, Albrecht; Duus; McEachern; Trigger). This essay therefore seeks to bring an environmental insight into early unconventional gas mining in Australia. As the author, I am concerned that nearly four decades on and it seems that no one has heeded the warning gleaned from these early wells and early exploration reports, as gas exploration in Australia continues under little scrutiny. Arrival The first four unconventional gas wells in Australia appear at the beginning of the industry world-wide (Schraufnagel, McBane, and Kuuskraa; McClanahan). The wells were explored by Houston Oils and Minerals—a company that entered the Australian mining scene by sharing a mining prospect with International Australian Energy Company (Wiltshire). The International Australian Energy Company was owned by Black Giant Oil Company in the US, which in turn was owned by International Royalty and Oil Company also based in the US. The Texan oilman Robert Kanton held a sixteen percent share in the latter. Kanton had an idea that the Mimosa Syncline in the south-eastern Bowen Basin was a gas trap waiting to be exploited. To test the theory he needed capital. Kanton presented the idea to Houston Oil and Minerals which had the financial backing to take the risk. Shotover No. 1 was drilled by Houston Oil and Minerals thirty miles south-east of the coal mining town of Blackwater. By late August 1975 it was drilled to 2,717 metres, discovered to have little gas, spudded, and, after a spend of $610,000, abandoned. The data from the Shotover well showed that the porosity of the rocks in the area was not a trap, and the Mimosa Syncline was therefore downgraded as a possible hydrocarbon location. There was, however, a small amount of gas found in the coal seams (Benbow 16). The well had passed through the huge coal seams of both the Bowen and Surat basins—important basins for the future of both the coal and gas industries. Mining Concepts In 1975, while Houston Oil and Minerals was drilling the Shotover well, US Steel and the US Bureau of Mines used hydraulic fracture, a technique already used in the petroleum industry, to drill vertical surface wells to drain gas from a coal seam (Methane Drainage Taskforce 102). They were able to remove gas from the coal seam before it was mined and sold enough to make a profit. With the well data from the Shotover well in Australia compiled, Houston returned to the US to research the possibility of harvesting methane in Australia. As the company saw it, methane drainage was “a novel exploitation concept” and the methane in the Bowen Basin was an “enormous hydrocarbon resource” (Wiltshire 7). The Shotover well passed through a section of the German Creek Coal measures and this became their next target. In September 1976 the Shotover well was re-opened and plugged at 1499 meters to become Australia’s first exploratory unconventional gas well. By the end of the month the rig was released and gas production tested. At one point an employee on the drilling operation observed a gas flame “the size of a 44 gal drum” (HOMA, “Shotover # 1” 9). But apart from the brief show, no gas flowed. And yet, Houston Oil and Minerals was not deterred, as they had already taken out other leases for further prospecting (Wiltshire 4). Only a week after the Shotover well had failed, Houston moved the methane search south-east to an area five miles north of the Moura township. Houston Oil and Minerals had researched the coal exploration seismic surveys of the area that were conducted in 1969, 1972, and 1973 to choose the location. Over the next two months in late 1976, two new wells—Kinma No.1 and Carra No.1—were drilled within a mile from each other and completed as gas wells. Houston Oil and Minerals also purchased the old oil exploration well Moura No. 1 from the Queensland Government and completed it as a suspended gas well. The company must have mined the Department of Mines archive to find Moura No.1, as the previous exploration report from 1969 noted methane given off from the coal seams (Sell). By December 1976 Houston Oil and Minerals had three gas wells in the vicinity of each other and by early 1977 testing had occurred. The results were disappointing with minimal gas flow at Kinma and Carra, but Moura showed a little more promise. Here, the drillers were able to convert their Fairbanks-Morse engine driving the pump from an engine run on LPG to one run on methane produced from the well (Porter, “Moura # 1”). Drink This? Although there was not much gas to find in the test production phase, there was a lot of water. The exploration reports produced by the company are incomplete (indeed no report was available for the Shotover well), but the information available shows that a large amount of water was extracted before gas started to flow (Porter, “Carra # 1”; Porter, “Moura # 1”; Porter, “Kinma # 1”). As Porter’s reports outline, prior to gas flowing, the water produced at Carra, Kinma and Moura totalled 37,600 litres, 11,900 and 2,900 respectively. It should be noted that the method used to test the amount of water was not continuous and these amounts were not the full amount of water produced; also, upon gas coming to the surface some of the wells continued to produce water. In short, before any gas flowed at the first unconventional gas wells in Australia at least 50,000 litres of water were taken from underground. Results show that the water was not ready to drink (Mathers, “Moura # 1”; Mathers, “Appendix 1”; HOMA, “Miscellaneous Pages” 21-24). The water had total dissolved solids (minerals) well over the average set by the authorities (WHO; Apps Laboratories; NHMRC; QDAFF). The well at Kinma recorded the highest levels, almost two and a half times the unacceptable standard. On average the water from the Moura well was of reasonable standard, possibly because some water was extracted from the well when it was originally sunk in 1969; but the water from Kinma and Carra was very poor quality, not good enough for crops, stock or to be let run into creeks. The biggest issue was the sodium concentration; all wells had very high salt levels. Kinma and Carra were four and two times the maximum standard respectively. In short, there was a substantial amount of poor quality water produced from drilling and testing the three wells. Fracking Australia Hydraulic fracturing is an artificial process that can encourage more gas to flow to the surface (McGraw; Fischetti; Senate). Prior to the testing phase at the Moura field, well data was sent to the Chemical Research and Development Department at Halliburton in Oklahoma, to examine the ability to fracture the coal and shale in the Australian wells. Halliburton was the founding father of hydraulic fracture. In Oklahoma on 17 March 1949, operating under an exclusive license from Standard Oil, this company conducted the first ever hydraulic fracture of an oil well (Montgomery and Smith). To come up with a program of hydraulic fracturing for the Australian field, Halliburton went back to the laboratory. They bonded together small slabs of coal and shale similar to Australian samples, drilled one-inch holes into the sample, then pressurised the holes and completed a “hydro-frac” in miniature. “These samples were difficult to prepare,” they wrote in their report to Houston Oil and Minerals (HOMA, “Miscellaneous Pages” 10). Their program for fracturing was informed by a field of science that had been evolving since the first hydraulic fracture but had rapidly progressed since the first oil shock. Halliburton’s laboratory test had confirmed that the model of Perkins and Kern developed for widths of hydraulic fracture—in an article that defined the field—should also apply to Australian coals (Perkins and Kern). By late January 1977 Halliburton had issued Houston Oil and Minerals with a program of hydraulic fracture to use on the central Queensland wells. On the final page of their report they warned: “There are many unknowns in a vertical fracture design procedure” (HOMA, “Miscellaneous Pages” 17). In July 1977, Moura No. 1 became the first coal seam gas well hydraulically fractured in Australia. The exploration report states: “During July 1977 the well was killed with 1% KCL solution and the tubing and packer were pulled from the well … and pumping commenced” (Porter 2-3). The use of the word “kill” is interesting—potassium chloride (KCl) is the third and final drug administered in the lethal injection of humans on death row in the USA. Potassium chloride was used to minimise the effect on parts of the coal seam that were water-sensitive and was the recommended solution prior to adding other chemicals (Montgomery and Smith 28); but a word such as “kill” also implies that the well and the larger environment were alive before fracking commenced (Giblett; Trigger). Pumping recommenced after the fracturing fluid was unloaded. Initially gas supply was very good. It increased from an average estimate of 7,000 cubic feet per day to 30,000, but this only lasted two days before coal and sand started flowing back up to the surface. In effect, the cleats were propped open but the coal did not close and hold onto them which meant coal particles and sand flowed back up the pipe with diminishing amounts of gas (Walters 12). Although there were some interesting results, the program was considered a failure. In April 1978, Houston Oil and Minerals finally abandoned the methane concept. Following the failure, they reflected on the possibilities for a coal seam gas industry given the gas prices in Queensland: “Methane drainage wells appear to offer no economic potential” (Wooldridge 2). At the wells they let the tubing drop into the hole, put a fifteen foot cement plug at the top of the hole, covered it with a steel plate and by their own description restored the area to its “original state” (Wiltshire 8). Houston Oil and Minerals now turned to “conventional targets” which included coal exploration (Wiltshire 7). A Thousand Memories The first four wells show some of the critical environmental issues that were present from the outset of the industry in Australia. The process of hydraulic fracture was not just a failure, but conducted on a science that had never been tested in Australia, was ponderous at best, and by Halliburton’s own admission had “many unknowns”. There was also the role of large multinationals providing “experience” (Briody; Hiscock) and conducting these tests while having limited knowledge of the Australian landscape. Before any gas came to the surface, a large amount of water was produced that was loaded with a mixture of salt and other heavy minerals. The source of water for both the mud drilling of Carra and Kinma, as well as the hydraulic fracture job on Moura, was extracted from Kianga Creek three miles from the site (HOMA, “Carra # 1” 5; HOMA, “Kinma # 1” 5; Porter, “Moura # 1”). No location was listed