Дисертації: "France, politics and government, to 1328"

1

Grummitt, David Iain. "Calais 1485-1547 : a study in early Tudor politics and government." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362349.

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This thesis examines the role of Calais in the early Tudor state, 1485-1547. From 1453 until 1558 Calais was the last English possession in France. I will reexamine the town and marches within the context of the development of the early Tudor state and the transition from the medieval to the early modern period. It is clear that the importance of Calais to the early Tudors has been underestimated by historians. The central theme of the thesis is the growth of effective royal government under the early Tudors. This is set in the historiographical framework of the 'new monarchy' and the 'Tudor revolution in government'. Themes such as the relationship between the centre and the periphery; the organisation of royal finance; the role of the king, the court and his ministers in government; the defence of the realm and foreign policy are explored with reference to specific political and administrative changes in Calais. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first examines the role of Calais within the late medieval English polity. It shows how, by proper management of the wool trade that was channelled through the town, Calais became a central pillar of late medieval finance and thus a place of prime political importance during the fifteenth century. The second chapter analyses the developing role of Calais in the early Tudor polity and the growth of royal authority in the town that helped maintain its continued importance. The third chapter explores the office-holding class in Calais and considers the roles of the king's affinity and his household in the government of the realm. The fourth chapter describes the defence of Calais under the early Tudors and the transition from the bastard feudal retinue to the professional army loyal only to the king. The final chapter reassesses the finances of Calais and the role that the town played in the organisation of the crown's resources as a whole.

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2

Lipkin, Jonathan. "From delegation to participation : citizen politics in Grenoble and Toulouse, 1958-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2cededba-391b-41e7-a0a2-68e2b4f63660.

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Examining the period between 1958 (the inception of the Fifth Republic) and 1981 (election of François Mitterrand as President and Socialist parliamentary majority), my research sought to answer the question: why and how did grass-roots mobilisation in favour of citizen participation develop in two French cities, Grenoble and Toulouse? The thesis first develops a general conceptual framework within which to analyse each locality. It elaborates the notion that there existed two public action cycles in France. The first was a 'reform cycle' (1958-1968) which preceded, and was interrupted by, a more critical 'contention cycle' which developed post May 1968 (ending by about 1981); both were triggered by major political crises. The reform cycle was marked by a high level of extra-party organisation through clubs and educational associations, which attempted to change patterns of interaction between civil society and the political process. In contrast, the contention cycle that followed May 1968 was far more radical in its critique, range of themes, organisational structures and forms of action. In the case studies, I explore the contrasting experiences of Grenoble and Toulouse during the two cycles. We see how the development of powerful associative currents in Grenoble during the reform cycle facilitated the emergence in 1964 of a citizen action movement, the Groupe d'action municipale (GAM). The success of the GAM in coming to power in coalition with other parties of the non-Communist Left created a municipality determined to institute improved participationary practice. This commitment to new forms of democracy from within city hall meant that the contention cycle in Grenoble did not precipitate major pressure for fundamental change in local government structures. However, in Toulouse, the reform cycle had no comparable impact upon city politics or associative life in the 1960s. The local associative world was far more fragmented and unable to exert any substantial influence. The traditionalist Socialist administration and subsequently a centre-right, conservative municipality were then confronted with sustained grass-roots opposition in the aftermath of May 1968. What occurred in the city during the contention cycle was typical of patterns elsewhere in France. For close to a decade, a small core of associations, seeking a radical overhaul of municipal decision-making, consistently challenged city hall, using a mixture of diplomatic approaches and direct action techniques. I draw two central conclusions from my research, one empirical, the other conceptual. Firstly, evidence from both the national and local level indicates that associations played a key role in the public action cycles. This challenges the traditional view of France as having inherently weak associative structures. Secondly, my research questions the frequently made connection between a so-called 'new middle class' and innovative forms of political action, showing the term 'new middle class' to be misleading and inexact.

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3

Eling, Kim Tobias. "The politics of cultural policy in France : government professionals and networks, 1981-1993." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263268.

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4

Green, Dawn Amanda. "Women and the National Assembly in France : an analysis of institutional change and substantive representation, with special reference to the 1997-2002 legislature." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21894.

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This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.

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5

Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. "Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.

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6

Boisvert, Pierre Yves. "Regionalisation and decentralisation in France, with special reference to Corsica and its special status." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670331.

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7

Chabal, Emile. "Republicanism, liberalism and the search for political consensus in France, c.1980-c.2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610454.

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8

Inglis-Jones, James John. "The Grand Condé in exile : power politics in France, Spain and the Spanish Netherlands 1652-1659." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3ab667bf-f5af-45b7-985f-1d936f8299a4.

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This thesis looks at the career of the Grand Condé - Louis II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé - between 1652 and 1660. During this period the prince was in exile in the Spanish Netherlands. As a consequence of his power and status in France the prince's exile had a decisive impact not just upon the politics of the captaingeneral's court in Brussels, but more widely, upon the foreign policy of Cromwell's Protectorate, Philip IV's government in Madrid, the regime of Cardinal Mazarin in Paris and the Franco-Spanish war. International relations between France and Spain during the 1650's have been largely ignored by historians, so too has French political history in this period. Yet, the 1650's were a vital decade for France and Spain both historically and historiographically. The period saw the final stage of the costly and attritional conflict between the two 'great' crowns, whilst in France the regime of Cardinal Mazarin was the last ten years of government by a cardinal-minister before Louis XIV's declaration of personal rule in 1661. This has assumed enormous significance for historians many of whom see it as an important period of transition. Ten major European archives have been consulted to build a detailed picture of the impact of Condé's exile upon politics within France and the war being fought in the Flanders theatre. The cardinal's regime existed throughout the 1650's in an environment of acute uncertainty and instability whilst it was by no means clear that the war with Spain was a demonstration of an 'ascendant' France dealing the death blows to a 'declining' Spain. By raising questions about France's 'rise' to European supremacy and the internal stability of Mazarin's regime the thesis rejects the straightforward terms in which this period has been treated. In particular, using the example of Condé and placing his exile and Mazarin's regime in the context of aristocratic politics, it demonstrates that there were no indications that grandee power was in decline. Indeed, the thesis argues that the power of the grands as a crucial element in the power structure of Ancien Regime France, was set to continue into the next century.

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9

Watson, Jonathan. "The internal dynamics of Gaullism, 1958-1969." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:18f0271f-c5da-4486-80e9-8c98a1149511.

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This thesis assesses the contributions of Gaullists to the political practice of Gaullism during the 1960s. Many of those who have written about Gaullism - historians, political scientists, journalists and politicians alike - have tended to focus too narrowly on the personality, beliefs and actions of Charles de Gaulle. Much analysis has been devoted to the General's approach to government, both its substance and its style. However, neglect of the activities of his political associates and supporters has led to an incomplete understanding of the broader political phenomenon that he inspired. This thesis aims to redress this imbalance by highlighting the ways in which individual Gaullists sought to contribute to the policies of successive Gaullist governments during the 1960s and assesses the importance of these contributions in creating an identity for the Gaullist party which, while not always wholly distinct from de Gaulle and though it certainly never developed to the point of outright opposition to him, did lay the foundations for a political movement which could survive the President's eventual departure from office. The research reveals 1960s Gaullism as a much more volatile and heterogeneous phenomenon than has perhaps previously been admitted by some commentators. The thesis considers the political activities of Gaullists at all levels of the movement. First of all, it examines the way in which government was conducted by Gaullist ministers, and argues that their contributions to the identity of the Gaullist movement have been underestimated. In addition, it reveals how there were leading figures within the Gaullist party who attempted to define ways in which Gaullists could contribute to Gaullism in government. Although they never questioned the loyalty of the Gaullist movement to its leader, their awareness of the need for Gaullists to create their own political identity led them to place less emphasis on the importance of the historical figure of de Gaulle to the modern political force which Gaullism would become. The thesis then highlights the neglected fact that Gaullist deputies frequently sought to contribute in their own individual manner to Gaullist government policies in their speeches in the National Assembly. It concludes with an examination of the varied and conflicting comments made on the subject of Gaullism and Gaullist policies by local party members in their local bulletins.

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10

Huggins, Christopher. "Local government transnational networking in Europe : a study of 14 local authorities in England and France." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-government-transnational-networking-in-europe(e90b229f-9a21-4dbb-986b-8240f8ffbcaa).html.

