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1
Gordon, Bertram M. "The Government and Politics of France." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 4 (June 1994): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9949099.
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CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.
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One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.
3
HANLEY, D. L. "Review. Review. The Government and Politics of France. Stevens, Anne." French Studies 47, no. 4 (October 1, 1993): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/47.4.449-a.
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HANLEY, D. L. "Review. The Government and Politics of France. Third Edition. Wright, Vincent." French Studies 45, no. 2 (April 1, 1991): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/45.2.243.
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5
Major, J. Russell, and Roger G. Little. "The Parlement of Poitiers: War, Government, and Politics in France, 1418-1436." American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (October 1985): 940. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858902.
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Gendron, Robin S. "At Odds Over INCO: The International Nickel Company of Canada and New Caledonian Politics in the 1960s." Canada, Empire, and Decolonization 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 112–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044401ar.
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In the 1960s, the International Nickel Company of Canada (INCO) sought to preserve its dominance of the global nickel industry by securing access to New Caledonia’s abundant reserves of nickel ore. In attempting to do so, however, INCO became embroiled in an acrimonious political dispute between New Caledonian autonomists, who wanted to diversify the territory’s economic activities and secure greater self-government from French rule, and the government of France, which considered INCO a threat to French sovereignty over New Caledonia and France’s interests in the Pacific. In obstructing INCO’s ability to operate in New Caledonia throughout the 1960s, however, the French government inadvertently galvanized the territory’s nationalists and increased their demands for autonomy from France.
7
Walsh, James. "Politics and Exchange Rates: Britain, France, Italy, and the Negotiation of the European Monetary System." Journal of Public Policy 14, no. 3 (July 1994): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007315.
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ABSTRACTWhen the European Monetary System was negotiated in 1978, governments in France, Britain, and Italy took very different approaches to this new international institution for coordinating exchange rate policies. The French government actively supported the creation of the European Monetary System, the Italian government entered the system but on weaker terms than the French, and the British government refused to enter the system, preferring to allow the pound to float. To explain these different policy choices, I analyze the impact of domestic politics and institutions on exchange rate policy, paying particular attention to how the organization of bank-industry relations and government instability shape policymakers' policy preferences and their abilities to implement these preferences.
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Henneman, John Bell, and Robin Harris. "Valois Guyenne: A Study of Politics, Government and Society in Late Medieval France." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 827. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169455.
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Heringa, Aalt Willem. "Book Reviews: Government and Politics in Western Europe – Britain, France, Italy, West Germany." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (June 1994): 221–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x9400100206.
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Keating, M., and A. Midwinter. "The Politics of Central—Local Grants in Britain and France." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 12, no. 2 (June 1994): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c120177.
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Redistribution of resources through central–local government grant systems is justified as fiscal equalization, the subject of a substantial literature, underpinned by normative assumptions and a rational-synoptic model of the policy process. Goals are known and policy outcomes are measurable. In Britain and France, this approach is not helpful to understanding. Theories of fiscal equalization are problematic and inconsistent. There is no agreed territorial welfare function against which outcomes can be assessed. A politically based interpretation sees grant allocation as part of intergovernmental politics, in which conceptions of fiscal equalization are used largely for legitimation. Politics guides decisionmaking and the main test of policy applied by governments is political acceptability. The two cases of Britain and France do show important differences in intergovernmental politics. In France, change is incremental and negotiated. In Britain it is radical and unilateral, though outcomes often fall short of expectations as policy is modified in implementation.
11
Carney, Richard. "Corporate governance and firm financing: The role of politics." Corporate Ownership and Control 2, no. 1 (2004): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv2i1p4.
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This paper offers an explanation for why firms in different countries rely more heavily on bank lending or securities markets. I argue that market financing is more common when the firm is competitive with its foreign counterparts, and when a right-wing political party controls government. If the firm is uncompetitive with foreign rivals, or if a left-wing political party controls government, then bank lending will be more common. Evidences across OECD countries as well as analysis of France and Japan across the twentieth century support the argument. There are clear implications for the kinds of technological innovation pursued by firms across different countries, as well as for international mergers and acquisitions.