for the disposal of the water from the wells, including the hydraulic fracture liquid. Considering the poor quality of water, if the water was disposed on site or let drain into a creek, this would have had significant environmental impact. Nobody has yet answered the question of where all this water went. The environmental issues of water extraction, saline water and hydraulic fracture were present at the first four wells. At the first four wells environmental concern was not a priority. The complexity of inter-company relations, as witnessed at the Shotover well, shows there was little time. The re-use of old wells, such as the Moura well, also shows that economic priorities were more important. Even if environmental information was considered important at the time, no one would have had access to it because, as handwritten notes on some of the reports show, many of the reports were “confidential” (Sell). Even though coal mines commenced filing Environmental Impact Statements in the early 1970s, there is no such documentation for gas exploration conducted by Houston Oil and Minerals. A lack of broader awareness for the surrounding environment, from floral and faunal health to the impact on habitat quality, can be gleaned when reading across all the exploration reports. Nearly four decades on and we now have thousands of wells throughout the world. Yet, the challenges of unconventional gas still persist. The implications of the environmental history of the first four wells in Australia for contemporary unconventional gas exploration and development in this country and beyond are significant. Many environmental issues were present from the beginning of the coal seam gas industry in Australia. Owning up to this history would place policy makers and regulators in a position to strengthen current regulation. The industry continues to face the same challenges today as it did at the start of development—including water extraction, hydraulic fracturing and problems associated with drilling through underground aquifers. Looking more broadly at the unconventional gas industry, shale gas has appeared as the next target for energy resources in Australia. Reflecting on the first exploratory shale gas wells drilled in Central Australia, the chief executive of the company responsible for the shale gas wells noted their deliberate decision to locate their activities in semi-desert country away from “an area of prime agricultural land” and conflict with environmentalists (quoted in Molan). Moreover, the journalist Paul Cleary recently complained about the coal seam gas industry polluting Australia’s food-bowl but concluded that the “next frontier” should be in “remote” Central Australia with shale gas (Cleary 195). It appears that preference is to move the industry to the arid centre of Australia, to the ecologically and culturally unique Lake Eyre Basin region (Robin and Smith). Claims to move the industry away from areas that might have close public scrutiny disregard many groups in the Lake Eyre Basin, such as Aboriginal rights to land, and appear similar to other industrial projects that disregard local inhabitants, such as mega-dams and nuclear testing (Nixon). References AGA (Australian Gas Association). “Coal Seam Methane in Australia: An Overview.” AGA Research Paper 2 (1996). Apps Laboratories. “What Do Your Water Test Results Mean?” Apps Laboratories 7 Sept. 2012. 1 May 2013 ‹http://appslabs.com.au/downloads.htm›. Benbow, Dennis B. “Shotover No. 1: Lithology Report for Houston Oil and Minerals Corporation.” November 1975. Queensland Digital Exploration Reports. Company Report 5457_2. Brisbane: Queensland Department of Resources and Mines 4 June 2012. 1 May 2013 ‹https://qdexguest.deedi.qld.gov.au/portal/site/qdex/search?REPORT_ID=5457&COLLECTION_ID=999›. 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The entrada into Texas of the Hernando de Solo expedition in July 1542, which was led by Luis de Moscoso after de Soto's death in June of that year, is relevant to the Pine Tree Mound site (4IHS15) because it appears that the site was occupied at that time, and the entrada likely followed a path that brought it very close to the site. In fact, we hypothesize that the Pine Tree Mound site, along with associated villages nearby, is specifically mentioned in entrada accounts as the province of Nondacao. These may have been the forebears of the Nadaco (Anadarko) Caddo, who apparently lived in this same area through the first quarter of the 19th century before moving west to north-central Texas and then to Indian Territory in Oklahoma. The three components of this hypothesis deal with the age of the site, the route of the entrada, and the persistence of Nadaco settlements in this area long after the time of the entrada, and these are addressed in tum below. The Pine Tree Mound site is a Middle to Late Caddo period ceremonial and civic center in central Harrison County, Texas. It occupies a broad upland surface between Potters and Starkey creeks, about 7.3 km north of where Potters Creek flows onto the floodplain of the Sabine River. The site is large, covering an area 800 m cast-west by 720 m north-south. Its most conspicuous features are three earthen mounds that stand 0.4 to 2.4 m above the modern land surface. The three mounds are within an area measuring 210 m east-west by 150 m north-south. These mounds are associated with a possible buried mound, at least five areas