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Local authorities play a key role in European Union (EU) governance. They are no longer simply ‘passive receivers’ of EU policy, but proactively engage at the European level. This active engagement includes participation in local government transnational networking (LGTN), an activity which sees local authorities form links with their counterparts in other countries. The contemporary prevalence of LGTN presents an interesting empirical puzzle. Local authorities lack the formal competence to engage beyond their territories. Furthermore, since the financial crisis councils’ budgets have been restricted. Why, then, are local authorities participating in LGTN when they lack both the formal competence and the financial resources? This thesis tackles this puzzle. In particular it explores three broad questions relating to LGTN: - What is the extent of LGTN? - Why do local authorities participate? - What determines effective participation? By focusing on the local authorities within transnational networks, this thesis makes an empirical contribution to knowledge and informs a body of literature which has until now overlooked the perceptions of local actors in EU governance. It further informs conceptual debates surrounding multi-level governance and local level Europeanization. This focus is achieved through a cross-national analysis of 14 local authorities in south-east England and northern France, and adopting a qualitative empirical approach which draws data from semi-structured interviews, document analysis and participant observation. The findings show that LGTN continues to be a prevalent phenomenon and is therefore an important feature of the EU’s multi-level system of governance. However, engagement is not uniform. While all local authorities are involved, variation is present in the number of links councils engage in, the type of networks they target and their motivations for participation. In all cases, however, engagement in LGTN is driven by a rationalist logic, as councils seek to achieve individual pre-determined strategic aims and improve their relative positions. A number of local and external factors are shown to impact how effectively councils engage in LGTN and, ultimately, explains why the process of local level Europeanization is marked by differentiation rather than convergence.

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11

Fieschi, Catherine. "The French Fifth Republic and populism : a neo-institutional analysis of the Front national." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36767.

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The aim of the thesis is to offer an explanation for the emergence and success of the French political party the Front national. The project uses theories of political opportunity structures, neo-institutionalist approaches and a theory of ideological morphology to argue that institutions and ideologies have particular links to one another. This, in turn, leads to the argument that the FN's success can be attributed to the relationships between the institutions of the Fifth Republic on the one hand and fascist ideology in France on the other. It is argued that the gradual presidentialisation of French politics from 1958 onward reconciles two contradictory drives in French politics (the party drive and the rally drive), this reconciliation of the two drives and the institutionalisation of the rally drive grants renewed legitimacy to populist ideas in France. It is also argued that, given the component concepts of fascism as an ideology (its ideological morphology) and the links between ideologies and the contexts (institutional, social, political) in which they emerge, institutional pressures such as those generated by the Fifth Republic and its subsequent presidentialisation accounts for a mutation of French proto-fascism into a type of populist ideology. The FN's modification of its fascist ideology and conversion to an overt form of populism is depicted and analysed as a case study of a party's adaptation to, and exploitation of, the new structures of political opportunity created by the Fifth Republic; one in which populist ideas were more likely than fascist ones to lead to a measure of political success given the institutionalisation of a form of hitherto marginalised rally politics.

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12

Rogachevsky, Neil Simon. "The French army and the plebiscite of 1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708409.

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13

Robbie, Steven. "The emergence of regional polities in Burgundy and Alemannia, c.888-940 : a comparative assessment." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3033.

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This study uses the ‘duchies' of Burgundy and Alemannia as case studies for an examination of the nature and causes of political change in the five decades after the death in 888 of the Emperor Charles the Fat ended the Carolingian monopoly on kingship in the Frankish realms. Existing narratives of this period posit discontinuity between the pre- and post-888 political worlds and define the status of dukes in opposition to royal power as the manifestation of either regional communal identity or self-centred aristocratic greed. Close examination of Burgundy and Alemannia indicates that such approaches are invalid, and that the fundaments of the Carolingian system persisted in the ideology and practice of politics after 888: a desire for the control over land and religious establishments, juxtaposed with a deep-seated belief in the centrality of the kingship to the political order. Dukedoms emerged in both regions not as a result of deep-rooted social forces but as short-term responses by magnates to crises at the centre. The perception that the dukedom was an essential form of political organization failed to take root in either territory prior to 940. Although the status of the dukedoms ultimately developed in different ways in the two kingdoms, it is suggested that the root causes of this are best sought in high politics itself.

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14

Schmitz-Thursam, Trevor Charles. "The Tumult of Amboise and the Importance of Historical Memory in Sixteenth-Century France." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4789.

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Humanist legal scholarship was the catalyst to historical revolution that took place in sixteenth-century France. French philologists succeeded in demonstrating the cultural distinctiveness of France from a heretofore assumed classical heritage shared with ancient Rome. As a result, scholars sought to retrace the historical origins of France in the non-Roman Gauls and Franks. Their intensive study of the laws, customs and institutions that developed in France, as distinct from ancient Rome, transformed the understanding of the national past. Following the introduction of the principles of historical anachronism and cultural relativism, the sixteenth century witnessed a transformation of traditional perceptions of historical time. It was during this period when the historical myths, legends and traditions that comprised the cultural fabric of French society were called into question, were transformed, and emerged as new myths that spoke more directly to the crises of the French Religious Wars. The purpose of this study is to attach greater significance to the Tumult of Amboise of 1560 than has previously been afforded in the scholarship of this period. The Tumult of Amboise provide not only the impetus for the civil wars that were waged in France for nearly half a century, but also served as the catalyst for an first expression of Protestant resistance theory that was to change the face of political discourse in this period. The debate centered around the Tumult of Amboise set the stage for constitutional theories regarding the laws of succession and the role of the Estates-General that were dominate political discourse in the latter half of the sixteenth century. As political polemicists increasingly sought to reconstruct an image of the mythical French past, in order to demonstrate the ancientness of the French constitution, the historical fiction that developed around these efforts became a functioning political ideology that should be viewed as one of the first concerted expressions of French nationalism. In this regard, the recreation of the national past took on a patriotic dimension heretofore absent from traditional, chroniclesty led medieval histories and, in time, developed into a uniquely Gallican mythology that stood defiantly as a rival to the cultural heterodoxy of Rome. Further, the purpose of this study is to demonstrate the developmental nature of political discourse in this period. As the civil wars progressed, doctrines of constitutionalism and limited monarchy began to be laced with more abstract theories regarding the nature of political obligation and the responsibility of the ruler to his subjects. Employing a comparative analysis of discourse from the 1560's to the succession of Henri IV, it will be shown that the transformation of political propaganda was direct! y dependent on the historical memory of the participants, who engaged in an effort to frame the political and religious crises within the context of their perceptions of the past.

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15

Cole, Alistair. "Factionalism in the French Parti Socialiste, 1971-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:45540f01-8b00-4837-9920-b970c04e5ab6.

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This thesis concentrates on the cause, structure, location and context (rather than the function) of factions within the French Parti Socialiste, from the Congress of Epinay, in June 1971, until Mitterrand's election as Socialist President of the Republic, on May 10th, 1981. It argues that factionalism results from a complex, interrelated cleavage structure: groups are differentiated according to a number of salient variables, of which the most important are personality (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic); ideology/policy; strategy/tactics; organisational interests and different historical origins. Factional relations are a product both of the intra-party consequences of the party's external objectives, and the internal dynamic created by factional competition itself. The party is thus an evolutive, rather than a static entity. [continued in text ...]

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16

Blatt, David. "The resurgence of the extreme-right in France : political protest and the party system in the 1980's." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61980.

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17

Doyle, Charles James. "The judicial reaction in south-eastern France, 1794-1800." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59cc347e-6a12-4540-8d81-65018e2170da.

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The thesis investigates and analyses the hitherto neglected phenomenon of political reaction within the judiciary of south-eastern France during the period between the Thermidorian Reaction and the advent of the Consulate. The character, objectives and effects of the 'reaction judiciaire1 are studied through a series of different perspectives. The first task is to highlight the discrepancy between the concepts of the social and political effects of a revamped judicial system formulated during the Year III and the corrupt abuse of judicial power by reactionary provincial judges. Indeed, the study constantly seeks to explore the conceptual as well as the practical damage inflicted on the Directorial regime by the supposed trustees of the post-Terrorist republican settlement. Emphasis is placed upon the collaboration between the southern judges and the counter-revolutionary elements within the local community, especially in the discussion of the origins of the judicial reaction. The changes of technique and of objective which the judiciary experienced are explored in full. It is described from its beginnings as a weapon of retribution for the aggrieved local community against the former agents of the Terror to its role in the subversion of regional jacobinism to its support for the period of unchecked counter-revolution during the Year V and finally to its function as a 'rearguard' defender of arrested counter- revolutionaries during the period of the Second Directory. In addition, due consideration is given to the motivation of individual judges who operated the reaction. It is hoped that the thesis has provided a model for the study of the causes, techniques and aims of political reaction from within an independent state power. Furthermore, it is hoped that the work is seminal in its suggestion that judicial reaction and its many ramifications had both a direct and indirect bearing upon the fall of the Directory.

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18

Exley, Alexandria. "An Investigation into the Socio-Political Dissonance between the French Government and the Islamic French Minority." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/369.