12
Shirley, Mary M. "POLICY ARENA: The Economics and Politics of Government Ownership." Journal of International Development 9, no. 6 (September 1997): 849–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1328(199709)9:6<849::aid-jid488>3.0.co;2-l.
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13
Scott, Meredith L. "Much Courage but Little Hope." French Politics, Culture & Society 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2023): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2023.410304.
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Abstract This article examines the refugee crisis of the 1930s and the internment camp system that France created, focusing on the experiences of Jewish refugees. France, the first European country to emancipate Jews, pursued policies that focused on German-speaking Central Europeans and disproportionately affected Jews. This examination has a dual focus; it considers political narratives and government policies alongside the experiences of Jewish refugees. Working with letters from refugees and government documents, it reveals information that complicates the idea of France as a land of asylum. It highlights the limits of France's commitment to human rights and how the internment camp system, later used to carry out the Holocaust in France, became a tool of the state. While a history of a specific place and time, this study sheds light on contemporary debates about human rights, refugee politics, and the right to asylum.
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Ruijer, Erna, Francoise Détienne, Michael Baker, Jonathan Groff, and Albert J. Meijer. "The Politics of Open Government Data: Understanding Organizational Responses to Pressure for More Transparency." American Review of Public Administration 50, no. 3 (December 4, 2019): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074019888065.
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This article contributes to the growing body of literature within public management on open government data by taking a political perspective. We argue that open government data are a strategic resource of organizations and therefore organizations are not likely to share it. We develop an analytical framework for studying the politics of open government data, based on theories of strategic responses to institutional processes, government transparency, and open government data. The framework shows that there can be different organizational strategic responses to open data—varying from conformity to active resistance—and that different institutional antecedents influence these responses. The value of the framework is explored in two cases: a province in the Netherlands and a municipality in France. The cases provide insights into why governments might release datasets in certain policy domains but not in others thereby producing “strategically opaque transparency.” The article concludes that the politics of open government data framework helps us understand open data practices in relation to broader institutional pressures that influence government transparency.
15
Pavlovic, Vojislav. "France and the Serbian government's Yugoslav project." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637171p.
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The French government and statesmen had never considered the creation of a unified South-Slav state as an objective of the Great War. Officially acquainted with the project through the Nis Declaration in December 1914 they remained silent on the issue, as it involved both the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy and, following the Treaty of London in May 1915, an open conflict with Italy. In neither case, then, did French diplomacy deem it useful to trigger such a shift in the balance of power in Europe just to grant the wishes of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Naturally, in the spring of 1918 the dismantlement of Austria-Hungary was envisaged, but with the view to weakening the adversary camp, while the destiny of the Yugoslav provinces remained undecided. Moreover, war imperatives required extreme caution in relation to Italian intransigency. The Italian veto weighed heavily on French politics, to the extent that even the actual realization of the Yugoslav project, proclamation of a unified state on 1 December 1918 in Belgrade, took place without a consent or implicit support on the part of the French government.
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Fattal, Simone. "Alexis de Tocqueville, Democrat in America, Colonizer in Africa." Review of Middle East Studies 45, no. 1 (2011): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100001889.
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Alexis de Tocqueville was born an aristocrat, in the very conservative region of Normandy, in France in 1805. He was at the same time an admirer of the French Revolution, although due to his upbringing and family, he was unable to subscribe to all the principles inherent to that revolution. Tocqueville remains admirable on that score, as he lived under the counterrevolution and participated in the government of the new monarchy. His contradictions made him an observing outsider. He studied law and went into politics. He accompanied his friend, Gustave de Beaumont, who was sent by his government to the New Republic of America, to study the U.S. prison system for its eventual application in France. They cosigned the subsequent report.
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Coleman, William D., Michael M. Atkinson, and Éric Montpetit. "Against the Odds: Retrenchment in Agriculture in France and the United States." World Politics 49, no. 4 (July 1997): 453–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100008017.