with off-mound structures, a plaza, and at least one cemetery. Together, these constitute the core of the site, measuring about 360 m both east-west and north-south and covering 27 acres. This core area is owned by The Archaeological Conservancy. Test excavations in 2004 identified eight possible associated village areas ringing the core on the west, and Prewitt and Associates, Inc., conducted intensive excavations at three of these in 2006-2007 under a contract with the Sabine Mining Company. These excavations uncovered the remains of dozens of houses, as well as outside activity areas, middens, and 27 human burials. Analysis of the wealth of data recovered from the site is ongoing and will not be finished for several years. This article provides a preview of one of the topics that the analysis will address.

Introduction The counterculture that arose during the 1960s and 1970s left lasting social and political reverberations in developed nations. This was a time of increasing affluence and liberalisation which opened up remarkable political opportunities for social change. Within this context, an array of new social movements were a vital ingredient of the ferment that saw existing norms challenged and the establishment of new rights for many oppressed groups. An expanding arena of concerns included the environmental damage caused by 200 years of industrial capitalism. This article examines one aspect of a current environment movement in Australia, the anti-Coal Seam Gas (CSG) movement, and the part played by participants. In particular, the focus is upon one action that emerged during the recent Bentley Blockade, which was a regional mobilisation against proposed unconventional gas mining (UGM) near Lismore, NSW. Over the course of the blockade, the conventional ritual of waving at passers-by was transformed into a mechanism for garnering broad community support. Arguably, this was a crucial factor in the eventual outcome. In this case, we contend that the wave, rather than a countercultural artefact being appropriated by the mainstream, represents an everyday behaviour that builds social solidarity, which is subverted to become an effective part of the repertoire of the movement. At a more general level, this article examines how counterculture and mainstream interact via the subversion of “ordinary” citizens and the role of certain cultural understandings for that purpose. We will begin by examining the nature of the counterculture and its relationship to social movements before discussing the character of the anti-CSG movement in general and the Bentley Blockade in particular, using the personal experience of one of the writers. We will then be able to explore our thesis in detail and make some concluding remarks. The Counterculture and Social Movements In this article, we follow Cox’s understanding of the counterculture as a kind of meta-movement within which specific social movements are situated. For Cox (105), the counterculture that flourished during the 1960s and 1970s was an overarching movement in which existing social relations—in particular the family—were rejected by a younger generation, who succeeded in effectively fusing previously separate political and cultural spheres of dissent into one. Cox (103-04) points out that the precondition for such a phenomenon is “free space”—conditions under which counter-hegemonic activity can occur—for example, being liberated from the constraints of working to subsist, something which the unprecedented prosperity of the post WWII years allowed. Hence, in the 1960s and 1970s, as the counterculture emerged, a wave of activism arose in the western world which later came to be referred to as new social movements. These included the civil rights movement, women’s liberation, pacifism and the anti-nuclear and environment movements. The new movements rejected established power and organisational structures and tended, some scholars argued, to cross class lines, basing their claims on non-material issues. Della Porta and Diani claim this wave of movements is characterised by: a critical ideology in relation to modernism and progress; decentralized and participatory organizational structures; defense of interpersonal solidarity against the great bureaucracies; and the reclamation of autonomous spaces, rather than material advantages. (9) This depiction clearly announces the countercultural nature of the new social movements. As Carter (91) avers, these movements attempted to bypass the state and instead mobilise civil society, employing a range of innovative tactics and strategies—the repertoire of action—which may involve breaking laws. It should be noted that over time, some of these movements did shift towards accommodation of existing power structures and became more reformist in nature, to the point of forming political parties in the case of the Greens. However, inasmuch as the counterculture represented a merging of distinctively non-mainstream ways of life with the practice of actively challenging social arrangements at a political level (Cox 18–19; Grossberg 15–18;), the tactic of mobilising civil society to join social movements demonstrates in fact a reverse direction: large numbers of people are transfigured in radical ways by their involvement in social movements. One important principle underlying much of the repertoire of action of these new movements was non-violence. Again, this signals countercultural