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The Islamic minority in France today is experiencing adversity as the government of France passed legislation stating that all facial coverings will be henceforth illegal, restricting or prohibiting religious symbols in various public spaces. Some Islamic women feel as though this is a pointed attack on women of the Muslim faith for their choice to wear traditional clothing which covers the face and body. There have been outcries that this is a human rights violation and restriction of religious rights. This project is an examination of the effects of France’s “burqa ban” and restrictions on religious symbols on both Islamic men and women who live in France. The goal of this project is to speak directly to those affected by this legislation and to understand the perspective and opinions of French Muslims. Records such as documented personal testimonies, legal archives, and transcriptions of in-person interviews are utilized to study the perspective of this minority in response to the controversial legislation. Neglecting to pursue an understanding of another culture and belief system will only yield disharmony among groups, and this research aims to avoid this phenomenon. In collecting the data, I set a goal to have and later discuss a better understanding of this issue and the people affected by it.

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19

Stone, Aaron H. ""Never forget" and "Never unite" : commemorating the Battle of the Somme in Northern Ireland, 1985-1997." Virtual Press, 2005. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1318905.

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This thesis examines Protestant unionist commemorations of the Battle of the Somme in Northern Ireland during a phase in which they exhibited marked popularity and politicization. Filling a gap in the scholarship and building upon it, this thesis pays closer attention to the historical context and development of these commemorations and takes into account a broader swath of forms and locations of commemoration. It argues that, in the face of the perceived threat of Irish unification posed by the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, unionists employed the memory of the Somme as a political tool on two different but overlapping fronts. On one front, they used it against their collective opponents, who supported or supposedly supported Irish unification. On a second front, conflicting groups within the unionist community, namely unionist politicians, Orangemen, Protestant youths, and loyalist paramilitaries, interpreted the Somme differently to satisfy their partisan agendas. Analyzing Somme commemoration at the Belfast cenotaph, in parades, and in murals, this thesis provides explanations for why the Somme was remembered differently in various mediums and locales of commemoration, with particular attention to the differing degrees and manners in which Protestant commemorators recognized the Catholic contribution in the Somme campaign.
Department of History

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20

Davies, Kerrith. "Winning the West : the creation of lower Normandy, c.889-c.1087." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6024c204-0ba1-4f3a-b582-4c63835103b2.

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This thesis re-evaluates the chronology of Lower Normandyâs integration into the duchy growing around Rouen from the tenth century onwards. The introduction argues that modern accounts of Normandyâs development remain dependent on the works of Dudo of Saint-Quentin and Flodoard of Rheims. Difficulties with these authors and alternative approaches to Normandyâs early history are identified. It is argued that regional distinctions throughout the later duchy hindered efforts to bring about political cohesion. Chapters One and Two identify the ninth-century Breton occupation and early tenth-century Scandinavian settlement of Lower Normandy as the twin sources of ongoing regional divisions. The early dukesâ interest in and influence over the west are also called into question. Chapters Three and Four instead posit that ducal interest in Lower Normandy was a product of the late tenth century, with direct intervention following in the favourable circumstances of the early eleventh century. Ducal success in this period depended upon the co-operation of regional aristocrats and ecclesiastical institutions and continuing constraints on Rouenâs influence and authority are emphasised. Chapter Five argues that Robert the Magnificent was a more assertive ruler, who actively strengthened ducal authority in Lower Normandy in spite of renewed opposition. Chapter Six considers how rebellion against William the Conqueror in 1047 reveals growing local interest in the conduct of ducal government. Victory allowed William to consolidate ducal authority in Lower Normandy, encouraging further expansion beyond its borders. Local landholders, however, resultantly received little direct ducal patronage, including scant reward in the post-Conquest settlement of England. In conclusion, while Lower Normandy had been brought firmly under ducal control by 1087, it is argued that it was only under Williamâs son, Henry I, that the regionâs aristocrats acquired any major influence over ducal policy and secured an equal position within the wider Anglo-Norman nobility.

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21

Claveau, Cylvie. "L'autre dans les Cahiers des droits de l'homme, 1920-1940 : une sélection universaliste de l'altérité à la Ligue des droits de l'homme et du Citoyen en France." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37604.

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This doctoral dissertation examines the position of the Other with regard to the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen (LDH) in France during the interwar period of the twentieth century. A key institution of French political and intellectual life, the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen exemplified the confrontation and contradiction between theory, discourse, and reality. The dissertation is divided into two parts: the first part introduces Them, the members of the Ligue; while the second part describes (or identifies) the Other, the colonized migrants, the foreigners, the political and ethnic refugees of the interwar period. This research demonstrates that, although in theory these groups were considered equal in the name of universalism, in practice the discourse of the Ligue discriminated against them. The evidence shows that the members of the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen despised all foreigners, and established the level of discrimination according to a hierarchy of contempt.

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22

Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.

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23

Filipovich, Jean 1947. "The Office du Niger under colonial rule : its origin, evolution, and character, 1920-1960." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67462.

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The Office du Niger irrigation scheme, located on the Niger River in the Republic of Mali, originated in a grandiose but seriously flawed proposal devised in 1920 by a French colonial Public Works engineer named Emile Bélime. Originaly conceived as a means of transforming the Niger Valley into a cotton belt, and later promoted as the heart of a French West African granary, the scheme never attained more than a tiny fraction of its presumed agricultural potential. Its construction and exploitation required the forced uprooting of tens of thousands of Africans. It absorbed a large portion of scarce colonial revenues until after the Second World War and generated no profits. During the inter-war period, the Office du Niger gradually acquired the de facto status of a state within the State, with Emile Bélime at its head. When the scheme was finally recognized as an economic and humanitarian failure in 1945, colonial authorities endeavoured to eliminate its worst shortcomings and give it a new identity as a prototype of economic and technical assistance to an underdeveloped area. After 1961, Malian leaders felt that the scheme could be used as a pilot project for agricultural development in the new republlc, and the scheme's existence has dictated the course of Malian agricultural policy ever since.
Le projet d'irrigation de l'Office du Niger, situé dans le delta intérieur du Niger au Mali, est né d'une proposition très insuffisante mais grandiose conçue en 1920 par un ingénieur des Travaux Publics Coloniaux, Émile Bélime. Conçu à l'origine comme un moyen de transformer la Vallée du Niger en une vaste plantation de coton, et envisagé par la suite comme le grenier central de l'Afrique Occidentale, ce projet n'a jamais atteint qu'une petite partie de son potentiel agricole espéré. Sa réalisation et sa mise en exploitation on nécessité le déracinement par contrainte de dizaines de milliers d'Africains. Même après la deuxième guerre mondiale, le projet a absorbé encore une grande partie des revenus coloniaux, déjà limités, mais il n'a généré aucun revenu. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, l'Office du Niger a acqui petit à petit le statut de facto d'un état dans l'État, dirigé par Émile Bélime. En 1945, quand le projet a été finalement reconnu comme une échec sur le plan économique et humanitaire, les autorités coloniales ont essayé de corriger les erreurs les plus graves et lui ont accordé le nouveau statu de prototype pour d'autres projets d'assistance économique et technique aux régions sous-développées. En 1961, le Gouvernement du Mali, qui avait récemment accédé à l'indépendance, pensait en faire un projet pilote pour le développement agricole du pays. Sa réalisation détermine encore aujourd'hui la politique agricole du Mali. fr

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24

Glozier, Matthew Robert. "A nursery for men of honour : Scottish military service in France and The Netherlands, 1660-92." Thesis, View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/67.

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The thesis examines individual Scottish soldiers and Scottish regiments abroad in the second half of the seventeenth century, with particular focus on Scottish military service in France and the Netherlands, c.1660-92. The study contends that privately contracted units, of the sort common in the period of the Thirty Years' War (1618-48), evolved into regular standing regiments by the end of the seventeenth century. This process is visible in the altered conditions experienced by professional Scottish officers and ordinary soldiers who served abroad in this period. This study proposes that Britain's foreign policy was primarily affected by that of her two most potent neighbours: France and the Netherlands profoundly affected the attitude of the Stuart monarchs towards their subjects fighting abroad.

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25

Jones, Thomas Chewning. "French republican exiles in Britain, 1848-1870." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609095.

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26

Kim, Minchul. "Democracy and representation in the French Directory, 1795-1799." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15874.

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Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.

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27

Pépin, Guilhem. "The relationship between the kings of England and their role as dukes of Aquitaine and their Gascon subjects : forms, processes and substance of a dialogue (1275-1453)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670166.

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28

Lantschner, Patrick. "The logic of political conflict in the late Middle Ages : a comparative study of urban political conflicts in Italy and the southern Low Countries, c. 1370-1440." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:88345337-bad5-4eb6-b626-ec6ae003cfef.