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This article extends recent work on a comparative theory of retrenchment in social policy by asking whether the politics of retrenchment travels well across policy areas, with policy feedback remaining a crucial variable for explaining government success or failure. The article analyzes policy change in agriculture in the United States and France, a natural choice for an extension of retrenchment theory because agricultural policy resembles social policy in some respects but also provides telling points of contrast. The article finds that the call for new theories focusing on retrenchment is justified: the politics of agricultural retrenchment differs from that of expansion, and success at retrenchment varies by program.The analysis shows, as well, that retrenchment has been significant both in the U.S. and in France and the European Union. Variations in policy feedback help explain why these policy changes occurred. Moreover, the France-U.S. comparison highlights how systemic institutional factors shape the politics of retrenchment. Finally, focusing on agriculture, a policy sector in which international developments have a greater direct importance than they do in social policy, the article identifies an additional systemic retrenchment strategy: constraining domestic programs through international agreements.
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CONLEY, RICHARD S. "Presidential Republics and Divided Government: Lawmaking and Executive Politics in the United States and France." Political Science Quarterly 122, no. 2 (June 2007): 257–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2007.tb00599.x.
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19
Syed, Areeja, and Chriet Hamid. "France-Pakistan Antagonistic Relations and Role of Public Diplomacy." Global Foreign Policies Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(iv-iv).05.
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France and Pakistan have enjoyed amicable relationships since the 1960s and hold high status in the eye of Pakistan for the provision of military technology to Pakistan. It is also one of those major countries where Pakistan exports its products and commodities. However, their relationship suffered a sudden downfall soon after the publishing of the blasphemous cartoons in a French magazine that received an instant backlash from the Muslim community, including Pakistan. Public diplomacy can opt as the top priority for the government to restore the close bond with France in the field of military technology, economy, culture, and politics. In the past, France has been the major contributor to the development of Pakistan's military capabilities. Given a large number of Muslim communities residing in France, Pakistan can never politically disconnect from France, which necessitates coming up with a common ground to take the bilateral ties to the next level.
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KOSTIUK, Maryna. "Corpus-Based Analysis of the Concept France." Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no. 75 (1) (2024): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2024.1.04.
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The article focuses on a corpus-based analysis of the concept FRANCE. The analysis of concepts through the lens of corpus linguistics allows us to determine the general perception of a particular reality. Given the current political context and the development of diplomatic relationships, the concept FRANCE becomes significant and requires analysis. As the material for our study, we chose the corpus of Ukrainian language GRAK. General Regionally Annotated Corpus of Ukrainian (GRAC) is a large representative collection of texts in Ukrainian accompanied by a program that enables customization of subcorpora, searching words, grammatical forms and their combinations as well as post-processing of the query results. For this analysis, journalistic and literary texts dated from 1991 to 2022 were selected. The lexeme “France”, representing the concept FRANCE, appeared 189,178 times in GRAK between 1991 and 2022 with the majority of occurrences found in journalistic texts. Besides, other lexical representatives of the concept FRANCE were analyzed, such as “French”, “Paris”, “France”. The article pays particular attention to the contexts in which the concept FRANCE is realized. Ten main thematic groups related to the concept FRANCE were identified and analyzed: FRANCE – PRESTIGE; FRANCE – REFUGE; FRANCE – HISTORY; FRANCE – LAW; FRANCE – POLITICS; FRANCE – LANGUAGE; FRANCE – ECONOMY; FRANCE – SPORT; FRANCE – FOOD; FRANCE – STYLE. Key adjectives and verbs that verbalize the concept FRANCE in the corpus were found. These words often evoke images of well-known politicians and the names of European countries. Moreover, crucial collocates were determined. Thirty collocates representing the lexeme France were identified: Germany, Macron (Emmanuel), Francois (Hollande), President, Italy, Britain, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Spain, Merkel, Sarkozy, Championship, Leaders, Paris, Ambassador, Team, Elections, PSG, Finance, Embassy, Canada, Government, Lady, Great, Match, Ukraine, Protests, Authority, Visit. These collocates predominantly align with themes of politics, international relations and sports. The extensive usage of the concept FRANCE in Ukrainian corpus indicates a strengthening of political relations between Ukraine and France.