norms of the period. As Sharp (583–86) wrote at the time, non-violence is crucial in that it denies the aggressor their rationale for violent repression. This principle is founded on the liberal notion, whose legacy goes back to Locke, that the legitimacy of the government rests upon the consent of the governed—that is, the people can withdraw their consent (Locke in Ball & Dagger 92). Ghandi also relied upon this idea when formulating his non-violent approach to conflict, satyagraha (Sharp 83–84). Thus an idea that upholds the modern state is adopted by the counterculture in order to undermine it (the state), again demonstrating an instance of counterflow from the mainstream. Non-violence does not mean non-resistance. In fact, it usually involves non-compliance with a government or other authority and when practised in large numbers, can be very effective, as Ghandi and those in the civil rights movement showed. The result will be either that the government enters into negotiation with the protestors, or they can engage in violence to suppress them, which generally alienates the wider population, leading to a loss of support (Finley & Soifer 104–105). Tarrow (88) makes the important point that the less threatening an action, the harder it is to repress. As a result, democratic states have generally modified their response towards the “strategic weapon of nonviolent protest and even moved towards accommodation and recognition of this tactic as legitimate” (Tarrow 172). Nevertheless, the potential for state violence remains, and the freedom to protest is proscribed by various laws. One of the key figures to emerge from the new social movements that formed an integral part of the counterculture was Bill Moyer, who, in conjunction with colleagues produced a seminal text for theorising and organising social movements (Moyer et al.). Many contemporary social movements have been significantly influenced by Moyer’s Movement Action Plan (MAP), which describes not only key theoretical concepts but is also a practical guide to movement building and achieving aims. Moyer’s model was utilised in training the Northern Rivers community in the anti-CSG movement in conjunction with the non-violent direct action (NVDA) model developed by the North-East Forest Alliance (NEFA) that resisted logging in the forests of north-eastern NSW during the late 1980s and 1990s (Ricketts 138–40). Indeed, the Northern Rivers region of NSW—dubbed the Rainbow Region—is celebrated, as a “‘meeting place’ of countercultures and for the articulation of social and environmental ideals that challenge mainstream practice” (Ward and van Vuuren 63). As Bible (6–7) outlines, the Northern Rivers’ place in countercultural history is cemented by the holding of the Aquarius Festival in Nimbin in 1973 and the consequent decision of many attendees to stay on and settle in the region. They formed new kinds of communities based on an alternative ethics that eschewed a consumerist, individualist agenda in favour of modes of existence that emphasised living in harmony with the environment. The Terania Creek campaign of the late 1970s made the region famous for its environmental activism, when the new settlers resisted the logging of Nightcap National Park using nonviolent methods (Bible 5). It was also instrumental in developing an array of ingenious actions that were used in subsequent campaigns such as the Franklin Dam blockade in Tasmania in the early 1980s (Kelly 116). Indeed, many of these earlier activists were key figures in the anti-CSG movement that has developed in the Rainbow Region over the last few years. The Anti-CSG Movement Despite opposition to other forms of UGM, such as tight sands and shale oil extraction techniques, the term anti-CSG is used here, as it still seems to attract wide recognition. Unconventional gas extraction usually involves a process called fracking, which is the injection at high pressure of water, sand and a number of highly toxic chemicals underground to release the gas that is trapped in rock formations. Among the risks attributed to fracking are contamination of aquifers, air pollution from fugitive emissions and exposure to radioactive particles with resultant threats to human and animal health, as well as an increased risk of earthquakes (Ellsworth; Hand 13; Sovacool 254–260). Additionally, the vast amount of water that is extracted in the fracking process is saline and may contain residues of the fracking chemicals, heavy metals and radioactive matter. This produced water must either be stored or treated (Howarth 273–73; Sovacool 255). Further, there is potential for accidents and incidents and there are many reports—particularly in the United States where the practice is well established—of adverse events such as compressors exploding, leaks and spills, and water from taps catching fire (Sovacool 255–257). Despite an abundance of anecdotal evidence, until recently authorities and academics believed there was not enough “rigorous evidence” to make a definitive judgment of harm to animal and human health as a result of fracking (Mitka 2135). For example, in Australia, the Queensland Government was unable to find a clear link between fracking and health complaints in the Tara gasfield (Thompson 56), even though it is known that there are fugitive emissions from these gasfields (Tait et al. 3099-103). It is within this context that grassroots opposition to UGM began in