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This thesis examines urban political conflict in the late Middle Ages (c. 1370-1440) in Europe’s most heavily urbanised regions, Italy and the Southern Low Countries. Conflicts have frequently been viewed in the context of an emerging state-controlled political order, and have been interpreted either as forms of disruptive disorder, or as affirmations of political processes shaped by states. This thesis suggests that urban conflict should be studied not in the context of a state-controlled political order, but within the political framework provided by the numerous semi-autonomous jurisdictional institutions inside and outside cities (such as guilds, parishes or contending outside powers). This pluralistic order of politics gave rise to a form of political order sui generis which expressed itself in two ways. According to a general logic of conflict (Part One), particular rationales for justifying conflict (Chapter One) and specific political practices ranging from concealed protest to urban warfare (Chapter Two) were embedded in this multi-faceted and shifting political framework. Action groups could be negotiated and renegotiated around the resources provided by the city’s multiple legitimating institutions (Chapter Three). At the same time, such political institutions were configured differently in different cities, and this also generated a particular logic which lay at the basis of different systems of conflict (Part Two). Levels of conflict could, in fact, vary greatly between Bologna and Liège (Chapter Four), Florence and Tournai (Chapter Five), and Lille and Verona (Chapter Six), where, on the basis of different underlying political institutions, diverse practices of conflict and forms of association prevailed. The pluralistic order of politics itself was, therefore, a form of political organisation which crystallised around conflict. It gave rise to a logic which put conflict at the centre of the political order of late medieval cities.

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29

Vercauteren, Pierre. "Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS: la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.

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30

Olofsson, Louise. "Les changements de la politique de santé en Suède : Comparés avec la politique de santé en France, avec l'exemple de l'indemnité journalière." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5341.

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After the elections in 2006 there was a change of government in Sweden, when the Moderate Party with the right block took over the power from the Social democrats. The politics of the new government is more liberal than the politics of the Social democrats, which implied several changes of the Swedish social security system, in particular some important changes of the sickness benefit.

The objective of this essay has been to examinate the changes of the system, as well as the reasons for the changes, and also to compare the system in Sweden to the one in France, who has another structure.

The methods used are archive and corpus crossings in terms of collecting information from literature and websites of the social insurance offices in Sweden and in France. Further a qualitative method has been carried out in shape of an interview with the administrative official responsible of the sickness benefit at the social insurance office in Växjö.

The result has shown that there are several reasons for the changes in the Swedish system. It seems as if the most important reason is the big number of individuals on the sick-list which causes economical problems, since the employment rate is too low compared to the retired quotient of the population. The economical crises might have an influence on the changes of the systems, but not the present recession. Despite the rather big changes from a social system towards a more liberal one, the Swedish scheme has still kept its basic characteristics.

En 2006, la Suède a eu un changement de gouvernement. Les sociaux-démocrates ont été remplacés par l'alliance entre les partis à droite. Le nouveau gouvernement mène une politique plus libérale que les sociaux-démocrates, et ils ont introduit plusieurs changements dans le système de santé et particulièrement dans le règlement de l'indemnité journalière.

Ce mémoire a pour but d'examiner les changements dans le système, ainsi que les raisons de ces changements.

Les méthodes appliquées sont l'archive et le corpus, puisque j'ai étudié les ouvrages relatifs à la santé ainsi que les sites Internet des institutions responsables de l'indemnité journalière en Suède et en France. J'ai aussi eu un entretien avec un employé de la Caisse de Sécurité sociale à Växjö qui s'occupe particulièrement de l'indemnité journalière.

Les résultats de cette étude montrent qu'il y a plusieurs raisons à l'origine des changements dans le système suédois. Il semble que la raison la plus importante soit le nombre croissant de personnes en arrêt maladie ce qui génère des difficultés économiques, de même la proportion de la population active par rapport aux retraités est au cœur de la problématique. Enfin, les crises économiques peuvent influencer le système, mais la crise actuelle ne semble pas avoir eu une influence importante sur les changements.

Malgré les changements assez bouleversants vers un système plus libéral en Suède, qui tend à se rapprocher légèrement du système français, le système suédois reste plus social que le système français.

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31

Silva, Glaydson Jose da. "Antiguidade, arqueologia e a França de Vichy : usos do passado." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279943.

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Анотація:

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T02:46:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_GlaydsonJoseda_D.pdf: 1833896 bytes, checksum: 0dc2ffab6a911066f09ab355ccba7cc9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os usos do mundo antigo, pela História e pela Arqueologia, como forma de estabelecer compreensões do mundo contemporâneo. Propõe uma reflexão acerca do papel do passado nos jogos de estratégia e afirmações identitárias, à medida que percebe os estudos sobre a Antigüidade muito próximos das representações coletivas na contemporaneidade. Parte da premissa de que o saber sobre o passado, sua e escrita e suas leituras, são poderes e geram poderes. Do ponto de vista temático, trata da apropriação do passado gaulês, romano e galo-romano na França durante o Regime de Vichy (1940-1944). Mas trata, também, da inserção do objeto num contexto mais amplo, europeu, na medida em que analisa as instrumentalizações da Antigüidade pelo Nazismo e pelo Fascismo. Aproxima-se do objeto com uma análise das figurações da Gália e dos gauleses na historiografia francesa, principalmente a partir do século XIX. Trata do estatuto dos historiadores ao se relacionarem com os poderes do Estado, especificamente, no caso, de Jérôme Carcopino, notável romanista que foi ministro da educação sob Vichy. Por perceber na sociedade francesa atual uma presença muito marcante da Antigüidade, como forma de legitimação de direitos, advindos da origem, analisa-se, também, as formas de apropriação do mundo antigo pelas extremas direitas, representadas no trabalho pelo Front National e pelo grupo Terre et Peuple
Abstract: The purpose of this research work is to analyze the uses of the ancient world by the fields of History and Archaeology as a way to establish understandings of the present world. As ancient studies are very close to present time collective representations, this study proposes a reflection on the role of past in strategy and identity affirmation games. It has as a premise the notion that knowledge of the past, its writing and its interpretations, are powers and create powers. In terms of subject, this study focuses on the appropriation of the Gaul, Roman and Gaul-Roman past during the Vichy Regime (1940-1944). It also analyzes the subject within a greater European frame, for it focuses on the 'instrumentalizations¿ of Antiquity by the Nazi and Fascist regimes. It analyzes, especially from the 19th century on, the characterizations of Gaul and Gaul people in French historiography. It focuses on historians¿ status while they related to State powers, as in the case of Jérôme Carcopino, remarkable scholar in Roman studies, who was Minister of Education under the Vichy regime. As Antiquity is present everywhere in modern French society, this research work also analyzes the different forms of appropriation of the ancient world by extreme Right parties, represented in the text by the Front National party and the Terre et Peuple grou
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História

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32

Hickey, Sean. "The Vichy regime and its National Revolution in the political writings of Robert Brasillach, Marcel Déat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61117.

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This thesis examines the campaign waged against Vichy's National Revolution by Robert Brasillach, Marcel Deat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle. It explores the particular issues of contention separating Vichy and the Paris ultras as well as shedding light on the final evolution of a representative segment of the fascist phenomenon in France.

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33

Rayroux, Antoine. "Pratiques et usages de l'Europe dans le maintien de la paix : la coopération franco-irlandaise au Tchad." Thèse, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10126.