21
Zahariadis, Nikolaos. "To Sell or Not to Sell? Telecommunications Policy in Britain and France." Journal of Public Policy 12, no. 4 (October 1992): 355–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005614.
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ABSTRACTUsing Kingdon's agenda setting model and broadening it to the entire policy formation process, I offer an explanation of why the British privatised their telecommunications authority but the French did not. Privatisation is brought about by coupling three streams or factors in critical moments in time: available alternatives generated in policy communities, high government borrowing needs, and party politics. The findings illuminate the usefulness of Kingdon's model beyond its original application in the United States, and have implications for broader theoretical debates in comparative policy research.
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Bove, Vincenzo, Mauricio Rivera, and Chiara Ruffa. "Beyond coups: terrorism and military involvement in politics." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 1 (August 20, 2019): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119866499.
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A wealth of research in comparative politics and international relations examines how the military intervenes in politics via coups. We shift attention to broader forms of military involvement in politics beyond coups and claim that terrorist violence and the threat of terror attacks provide a window of opportunity for military intervention, without taking full control of state institutions. We highlight two mechanisms through which terrorism influences military involvement in politics: (1) government authorities demand military expertise to fight terrorism and strengthen national security and “pull” the armed forces into politics, and (2) state armed actors exploit their informational advantage over civilian authorities to “push” their way into politics and policy-making. A panel data analysis shows that domestic terror attacks and perceived threats from domestic and transnational terrorist organizations increase military involvement in politics. We illustrate the theoretical mechanisms with the cases of France (1995–1998 and 2015–2016) and Algeria (1989–1992).
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Rouban, Luc. "The uncertainty of French political life: the shift to the right and the crisis of representative democracy." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2021): 188–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.03.08.
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This article deals with the evolution of French politics between 2017 and 2020. Using systematic surveys, which are conducted by the Center for the Study of French Political Life and in which the author is directly involved he shows that President Macron’s policies have not succeeded in dissipating a democratic crisis affecting trust in political institution. The sanitary crisis had a great impact on the political situation in the country. In France, the crisis associated with Covid-19 was manifested not in the confrontation of political forces, but in the criticism of the government by civil society and in the growth of populism. In this respect, France is very different from Germany, where there is a general public consensus, and Great Britain, where confidence in the system-forming parties remains. Populism has gained ground in French politics and explains, more than any other factor, both the distrust in the Presidency and in government health policies. The rise of left-wing and rightwing populism has not led to the disappearance of the division between left and right. A shift toward right values and State intervention can be observed in French public opinion, changing the electoral game for the 2022 presidential campaign.
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Antheaume, Nicolas. "A history of SEA in France: government, engineers and mathematics." Sustainability Accounting, Management and Policy Journal 9, no. 3 (July 2, 2018): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sampj-09-2017-0102.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present a history of social and environmental accounting (SEA) in France. Design/methodology/approach The choice is made to select and analyze three important breakthroughs in the development of SEA in France, at different periods. Three case studies are presented, based on secondary sources for two of them and on the author’s own research for the third one. The author choses the concept of organizational field, defined through its actors, how they interact, what they do, what tools and practices are being developed and what regulations are being enacted. Findings If each case is different in terms of context and outcome, all three present common characteristics which characterize the underlying forces which shaped SEA in France: mainly the role played by elites both in government and industry, an ability for industry to present its interests as the interests of France with an impact on the international standardization of some tools and regulatory issues such as product labeling. The French scene is dominated by engineers, characterized by quantitative tools which “measure” environmental performance, in line with the culture of the French elite for which mathematics are a tool for action and problem-solving. In a certain way this “depoliticized” environmental questions and made them a question of optimization more than a question of politics. Practical implications Because of the specific context in which some tools emerge, they may not be transferable to other countries without important changes. Social implications The focus on problem solving through quantitative tools to make the most rational decision, and the claim by the engineering profession to be in the best position to do so, is not a focus on accountability. This may be part of the reason why the accounting profession is not as involved as in other countries. Originality/value This paper also shows how France has been both a local field of SEA production, when it comes to developing quantitative tools, with occasional global reach, and an importer of global standards and SEA concepts which originated from the Anglo-Saxon word, when it comes to reporting. More generally, it is also a good illustration of how the development of a “local” organizational field is congruent with the characteristic of its national environment.