Australia. The largest and most sustained challenge has come from the Northern Rivers of New South Wales, where a company called Metgasco has been attempting to engage in UGM for a number of years. Stiff community opposition has developed over this time, with activists training, co-ordinating and organising using the principles of Moyer’s MAP and NEFA’s NVDA. Numerous community and affinity groups opposing UGM sprang up including the Lock the Gate Alliance (LTG), a grassroots organisation opposing coal and gas mining, which formed in 2010 (Lock the Gate Alliance online). The movement put up sustained resistance to Metgasco’s attempts to establish wells at Glenugie, near Grafton and Doubtful Creek, near Kyogle in 2012 and 2013, despite the use of a substantial police presence at both locations. In the event, neither site was used for production despite exploratory wells being sunk (ABC News; Dobney). Metgasco announced it would be withdrawing its operations following new Federal and State government regulations at the time of the Doubtful Creek blockade. However it returned to the fray with a formal announcement in February 2014 (Metgasco), that it would drill at Bentley, 12 kilometres west of Lismore. It was widely believed this would occur with a view to production on an industrial scale should initial exploration prove fruitful. The Bentley Blockade It was known well before the formal announcement that Metgasco planned to drill at Bentley and community actions such as flash mobs, media releases and planning meetings were part of the build-up to direct action at the site. One of the authors of this article was actively involved in the movement and participated in a variety of these actions. By the end of January 2014 it was decided to hold an ongoing vigil at the site, which was still entirely undeveloped. Participants, including one author, volunteered for four-hour shifts which began at 5 a.m. each day and before long, were lasting into the night. The purpose of a vigil is to bear witness, maintain a presence and express a point of view. It thus accords well with the principle of non-violence. Eventually the site mushroomed into a tent village with three gates being blockaded. The main gate, Gate A, sprouted a variety of poles, tripods and other installations together with colourful tents and shelters, peopled by protesters on a 24-hour basis. The vigils persisted on all three gates for the duration of the blockade. As the number of blockaders swelled, popular support grew, lending weight to the notion that countercultural ideas and practices were spreading throughout the community. In response, Metgasco called on the State Government to provide police to coincide with the arrival of equipment. It was rumoured that 200 police would be drafted to defend the site in late April. When alerts were sent out to the community warning of imminent police action, an estimated crowd of 2000 people attended in the early hours of the morning and the police called off their operation (Feliu). As the weeks wore on, training was stepped up, attendees were educated in non-violent resistance and protestors willing to act as police liaison persons were placed on a rotating roster. In May, the State Government was preparing to send up to 800 police and the Riot Squad to break the blockade (NSW Hansard in Buckingham). Local farmers (now a part of the movement) and activist leaders had gone to Sydney in an effort to find a political solution in order to avoid what threatened to be a clash that would involve police violence. A confluence of events, such as: the sudden resignation of the Premier; revelations via the Independent Commission against Corruption about nefarious dealings and undue influence of the coal industry upon the government; a radio interview with locals by a popular broadcaster in Sydney; and the reputed hesitation of the police themselves in engaging with a group of possibly 7,000 to 10,000 protestors, resulted in the Office for Coal Seam Gas suspending Metgasco’s drilling licence on 15 May (NSW Department of Resources & Energy). The grounds were that the company had not adequately fulfilled its obligations to consult with the community. At the date of writing, the suspension still holds. The Wave The repertoire of contention at the Bentley Blockade was expansive, comprising most of the standard actions and strategies developed in earlier environmental struggles. These included direct blocking tactics in addition to the use of more carnivalesque actions like music and theatre, as well as the use of various media to reach a broader public. Non-violence was at the core of all actions, but we would tentatively suggest that Bentley may have provided a novel addition to the repertoire, stemming originally from the vigil, which brought the first protestors to the site. At the beginning of the vigil, which was initially held near the entrance to the proposed drilling site atop a cutting, occupants of passing vehicles below would demonstrate their support by sounding their horns and/or waving to the vigil-keepers, who at first were few in number. There was a precedent for this behaviour in the campaign leading up to the blockade. Activist groups such as the Knitting Nannas against Gas had encouraged vehicles to show support by sounding their horns. So when the motorists tooted spontaneously at Bentley, we waved back. Occupants of other vehicles would show disapproval by