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Cette thèse porte sur les opérations militaires menées par l’Union européenne et s’interroge sur leurs effets dans deux domaines : le processus d’européanisation et l’évolution du maintien de la paix. Pour les partisans du choix rationnel, l’européanisation reflète les préférences des principales puissances européennes, qui s’imposent aux autres États, surtout dans le domaine des politiques de défense. Pour les constructivistes à l’inverse, la gestion en commun des crises internationales entraîne des adaptations et un certain rapprochement des façons de faire nationales. Pour solutionner ce débat, cette recherche expose et défend une approche sociologique des opérations militaires de l’UE, qui s’inspire du tournant pratique en relations internationales et des usages de l’Europe en études européennes. Cette approche insiste sur le contexte de l’interaction, les stratégies sociales des acteurs, et le bien-fondé d’une méthode interprétative qui s’appuie sur l’expérience de ces acteurs. La démonstration empirique repose sur une analyse qualitative comparative de deux cas opposés : les acteurs français et irlandais dans le cadre de l’opération militaire EUFOR Tchad/RCA, dont ils eurent la charge. La recherche conclut que l’européanisation n’est pas un phénomène linéaire et homogène, et que sa forme dépend avant tout du contexte et des acteurs observés. Au niveau politique et décisionnel (à Bruxelles), les logiques nationales l’emportent, chaque acteur tentant de mettre à profit ses ressources opportunes (matérielles, idéelles, symboliques) pour faire valoir ses préférences nationales. Cependant, plus on s’éloigne de Bruxelles (vers l’état-major de l’opération militaire et plus encore vers le terrain), plus les militaires, principaux acteurs concernés, développent des pratiques communes qui se superposent à leurs singularités et préférences nationales. Le contexte opérationnel du maintien de la paix génère des dynamiques de socialisation et d’apprentissage qui favorisent l’émergence d’usages communs de l’Europe militaire. Ces usages constituent les fondements d’une approche « européenne » du maintien de la paix, combinaison hybride de pratiques importées d’autres contextes (national, OTAN, ONU), et de pratiques nouvelles, spécifiques à l’UE. Cependant, cette européanisation sociologique demeure essentiellement au niveau des militaires. Elle n’entraîne pas de convergence au niveau formel, politique et décisionnel, où les dynamiques nationales restent dominantes.
This dissertation is about European Union-led military operations and their effects on two issues: processes of Europeanization and the evolution of peacekeeping. For rational choice scholars, Europeanization reflects the preferences of Europe’s main powers, which impose those preferences on other states, especially when it comes to defence policies. On the opposite, constructivists argue that handling international crises collectively results in adaptations and a certain rapprochement of national ways to do things. To sort out this debate, this research puts forward and defends a sociological approach to EU military operations, which is inspired by the practice turn in international relations and usages of Europe in European studies. This approach emphasizes the context of interaction, actors’ social strategies, and the merits of an interpretive method grounded in actors’ experiences. The empirical demonstration rests upon a qualitative and comparative analysis of two most different cases: French and Irish actors during the military operation EUFOR Tchad/RCA, in which they got involved. The research concludes that Europeanization is not a linear and homogenous phenomenon, and that its shape mostly depends on the context and actors under scrutiny. At the political and decisional level (in Brussels), national logics prevail, and each actor tries to take advantage of its opportune resources (material, ideal, symbolic) in order to enforce its national preferences. However, the further one moves away from Brussels (towards the operation’s headquarters or the field), the more military actors – the main actors concerned with EU operations – develop common practices that come on top of their national singularities. The operational context of peacekeeping yields dynamics of socialization and learning, which themselves make common usages of military Europe possible. These usages make up the grounds of a “European” approach to peacekeeping, which is a hybrid combination of existing practices imported from other contexts (national, NATO, UN) and new, EU-specific practices. However, this Europeanization tends to remain mostly at the military’s level. It does not bring about convergence at the formal, political and decisional level, where national dynamics still prevail.
Thèse réalisé en cotutelle avec l'Université libre de Bruxelles (Belgique)

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34

"明太祖對刑罰輕重的態度與洪武律法對基層社會的模塑". 2000. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5895819.

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Анотація:

譚家齊.
"2000年1月"
論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2000.
參考文獻 (leaves 145-150)
附中英文摘要.
"2000 nian 1 yue"
Tan Jiaqi.
Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2000.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 145-150)
Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論
Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.1
Chapter 第二節 --- 硏究明太祖施政目的之問題、史料與方法 --- p.3
Chapter (1) --- 讓明太祖自述 --- p.5
Chapter (2) --- 讓明太祖自述的困難 --- p.6
Chapter (3) --- 態度和方法 --- p.7
Chapter 第一章 --- 注釋 --- p.8
Chapter 第二章 --- 明太祖對刑罰輕重的態度 --- p.12
Chapter 第一節 --- 建邦之三典 --- p.12
Chapter (1) --- 刑心國用輕典 --- p.12
Chapter (2) --- 刑亂國用重典 --- p.14
Chapter (3) --- 刑平國用中典 --- p.18
Chapter 第二節 --- 律條之外 --- p.23
Chapter (1) --- 洪武朝所見赦例分析 --- p.23
Chapter 1. --- 洪武朝的大赦 --- p.24
Chapter 2. --- 對諸色人等的特赦 --- p.28
Chapter 3. --- 倫理赦宥 --- p.44
Chapter 4. --- 小結 --- p.52
Chapter (2) --- 贖罪一由特恩到制度 --- p.53
Chapter 1. --- 雜犯死罪與真犯死罪 --- p.54
Chapter 2. --- 洪武時期的贖罪方法 --- p.55
Chapter 3. --- 洪武晚期的贖罪條例 --- p.57
Chapter (3) --- 法外用刑考 --- p.58
Chapter 1. --- 《律解辯疑》爲洪武十八九年律？ --- p.59
Chapter 2. --- 前代用法的繼承 --- p.61
Chapter 3. --- 律例之爭 --- p.62
Chapter 4. --- 肉刑與古五刑 --- p.64
Chapter 5. --- 明太祖所言「法外加刑」的真義 --- p.65
Chapter 第三節 --- 量刑輕重 --- p.66
Chapter 第二章 --- 注釋 --- p.67
Chapter 第三章 --- 明太祖理想中的基層社會 --- p.76
Chapter 第一節 --- 元代基層社會措施 --- p.76
Chapter 第二節 --- 明太祖理想中的基層社會 --- p.80
Chapter 第三節 --- 里甲制度 --- p.84
Chapter (1) --- 明初里甲制度的出現與發展 --- p.85
Chapter (2) --- 明初里長甲首的輪役問題 --- p.88
Chapter (3) --- 明初的里甲功能 --- p.90
Chapter 1. --- 收運稅糧 --- p.90
Chapter 2. --- 鄰里互助 --- p.91
Chapter 3. --- 查驗田土 --- p.92
Chapter 4. --- 編立戶籍 --- p.95
Chapter 5. --- 維持治安 --- p.99
Chapter 6. --- 禮儀教化 --- p.100
Chapter 7. --- 司法審判 --- p.101
Chapter 8. --- 小結 --- p.102
Chapter 第四節 --- 教化ˇёإ里 --- p.102
Chapter 第五節 --- ˇёإ飲酒禮 --- p.106
Chapter 第六節 --- 存問孤寡 --- p.112
Chapter 第七節 --- ¯‘ة齒政策 --- p.116
Chapter (1) --- 優祟老者 --- p.116
Chapter (2) --- 任用老人 --- p.123
Chapter (3) --- 預備倉與耆民糴糧 --- p.126
Chapter (4) --- 耆民救官 --- p.127
Chapter (5) --- 小結 --- p.130
Chapter 第三章 --- 注釋 --- p.130
Chapter 第四章 --- 結論 --- p.140
參考書目 --- p.145
圖標目錄：
洪武朝赦宥案例分析表：
洪武朝的大赦 --- p.24-25
赦宥平民 --- p.28-30
赦宥官員 --- p.31-32
赦宥吏員 --- p.33-34
赦宥軍士 --- p.35-36
聖賢之後 --- p.39
宥進士監生 --- p.40
赦宥化外之民 --- p.42
父子之倫 --- p.45-47
兄弟之倫 --- p.50
夫婦之倫 --- p.51

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35

ABOUT, Ilsen. "La police des identités : histoire comparée d'une administration d'État en France et en Italie, 1880-1915." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10416.

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Анотація:

Defence date: 10 October 2008
Examining Board: Prof. Peter Becker (EUI-Johannes Universität Linz)-supervisor ; Prof. Gérard Noiriel (Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Science Sociales)-supervisor ; Prof. Victoria de Grazia (EUI-Columbia University) ; Prof. Jean-Marc Barlière (Université de Bourgogne)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Ce propos sur la police glissé par Hannah Arendt dans le portrait qu’elle consacra à Walter Benjamin, lorsqu’elle évoque le Paris des années 1910 qu’il visite avant la guerre, peut constituer le point de départ de cette recherche. Arendt suggère l’existence de deux éléments distincts qui représentaient des obstacles à l’idée de cosmopolitisme mais qui ne pouvaient cependant s’opposer à cet idéal européen qui prenait corps en particulier à Paris : d’un côté, une xénophobie enracinée dans les mentalités collectives, d’un autre côté des pratiques policières spécifiques développées par la police et les policiers, auxquels s’attache ici l’adjectif “national”, à l’égard des étrangers. L’intérêt de ce propos est aussi de distinguer nettement un dispositif culturel, qui joue, certes, un rôle dans l’accueil, ou le rejet, des migrants, et un dispositif policier, dont l’histoire, condensée ici dans l’adjectif “raffiné”, est celle d’un développement spécifique de structures, de pratiques, de décisions institutionnelles mais aussi individuelles, d’actions isolées ou coordonnées.

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36

Ermakoff, Ivan. "Democratic breakdowns and the politics of self-servitude /." 1997. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9811852.

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37

Fisher, Denise. "France in the South Pacific : power and politics." Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151549.