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Musa, Ibrahim. "Ethnic Conflict in World Politics." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 3 (October 1, 1997): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i3.2273.
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Thi publication comes at a time when unprecedented bloody ethnic conflictnot only dominate the global media and international politics, but also numb theworld's conscience. Bosnia Herzegovina, Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi, EastTimor, Chechnia, Kashmir, and Kurdistan are some of the famous landmarkswhere entire countries and communities are caught up in the web of ethnic conflict.In other instances, ethnic conflict is gradually becoming a feature ofnational life. It is not at all unfamiliar to hear reports of ethnic conflict in India(Hindu-Muslim riots), Germany (violence against immigrant Turks), France(anti-Arab right-wing nationalist fervor and the Muslim scarf issue), the UnitedStates (Los Angeles riots after the Rodney King trial) and Great Britain (Muslimand government standoff over Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses).Gurr and Harff have written a useful book that tries to make sense of the causesof ethnic conflict in different parts of the world. It deals with the issue in thecontext of rapid changes in the world order; the emergence of ethnopoliticalgroups or ethnoclasses; the struggles for either autonomy or pluralism by variousethnic and social groups; the challenges that ethnopolitics poses to the international.legal and political systems; and the effect of this on communitiesdemanding ethnic rights. It also attempts to provide a framework for analysis ...
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Kufel, Annie. "The Seeds of Farmer Populism: French Food Politics, Productivist Agriculture, and the Shortfalls of Globalization." Interdependent: Journal of Undergraduate Research in Global Studies 4 (2023): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.33682/2pcf-t9a6.
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Over the past decade, populist politics have increasingly enthralled the French farming community, presenting farmers as a silenced, yet indispensable fabric of the French countryside. To assess the phenomenon of French farmer populism, the following questions will be addressed: What are the causes of rising populism among French farmers? What role have both material structures (government, policy, economy) and cultural institutions (French culinary heritage and peasant imaginary) played in promoting widespread rural backlash? Farmer populism in France will be analyzed with particular reference to the notion of gastronationalism, which marries the real expression of nationalist attitudes with the cultural posture of agro-food within a French context. This article argues that farmer frustration caused by structural power imbalances has manifested into (gastro)nationalist populism, characterized by the denouncement of policy-making institutions and the simultaneous reclamation of traditional paysan imaginary. Thus, the convergence of material and symbolic grievances, fueled by gastronationalism, is ultimately the distinguishing characteristic of peasant populism in France.
27
Root, Hilton L. "The Redistributive Role of Government: Economic Regulation in Old Régime France and England." Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, no. 2 (April 1991): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500017059.
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The lobbying activities of private groups had an important redistributive influence on national economic policies in both England and France; however, the different organization of government in the two nations gave a particular shape and structure to the redistributive character of national politics. In England, Parliament's role in the legislative process made gaining economic concessions from the government long and difficult. During the eighteenth century, the English government's role was increasingly limited to adjudicating the claims of influential but conflicting groups. In France, by contrast, the government's economic decisions were neither subject to parliamentary scrutiny nor to open public discussion. Whereas the rules of the redistributional game in eighteenth-century England were increasingly public knowledge, the administrative and political process that allowed the French government to pursue its mercantilist programs was private. Furthermore, the rules changed according to ministerial whim. As one historian put it, public law was a forbidden domain, “a mystery reserved to the king and his ministers,” permitting select members of privileged clans, rather than broadly defined interest groups, to enjoy the benefits of government patronage. Although the creation of sophisticated interests and competitive lobbies allowed the English Parliament to provide special favors to particular industries during the eighteenth century, unlike the French executive, neither Parliament nor the English executive had the discretionary authority to distribute monopoly rents to particular ministerial or royal favorites. In England the government's distribution of spoils followed procedures more open to the English political elite as a whole; still, corruption was more pervasive in English public administration than in France, where executive supervision of central government agents was more comprehensive.