means of rude gestures and/or yelling and we would wave to them as well. After some weeks, as a presence began to be established at the site, it became routine for vigil keepers to smile and wave at all passing vehicles. This often elicited a positive response. After the first mass call-out discussed above, a number of us migrated to another gate, where numbers were much sparser and there was a perceived need for a greater presence. At this point, the participating writer had begun to act as a police liaison person, but the practice of waving routinely was continued. Those protecting this gate usually included protestors ready to block access, the police liaison person, a legal observer, vigil-keepers and a passing parade of visitors. Because this location was directly on the road, it was possible to see the drivers of vehicles and make eye contact more easily. Certain vehicles became familiar, passing at regular times, on the way to work or school, for example. As time passed, most of those protecting the gate also joined the waving ritual to the point where it became like a game to try to prise a signal of acknowledgement from the passing motorists, or even to win over a disapprover. Police vehicles, some of which passed at set intervals, were included in this game. Mostly they waved cheerfully. There were some we never managed to win over, but waving and making direct eye contact with regular motorists over time created a sense of community and an acknowledgement of the work we were doing, as they increasingly responded in kind. Motorists could hardly feel threatened when they encountered smiling, waving protestors. By including the disapprovers, we acted inclusively and our determined good humour seemed to de-escalate demonstrated hostility. Locals who did not want drilling to go ahead but who were nevertheless unwilling to join a direct action were thus able to participate in the resistance in a way that may have felt safe for them. Some of them even stopped and visited the site, voicing their support. Standing on the side of the road and waving to passers-by may seem peripheral to the “real” action, even trivial. But we would argue it is a valuable adjunct to a blockade (which is situated near a road) when one of the strategies of the overall campaign is to win popular backing. Hence waving, whilst not a completely new part of the repertoire, constitutes what Tilly (41–45) would call innovation at the margins, something he asserts is necessary to maintain the effectiveness and vitality of contentious action. In this case, it is arguable that the sheer size of community support probably helped to concentrate the minds of the state government politicians in Sydney, particularly as they contemplated initiating a massive, taxpayer-funded police action against the people for the benefit of a commercial operation. Waving is a symbolic gesture indicating acknowledgement and goodwill. It fits well within a repertoire based on the principle of non-violence. Moreover, it is a conventional social norm and everyday behaviour that is so innocuous that it is difficult to see how it could be suppressed by police or other authorities. Therein lies its subversiveness. For in communicating our common humanity in a spirit of friendliness, we drew attention to the fact that we were without rancour and tacitly invited others to join us and to explore our concerns. In this way, the counterculture drew upon a mainstream custom to develop and extend upon a new form of dissent. This constitutes a reversal of the more usual phenomenon of countercultural artefacts—such as “hippie clothing”—being appropriated or co-opted by the prevailing culture (see Reading). But it also fits with the more general phenomenon that we have argued was occurring; that of enticing ordinary residents into joining together in countercultural activity, via the pathway of a social movement. Conclusion The anti-CSG movement in the Northern Rivers was developed and organised by countercultural participants of previous contentious challenges. It was highly effective in building popular support whilst at the same time forging a loose coalition of various activist groups. We have surveyed one practice—the wave—that evolved out of mainstream culture over the course of the Bentley Blockade and suggested it may come to be seen as part of the repertoire of actions that can be beneficially employed under suitable conditions. Waving to passers-by invites them to become part of the movement in a non-threatening and inclusive way. It thus envelops supporters and non-supporters alike, and its very innocuousness makes it difficult to suppress. We have argued that this instance can be referenced to a similar reverse movement at a broader level—that of co-opting liberal notions and involving the general populace in new practices and activities that undermine the status quo. The ability of the counterculture in general and environment movements in particular to innovate in the quest to challenge and change what it perceives as damaging or unethical practices demonstrates its ingenuity and spirit. This movement is testament to its dynamic nature. References ABC News. Metgasco Has No CSG Extraction Plans for Glenugie. 2013. 30 July 2014 ‹http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-01-22/metgasco-says-no-csg-extraction-planned-for-glenugie/4477652›. Bible, Vanessa. 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