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France through its three Pacific entities is a resident sovereign neighbour in Australia's region. It has been a benign influence in recent years, with strategic benefits for Australia and the region. But this has not always been the case, and its accepted future presence may not be assumed. This thesis analyses France's history in the region to derive indicators for its future policies and regional security, at a time of global change. France has earned a Pacific presence over more than four hundred years. Part I reviews its early history and motivations, which included a spirit of inquiry, internecine rivalry, national prestige and assertion of power, broadening to protection of its civil, missionary and convict populations. Economic considerations were secondary. New Caledonia's role in the American-led Pacific victory in World War II and the establislnnent of nuclear testing in French Polynesia enhanced the significance of the Pacific territories for France's national identity and strategic interests. These factors also catalysed the territories' demands for independence. Generous French financial and political inputs were accompanied by fitful and ambiguous responses. By the 1980s, France had left a poor legacy over Vanuatu's independence, unmet Kanak decolonization demands in New Caledonia had degenerated into civil war, and nuclear testing was increasingly opposed by new Pacific island states. Cosmetic efforts to counter regional opposition failed, undermined by France's bombing of an anti-nuclear vessel in New Zealand. By the end of the 1990s France was obliged to cease its nuclear testing and negotiate the Matignon/Noumea Accords deferring decisions about New Caledonia's status. Part II addresses France's recent management of its entities' demands for more autonomy and independence, and its efforts to engage in the wider region, albeit as an outside power. Its record is mixed, and unfinished, as New Caledonia will vote on its future status after 2014. France has made impressive economic and political investments in its territories and the region. But it has resisted on matters fundamental to pro-independence forces. In New Caledonia, France has been slow to resolve differences over defining electorates, has encouraged French immigration to dilute indigenous numbers, has obfuscated ethnic censuses, has sought to pre-empt agreements on deferred defence and currency questions, and has been unclear about future immigration and mining responsibilities, while scheduled handovers and economic rebalancing have slipped. In French Polynesia, France has shown a lack of tolerance for a pro-independence elected majority. Part III argues that France wants to retain sovereignty over its Pacific collectivities to enhance its international weight and for new economic reasons, as the world's second largest maritime nation through its Pacific coastlines, and given New Caledonia's nickel and hydrocarbon potential. Its ability to achieve this with regional acceptance will depend largely on peaceful democratic outcomes in its territories, particularly New Caledonia. Such outcomes are not assured. Some options for the future are identified.

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38

EVANS, Jocelyn. "Electoral deviancy as normality: Modelling left-wing voter defection to the extreme right in France." Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5174.

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Defence date: 29 June 1998
Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI-Supervisor) ; Prof. Anthony Heath (Nuffield College, Oxford) ; Prof. Yves Meny (EUI) ; Prof. Pascal Perrineau (CEVIPOF, Paris)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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39

Harris, John Steven. "Sister to the dream : the surrealist object between art and politics." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/6637.

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My dissertation examines the role played by the surrealist object in the avant-garde strategies of the French surrealist group, in the difficult political circumstances of the 1930s. In my reading, the surrealist object is located in a critical relation to modern art; it depends on the invention of collage for its own realization, but it also attempts to supersede modernism through an act of desublimation, the return of art to its sexual origins. A n understanding of this critical relation is established through Peter Burger's Theory of the Avant-Garde, through the use of psychoanalytic theory, and through an understanding of the difference between Kantian and Hegelian aesthetics. The object's invention in 1931 is then related to the cultural debates occurring on the revolutionary left in France and the Soviet Union. The surrealists wish to achieve an alliance with the Parti Communiste Francais, but avoid the politicization of the cultural field undertaken by the Communists in both countries. They answer the demand for the politicization of art with the supersession of art, for which the object provides a model. In the 1930s, the surrealists develop the notion of a revolutionary science that would forge a relation between action and interpretation. They attempt to indicate such a relation in a number of experimental texts, taking unconscious thought as the object of their investigation. As a central category of their reflection in this period, the surrealist objects are often given as extra-aesthetic examples of such thought in physical form. The rise of the Popular Front and the move of the P.C.F. towards a reformist politics presented a crisis for the surrealist movement. A number of surrealists, like Tristan Tzara, Rene Char and Roger Caillois, split with their group in order to work with the Popular Front, while the larger part of the surrealist group broke with the P.C.F. and the Soviet Union. The break with Stalinism led the surrealists to the point of an alliance with the modern art they had once claimed to supersede; from now on, interpretation would be preserved, at the expense of action. The surrealist object, which had exemplified the relation between action and interpretation, begins to recede from view after 1936, as the avant-garde project that had brought it into being became increasingly difficult to sustain.

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40

HERICORD-GORRE, Alix. "Élements pour une histoire de l'administration des colonisés de l'Empire français : le "régime de l'indigénat" et son fonctionnement depuis sa matrice algérienne (1881-c. 1920)." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10432.

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Defence date: 07 November 2008
Examining Board: Prof. Laurence FONTAINE (CNRS) – directeur de thèse Prof. Jean-Philippe BRAS (Université de Rouen) Prof. Gerhard HAUPT (Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence) Prof. François POUILLON (EHESS)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Fondée sur l’examen des archives juridiques et parlementaires, et des imprimés relatifs au droit et à la politique coloniale, l’étude interroge le modus operandi de l’imposition d’une gouvernementalité républicaine en Algérie à travers l’analyse du dispositif juridico-administratif alors perçu comme la clef de voûte de l’État colonial : le code de l’indigénat. Constitué en enjeu du débat public par les républicains, l’Indigénat alimente les controverses sur l’équilibre des pouvoirs et la définition de l’État de droit, parce qu’il renvoie à un modèle autoritaire de police indigène. Cette mesure d’exception constamment réitérée est toutefois légitimée sur le terrain juridique par le biais de l’expertise sécuritaire, conçue par ses tenants (hommes de terrain et hommes de loi) comme une réponse adaptée à la menace indigène, et peu coûteuse. Se fait jour un modèle d’ordre colonial caractérisé par une économie d’hommes, ainsi qu’une ambition régalienne (prélèvement de l’impôt) et destructurante par rapport aux structures sociales autochtones. Ce modèle rentre néanmoins en affinité avec les modalités autochtones de régulation. D’une part, les prélèvements « abusifs » d’amendes et de prestations par les adjoints-indigènes apparaissent comme la contrepartie du faible salaire perçu par ce personnel. D’autre part, les orientations données par les adjoints-indigènes aux administrateurs s’inscrivent dans une série de luttes locales de pouvoir qui s’organisent selon le système autonome de représentation politique des administrés indigènes. Ces deux fonctions tacites de l’Indigénat sont rendues possibles par l’affinité des infractions à l’Indigénat avec les systèmes juridiques autochtones de maintien de l’ordre.

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41

Deacon, Valerie Anne. "The art of secrecy and subversion : the Cagoule and French politics in the 1930s." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/854.

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42

VOSKAMP, Henk. "Peasant revolts reconsidered : South West Germany and Languedoc in the 16th and early 17th century." Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6011.

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43

POULSEN, Frank Ejby. "A cosmopolitan republican in the French revolution : the political thought of Anacharsis Cloots." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53164.

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Defence date: 23 March 2018
Examining Board: Professor Martin van Gelderen, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Second Reader/Internal Examiner); Professor Richard Whatmore, University of Saint Andrews (External Examiner); Professor Reidar Maliks, University of Oslo (External Examiner)
Republicanism has been on scholars’ research agenda since the 1970s, and several studies on eighteenth-century French republicanism have linked it to the Atlantic republican tradition. A central question that has puzzled intellectual historians studying republicanism is how this concept considered as antiquated or only adapted to small city-states became the concept of choice for a large modern nation such as France. The works of Pocock, Skinner, and Pettit launched a vast a research programme on Atlantic republicanism as a theory of liberty understood as ‘non-domination’. Focusing on eighteenth-century France and the French revolution, historians such as Baker, Hammersley, Monnier, Spitz, Whatmore, and Wright have argued against Furet, Ozouf, Maintenant, Nicolet, and Vovelle that this republicanism existed before and during the revolution as a language of opposition based on classical Greek and Roman authors. In particular, Edelstein has shown how the two languages of republicanism and nature collided to form a ‘natural republicanism’ that pervaded during the revolution and intellectually explains the Terror. Hammersley, on the other hand, has shown how English republican texts provided answers to the fundamental question for early modern republicans: how republican institutions and practices (securing liberty) could be made workable in the context of a large nation-state? However, these studies on classical republicanism and natural republicanism have overlooked or insufficiently explained the universalist side of the language of republicanism in the French revolution: how could republicanism be made workable for the world, and how could it be argued that humankind formed a nation? This thesis provides an answer to how a ‘universal republic’ could be theorised in the French revolution by examining the writings of Anacharsis Cloots (1755–1794). It argues that Cloots was one of the leading proponents of ‘cosmopolitan republicanism’. The thesis uses Cloots’s entire corpus of works, which have been published in a three volume collection entitled OEuvres, as well as a collection of all his revolutionary writings in 'Ecrits révolutionaires'. This thesis uses Skinner’s contextualist method to present an interpretation of Cloots’s writings by setting them in their political, social, and intellectual contexts. The introduction presents a critical review of studies on Cloots from the nineteenth century to the present. Vilified or lauded, Cloots was considered a founding figure of cosmopolitanism by nineteenth-century authors, a fame that faded in the twentieth century.