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Bonjour, Saskia. "Between Integration Provision and Selection Mechanism. Party Politics, Judicial Constraints, and the Making of French and Dutch Policies of Civic Integration Abroad." European Journal of Migration and Law 12, no. 3 (2010): 299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181610x520382.
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AbstractBoth the Netherlands and France have recently introduced civic integration abroad policies, which stipulate that family migrants are to learn about the language and customs of the host society, before being admitted to the country. The Dutch program however is much more stringent than the French. While France requires only participation in an evaluation and course that are organised and financed by the French state, the Dutch government has made entry conditional upon passing a test and does not offer courses. In this article, I propose two explanations for the significant differences between the modalities of the Dutch and French civic integration abroad programs. The first is related to party politics, that is to the positions adopted by political parties and the relations between them; the second to the different judicial constraints that weigh upon family migration policies in France and in the Netherlands.
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MERSHON, CAROL. "Legislative Party Switching and Executive Coalitions." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 3 (December 2008): 391–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003198.
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AbstractIn parliamentary systems, legislative parties are the building blocks for executive coalitions. A standard assumption in the large literature on coalition politics is that legislative parties form fixed units from one election to the next. Under some conditions, however, this assumption falls flat. For instance, about one-fourth of legislators in the Italian lower house switched parties between 1996 and 2001. How is legislative party switching linked to the politics of executive coalitions? This paper examines how government composition affects the direction of party switching, and how party switching affects the reallocation of cabinet office. I devote in-depth scrutiny to Italy. Subsidiary country cases, chosen to maximize institutional variation, are Australia, Britain, Canada, France, and Spain.
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Fard, Rebin. "The New Foreign-Policy Pendulum: Geopolitical Codes of German Foreign Policy in the Post-bipolar World Order." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 383–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0022.
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AbstractThis article deals with the question of how German foreign policy can be characterized from a geopolitical perspective in an era in which the constellation of world politics is undergoing change, as evidenced by the conflict in Ukraine, shift in US foreign policy under President Trump and the on-going Brexit negotiations. In order to identify changes in the geopolitical orientation of German foreign policy and sketch a profile of German foreign policy, the article includes official German government documents. It can be concluded from the study that the geopolitical codes of German foreign policy are of a varying character, and can be characterized into three geopolitical spatial structures: the Atlantic, European and Eurasian regions. In terms of the geopolitical orientation of German foreign policy, the Federal Government develops German strategy in a multipolar world system, in which it aims to turn Europe into a world power. While the continued existence of NATO remains a goal of German foreign policy, the Federal Government, in unison with France, seeks a multipolar world order, in which Germany and France assume leading roles within the European spatial structure, and are liberated from US supremacy in the transatlantic spatial structure.
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Cohen, Miriam. "Population, Politics, and Unemployment Policy in the Great Depression." Social Science History 38, no. 1-2 (2014): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Working out large-scale processes through close attention to local-level analysis remained central to Louise Tilly's approach to social history. An ongoing commitment to agency and strategy undergirded her vision for a global history that made connections between large-scale processes across space, between human agency and structure, and between the past and present. Her vision remains an important influence in my coauthored comparative history of the welfare state in England, France, and the United States. This is illustrated by a discussion of unemployment policies in the three countries at one particular moment of crisis, the Great Depression, concentrating on the United States, where the Depression hit first and hit the hardest. Important differences in demography, the mobilization of ordinary citizens, the responsiveness of state structures to democratic pressure, and public attitudes about the legitimate role of government all affected the history of unemployment policy in each country.