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44

FROIO, Caterina. "The politics of constraints : electoral promises, pending commitments, public concerns and policy agendas in Denmark, France, Spain and the United Kingdom (1980-2008)." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34202.

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Defence date: 8 January 2015
Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor E. Scott Adler, University of Colorado, Boulder (External Supervisor); Professor Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute; Professor Peter John, University College London.
Who sets lawmakers' priorities? The aim of the thesis is to provide a convincing theoretical argument able to identify what are the policy problems that demand lawmakers' attention, but also to test this empirically for France, Denmark, Spain and the United Kingdom between 1980 and 2008. This research shows how accounting for the way in which lawmakers deal with competing policy problems integrate two major accounts of the way in which governments set their priorities: party mandate approaches and public policy approaches. The thesis does so by suggesting that given their double role of representatives and administrators, lawmakers have to deliver policies consistent both with electoral and non-electoral mandates. In this framework, parties’ promises, administrative commitments, and the priorities of the public originate policy problems that compete for lawmakers' attention to enter the policy agenda. Compared to classic party mandate approaches, this research does not conceive parties as being the key actors of the game or the major agenda-setters. Compared to public policy approaches, the study does not dismiss the role of parties. The theory argues that a problem-solving approach is key to account for lawmakers' priorities and for the way in which lawmakers select policy problems that need to be addressed in the policy agenda. In this framework, different policy problems demand lawmakers' attention and problems-solving scholars have illustrated that the types of issues that need to be addressed are different in "nature". Existing accounts of the composition of policy agendas distinguish between problems ranging from "compulsory" to "discretionary" concerns (Walker 1977; Adler and Wilkerson 2012) where the former derive from "periodically recurring demands " and the latter from "chosen problems" (Walker 1977:425). Building on these contributions, the theoretical model of the dissertation discusses the "nature" of different policy problems by identifying some 'ideal types' that originate from the double functions that lawmakers shall perform in contemporary democracies as "representatives" of voters' interests and as "responsible" administrators (Mair 2009). In this sense, the dissertation contends that different policy problems emerge from the electoral promises of the governing parties, from commitments related to the responsibility of being in office, and from the 'external world', and that the balance between them determines the composition of the policy agenda. 13 There are four propositions of this study to existing knowledge in the field of policy agendas. The first is that the content of the policy agenda is stable across countries with different institutional settings. Lawmakers' priorities are no less stable in institutional systems that are more 'open' to accommodating policy problems brought by the electoral promises of the parties. At the same time stability persists even when elections approach, questioning the long-lasting assumption that lawmakers may manipulate policies to their will in order to assure re-election. The second is that policy problems brought by the electoral promises of the governing parties impact lawmakers’ priorities, but this is only half of an old story. The results show that the policy problems originating from the electoral promises of the opposition influence the content of the policy agenda confirming that the agenda-setting power of parties is not limited to those who are in office. The third proposition is a theoretical effort and empirical contribution to conceptualise and measure "policy commitments". Studies of public policy have stressed the importance of inherited commitments in everyday law making (Rose 1994; Adler and Wilkerson 2012) since some decisions take longer than a legislature to be realised. Classic analyses have emphasised the importance of budgetary constraints on policy agendas, but the thesis suggests that there is also another striking case of policy commitments for European polities: EU integration, since decisions on EU affairs and delegation of powers taken from previous governments are hard (if not impossible) to reverse by their successors. In this sense, EU decisions are inherited by all governments, and they add complexity to the problem-solving capacity of Member States because they produce extra policy problems that require lawmakers' attention. For lawmakers respecting legally binding EU decisions, this is a way to avoid "reckless and illegal decision making" (Mair 2009). The results highlight that when reflecting on the divisions of competences between the Union and its Member States (MSs), policy commitments derived from the EU directives are concentrated on a narrow set of policy areas. The results show that in most fields where commitments are higher, the agenda-setting power of parties’ electoral promises is weakened. Finally, this research suggests that policy problems originating from the agenda of the public (as approximated by media coverage) are another explanatory factor of policy priorities, but in a very narrow set of policy areas. Media effects appear to be limited to policy areas with the special characteristics of newsworthiness and sensationalism (Soroka 2002) that contribute to boost their policy appeal. In addition, the findings highlight that the agenda-setting power of the media is mediated by the interaction with the electoral promises of the opposition, probably as a result of a blame avoidance game to discredit incumbents. 14 Chapter 1 introduces the concepts of policy agenda and policy problem before summarising existing accounts of the content of policy agendas. Two theoretical traditions are identified. The first one is the "partisan account" highlighting the importance of partisan preferences for lawmakers' priorities. The second is made up of the "public policy accounts" proposing incrementalist and agenda-setting approaches to representatives' priorities. Chapter 2 sets up the theoretical framework that will be tested in this research. Drawing upon theories of "representative and responsible" government (Mair 2009) the research provides an encompassing model of how different policy problems compete for attention in order to enter the agendas of lawmakers. The thesis highlights that different agenda-setters have to be considered as creating policy problems: the electoral promises of the governing parties, the demands addressed to lawmakers by the EU agenda, and the issues that are important for the public as reported by the media. Starting from existing typologies of problems that must be addressed in the policy agenda (Walker 1977; Adler and Wilkerson 2012), the research roughly distinguishes between discretionary and compulsory policy problems, discussing how the three agenda-setters considered in this study fit into those ideal types, as well as the incentives for lawmakers to prioritise one over the other. Chapter 3 presents the data, models and methods that are used to test the theoretical framework. The dissertation relies on data from the Comparative Agendas Project modelled in the form of time series cross sectional models. Chapter 4 introduces the empirical investigation of the content of the policy agenda. It focuses on stability and change in lawmakers' priorities, to understand the extent to which priorities change (or remain the same) across elections. Chapter 5 moves a step further and will assess the connection between policy problems brought by parties' electoral promises and the content of the policy agenda. Chapter 6 will account for one of the most debated sources of policy problems among public policy scholars: policy commitments. This chapter will test the agenda-setting power of policy commitments deriving from the content of the EU directives on lawmakers' priorities and proposing an "EU acquiescence index" to shed light on the 'overlaps' between EU and domestic policy agendas. Finally, Chapter 7 aims at analysing the connection between lawmakers' priorities and media coverage (in terms of print and, where appropriate, audio media) and each of the two relevant types of policy problems competing for lawmakers' attention identified in the previous chapters. In sum the thesis offers a theory of the composition of policy agendas grounded in a problem-solving understanding of politics, and an empirical assessment of its validity. In this sense the study is about how policy problems originating from the dual role of lawmakers in 15 contemporary democracies (representation and administration) affect everyday policy making. More precisely the thesis considers the impact of different agenda venues (parties, EU commitments, and the media) on the way in which lawmakers deliver policies.

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45

Howe, Paul Douglas. "National identity and political behaviour in Quebec, Scotland and Brittany." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/8427.

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This thesis makes two broad claims. It contends firstly that there is considerable variation in national consciousness across the population of a stateless nation. People can and do feel minutely, partly or wholely Breton, Scottish or Quebecois. Moreover, these are not merely differences of degree. Underlying the uneven intensity of nationalist sentiment within stateless nations is qualitative variation in the buttresses of national consciousness. Some - typically those with weaker national identities - are "pragmatist nationalists": people whose sense of belonging to a distinct community is firmly grounded in tangible sociological differences, be they ethnic, linguistic, religious or political. Others, more taken with the nation, are "idealist nationalists"; their sense of national belonging is more the product of an abstract and idealized sense of connectedness than hard and concrete sociological difference. This basic difference in the underpinnings of national identity, along with other attendant contrasts between pragmatist and idealist nationalists, are explored through historical analysis of various nationalist organizations and activists in Brittany, Scotland and Quebec. The second central proposition is that this qualitative variation in national identity is an important determinant of political behavior. Many of the wide-ranging attitudes and behaviors seen among exponents of the nationalist cause can be traced back to the conditioning effects of national identity on the outlook and political disposition of different nationalist players. In making this case, the analysis proceeds thematically, drawing examples variously from the three cases; it offers, in places, quantitative evidence based on analysis of the original data from previously conducted surveys. Various attitudinal and behavioral phenomena are thus explored: perceptions of the legitimacy of different means of effecting changes in the nation's political status (e.g. violence versus democratic means); the rationality of different nationalist players; their patterns of participation in nationalist projects; and overall mobilization trends. While these phenomena are somewhat disparate, they are linked by an overarching theme: idealist nationalists are less sensitive to empirical realities than their pragmatist counterparts. They are consequently more intransigent and uncompromising in their attitudes and behavior, and for this reason often play an important vanguard role in the process of nationalist mobilization.