32
Pasler, Jann. "Deconstructing d'Indy, or the Problem of a Composer's Reputation." 19th-Century Music 30, no. 3 (2007): 230–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2007.30.3.230.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Perhaps more than any of his contemporaries in turn-of-the-century France, the composer Vincent d'Indy fashioned an identity based on opposition. Understanding the dynamic of oppositional politics, he defined himself, his music, and the music school he directed, the Schola Cantorum, through difference. This has led both his successors and his critics up through the present to associate him with defiant ultra-conservatism. However, d'Indy was also a man of alliances, alliances that served the composer and the state well. In "Deconstructing d'Indy," I throw into question the attitudes that have accumulated about him and suggest a more nuanced view of the man and his politics based on his practices, particularly before 1900. I show how he allowed government officials to use his difference to help them combat monopolies and bridge conflict with the Republic. The article argues that in misconstruing the nature and function of political differences in France and their relationship to reputation-building strategies, we risk substituting ideology and our own projections of its meaning for a composer's identity and importance in his or her times.
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Collins, Ross F. "A Battle for Humor: Satire and Censorship in Le Bayard." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 73, no. 3 (September 1996): 645–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909607300311.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Research on humorous and satiric publications during wartime is scarce, and studies of World War I humorous publications suggest that such publications emphasized patriotic material supporting the war and ridiculing the enemy. This study of a French weekly satiric publication, Le Bavard, indicates that, at least in France, the conventional assumption needs to be reassessed. Despite heavy censorship, Le Bavard criticized French politicians and lampooned government leadership. The protest-minded approach of Le Bavard may be attributed to its association with leftist politics.
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Dagiral, Éric, and Khetrimayum Monish Singh. "Governance and Accountable Citizenship Through Identification Infrastructures: Database Politics of Copernicus (France) and National Register of Citizens (India)." Science, Technology and Society 25, no. 3 (April 29, 2020): 368–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971721820912895.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Several governments around the world have developed new ways of registering citizens when it comes to their relations with the state administration. Contemporary practices of identification through databases open up new ways of institutional and governmental practices across various sectors. In France, the tax administration had become the flagship of the whole French e-government project. The first case study focuses on the Copernicus project, which rapidly raised concerns about the implications of identification practices for taxpayers/citizens/households/individuals through unique identifiers. The Indian case study focuses on the National Register of Citizens as a citizen identification infrastructure, the processes of trying to categorise a diverse demography into citizens and non-citizens, and the subsequent issues that arise around different claims to citizenship. Taking these two case studies, this article discusses two national databases in France (tax administration) and India (citizenship), respectively, as examples of contemporary state practices around digital identification infrastructures as a form of database politics to enforce accountable forms of citizen practices through which different forms of data driven institutional and sociotechnical processes are marking new changes in the state–citizen relationship, both in France and in India.
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Pavard, Bibia. "The Right to Know? The Politics of Information about Contraception in France (1950s–80s)." Medical History 63, no. 2 (March 26, 2019): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2019.4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1920 in France, a law was passed prohibiting abortion, the sale of contraceptives and ‘anti-conception propaganda’. While contraception was legalised in 1967 and abortion in 1975, ‘anti-natalist propaganda’ remained forbidden. This article takes seriously the aim of the French state to prevent the circulation of information for demographic reasons. Drawing from government archives, social movement archives and media coverage, the article focuses on the way the propaganda ban contributed to shaping the public debate on contraception as well as lastingly impacting the ability of the state to communicate on the subject. It first shows how birth control activists challenged the legal interdiction against communicating about contraception (1956–67) without questioning the natalist obligation. It then shows how, after 1968, communication on contraception became a power struggle carried out by various actors (sexologists and feminist and leftist activists) and how the dissemination of information about contraception was thought of as a way to challenge moral and social values. Finally, the article describes the change of state communication policies in the mid-1970s, leading to the first national campaign on contraception launched in 1981, which defined information as a task that women should take on.
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Fulco, Rita. "Politics and ‘spiritual education’ in Simone Weil’s last writings." Logos. Anales del Seminario de Metafísica 56, no. 2 (December 14, 2023): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/asem.88842.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of this article is to relate the concept of 'force' to that of 'spiritual education'. Starting from it, we can better understand the link, fundamental for Simone Weil also in the political sphere, between immanence and transcendence. The predominance of force over immanence seems, indeed, to decree the impossibility of a 'just' politics. Weil shows that awareness of the predominance of force in this world is a first and indispensable step towards justice. This explains the centrality that Weil attaches to the education of attention, particularly for those who are to assume governmental roles. Reflection on politics and justice thus assumes, in the last years of Weil's life, the role of an 'otherwise than power', effective on two levels: firstly, as a reflection on power and the forms of government to be given to France liberated from the Nazis; secondly, as a project of true spiritual education for those who will be called to govern at any level.