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DAMHUIS, Koen Henricus Bernardus. "Roads to the radical right : understanding different forms of electoral support for radical right-wing parties in France and the Netherlands." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60251.

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Defence date: 14 December 2018
Examining Board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute; Prof. Mark Bovens, Utrecht University; Prof. Daniel Gaxie, University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne (Co-supervisor); Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor)
The aim of this dissertation is to shed new light on the electoral support for radical rightwing parties (RRP). Whereas most existing investigations assume a form of causal homogeneity, the starting point of this research project is based on what I call electoral equifinality : the coexistence of multiple causal paths leading towards different forms of support for the same political party. In order to discern and understand different forms of RRP support, the study takes both the supply and the demand side into account. Regarding the supply side, I link cleavage theory and conflict sociology to the Laclauian notion of equivalence , arguing that the electoral appeal of RRP relies on their capacity to coherently unify a multiplicity of heterogeneous demands along the same main antagonism: national versus foreign. Following Weber’s and Parkin’s thoughts on social closure, I theorize that this nativist core conflict is invoked according to a specific tripartite structure, which, to my knowledge, has remained quite unnoticed in the existing literature. In accordance with this theory, a new dataset is developed (n = 1,378), based on the tweets of Le Pen and Wilders, to compare the political supply of their parties in terms of forms of closure, reference groups and issue categories. Pertaining to the demand side, a sequential mixed methods design is followed, focusing quantitatively on the structural heterogeneity within RRP constituencies along three dimensions within a Bourdieusian framework of social space: social characteristics (who); political preferences (why) and political interest (how). Subsequently, the second qualitative research step is based on life history interviews with 125 RRP voters in France and the Netherlands, leading to a typology of radical right support. Taken together, these findings contribute to a more fine-grained understanding of RRP support in Western Europe and open up theoretical and empirical perspectives for future research.

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47

Scott, Victoria Holly Francis. "La beauté est dans la rue : art & visual culture in Paris, 1968." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/10958.

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Removed from its artistic origins in the French avant-garde during the interwar period, the European based group known as the situationist international is often represented as being solely occupied with politics to the exclusion of all else, particularly art and aesthetics. In what follows I argue that throughout the sixties the anti-aesthetic position was actually the governing model in France obliging the avant-garde to adjust their strategies accordingly. Artists and artists' collectives that placed politics before aesthetics were the norm, enjoying widespread popularity and recognition from both the public and the French State. These overtly partisan groups and individuals sapped art of the power it had enjoyed in the fifties as a venue removed, or at least distanced from, formal politics. In response, the situationists officially rejected the art world, turning to the popular and vernacular culture of the streets in an attempt to get beyond both classical aesthetic principals and the overt propagandistic objectives of groups such as le Salon de la jeunePeinture. Turning to the climactic moment of 1968 I track the ways in which these debates informed the posters and graffiti which marked the unfinished revolution, sorting out the various aesthetic positions and political persuasions that dominated the events. My thesis contends that the situationists were not anti-aesthetic, that they simply advocated a different kind of aesthetics: one that rejected traditional notions of beauty for the more active and open concept of poiesis or poetry. Beyond words on a page, this notion implied art as a way of life, emphasizing production, creation, formation and action and can be traced back to the groups prewar origins in the Dada and surrealist movements. Moreover, this concept of poetry was not adverse to issues of form being highly dependent on the materiality and physicality of the urban centre, specifically the streets. Finally my conclusion expands upon the similarities between this notion of poetry and the 17th century understanding of beauty, the latter concept being associated with a subtle criticality and strategic wit. It was this interpretation of beauty that defined and produced the art of 1968.

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48

KNEGT, Floris Daniël. "A new order for France and Europe? : Bertrand de Jouvenel and Alfred Fabre-Luce between Liberalism, Fascism and Europeanism (1930-1954)." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40747.

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Defence date: 13 November 2015
Examining Board: Professor Dr. Dirk Moses (EUI/ Supervisor); Professor Doctor Laura Lee Downs (EUI/Second Reader); Professor Doctor Peter Romijn (University of Amsterdam); Professor Doctor Kevin Passmore (Cardiff University).
Thanks to the success of recent attempts to study fascism within an international or transnational framework, scholarship on the subject has broken free from its traditional national orientation. By now, the European or even global interconnectedness of the revolutionary right has clearly come to light. This is not necessarily true for the links between fascism and internationalist and Europeanist intellectual currents in interwar and post-war Europe. My thesis explores the political thought of Bertrand de Jouvenel and Alfred Fabre-Luce, two French intellectuals, journalists and political writers who are representative of this Europeanist avant-garde. I argue that their Europeanist ideas and international contacts played a major role in their 'drift' towards fascism during the 1930s, while they were seduced by a fascist vision of a united Europe during the Second World War. Paradoxically, these ideas also enabled them to gradually reintegrate with the political mainstream during the early post-war years. Jouvenel's post-war career as a leading neoliberal intellectual and founding member of the Mont Pèlerin society should, just like Fabre-Luce's continued involvement with the French extreme right, be seen within the light of continuity in their ideas about Europe, fascism and democracy, stretching from the turning of the 1930s well into the 1950s.

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49

MATHEVON, Valerie. "Le cérémonial des ambassadeurs : la monarchie française, l'Etat Pontifical et le rituel diplomatique, 1648-1713." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5901.

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Defence date: 20 January 2006
Examining board: Prof. Giulia Calvi, European University Institute ; Prof. Gérard Delille, EUI et Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (Supervisor) ; Prof. Marcello Fantoni, Kent University, Florence ; Prof. Gérard Sabatier, Université Mendés France, Grenoble
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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50

DE, LA ROSA LORENTE Miquel. "Liberals and the Empire : responses to French expansionism under Napoleon III in Algeria, Cochinchina and Mexico (c. 1858–70)." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46667.

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Анотація:

Defence date: 5 June 2017
Examining Board: Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Second reader); Prof Alan S. Kahan, Université de Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines; Dr David Todd, King’s College London
This thesis investigates liberal responses to French expansionism during Napoleon III’s Second Empire, focusing on three of its main imperialist ventures in the late 1850s and the 1860s: Algeria, a colony inherited from the times of Charles X, whose colonisation received a great boost in the 1860s; Cochinchina, the main step of France’s imperialism towards Asia; and Mexico, Napoleon III’s personal dream for France in America, started as the alleged greatest project of the Empire which, however, ended in great failure. The focus of this study is not on individuals generally acknowledged as main liberal thinkers, politicians or philosophers but on a group of less-celebrated individuals who developed their professional activity both in parliament (the Corps législatif) and the press. The aim is to highlight how liberal languages and discourses in their specific context contributed to the development and the shaping of liberal thinking and political culture in the 1860s with regard to imperial expansionism. This dissertation seeks to tie in with the historiographical trend which sees intellectual and political history not as distinct fields, but as two inseparable sides of the same coin. In a period in which the Second Empire was experiencing a process of increasing internal liberalisation in a number of political, social and economic fields, the Empire’s means of repression and social control were still active. Censorship was commonplace in 1860s France, making it very difficult for those opposing the regime to express their ideas and concerns. However, thanks to several steps made towards opening up the regime politically from 1860 onwards, opposition deputies—including especially the liberals—were able to express in parliament their claims and objections. Whereas some social issues remained difficult to tackle, I argue that liberals found in the Empire’s imperialist endeavours an appropriate space to channel their dissatisfaction with the Bonapartists’ way of conceiving, ruling and managing the country. The Second Empire’s colonial project on all continents fostered an intense ideological debate that transcended the borders of a simple partisan confrontation. It rather revealed the existence of two political cultures in quest of social legitimation: liberal and Bonapartist. This thesis aims to bring together a history of nineteenth-century French imperialist ventures and a history of modern liberal political culture. No scholarly works have focused on the way in which French liberal thinkers, politicians or publicists imagined their empire in the 1860s, how they responded to Napoleon III’s will to expand France’s power and influence across oceans and continents with an intensity never seen before. This dissertation contributes to filling in this gap by tackling the liberal response to French expansionism with regard to three thematic areas: the role of France in the world; trade and finances; and religion. European politics aside, overseas ventures marked France’s foreign policy in the 1860s. The Second Empire’s project to expand France’s influence in the world through various systems of domination and control over peoples on virtually all continents became an issue of political debate that all forces of opposition, namely liberals, could not escape. Imperialist ventures became an important issue of political debate under the Second Empire and acted as a sort of 'hegemony' that liberals needed to confront, either opposing or supporting it. In this thesis, I argue that they did so, taking the opportunity to use the debates on expansionism in their own favour. Through discussing a wide range of social, economic and political topics related to France’s imperialism in Africa, Asia and America during the 1860s, liberals succeeded in presenting to the public an alternative model of government to the one represented by the Bonapartists in power.

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