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Heldt, Eugénia C., and Laura C. Mahrenbach. "Reforming International Organizations." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 26, no. 4 (October 22, 2020): 601–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02604001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Recent scholarship has highlighted the role of domestic pressures in determining state preferences toward the reform of international organizations (IO s). This article adds a new dimension by examining how partisanship and ministerial control affect state preferences toward IO empowerment. The article derives two expectations from the existing literature. First, partisan position will determine preferences toward IO empowerment. Second, when a government is constituted by multiple parties, the position of the party with the IO’s ministerial portfolio will determine the government’s position toward IO empowerment. The article illustrates this argument by examining the positions of four net donors (Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and two net recipients (Brazil and India) during the World Bank’s reforms. By bringing domestic politics back in, this article complements existing studies on the politics of IO reform and weighs in on central debates in comparative politics and international political economy.
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Pestel, Friedemann. "The Impossible Ancien Régime colonial: Postcolonial Haiti and the Perils of the French Restoration." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 2 (May 2017): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-2-261.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Impossible Ancien Régime colonial: Postcolonial Haiti and the Perils of the French Restoration This article discusses the consequences of Napoleon's downfall for the world's first modern post-slavery state, Haiti. It focuses on the interplay between the French colonial office's diplomatic missions that were lobbied by dispossessed planters to recover the lost colony and the Haitian propaganda to guarantee national independence. These relations ultimately contributed to a shift in French colonial politics towards Haiti, from military conquest and re-enslavement to financial indemnification. Taking the rhetoric of pacification beyond Europe, French diplomacy presented racial hierarchies as an extension of the 1814 compromise between old and new elites in metropolitan France. The Haitian side, however, insisted on the sharp contradiction between the supposed reconciliation in France and a quasi-restoration of the Ancien Régime colonial. Drawing on Haitian, French and British source material, this article analyses how Haitian propaganda attacked the precarious political legitimacy of Restoration France from an extra-European viewpoint to exert pressure on European colonial politics. Relying on Haiti as a model for slave emancipation, British abolitionists significantly contributed to excluding the option of the Ancien Régime colonial. The debate on Haiti's future forced Louis XVIII's government to ponder the political risks of colonial restoration. In the outcome, financial indemnification became France's primary condition for recognising Haitian independence in 1825.
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Arzakanyian, Marina. "Édith Cresson is the First Woman Prime Minister in the History of France." ISTORIYA 14, no. 4 (126) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025945-8.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper is dedicated to the first woman Prime Minister Édith Cresson in the history of France. She entered the path of a political career, joining the socialist movement in the 60s. Cresson already held key posts in the socialist party founded by François Mitterrand ten years later, and after he became the president of the country, she repeatedly became the Minister. Cresson was appointed head of government in 1991 and held this position for about a year. Her activities as Prime Minister were not successful. Nevertheless, she went down in history, because for the first time she became Prime Minister of France. After leaving the second person of the state, Cresson worked for some time in the European Commission, and since the 2000s, gradually moved away from politics.
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BATES, ROBIN. "MADAME GUIZOT AND MONSIEUR GUIZOT: DOMESTIC PEDAGOGY AND THE POST-REVOLUTIONARY ORDER IN FRANCE, 1807–1830." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 1 (March 3, 2011): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000047.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When the husband-and-wife team of François and Pauline Guizot looked at early nineteenth-century France, they saw an institutional wasteland where the Revolution had annihilated settled habits, mentalities, and structures. Beginning with collaborative work on pedagogy, they envisioned a new order adequate to the post-Revolutionary era. In their imaginative universe, moral suasion ultimately trumps direct physical coercion. Resistance and manipulation subvert the imperious imposition of an iron will, while an abiding spiritual form of power comes from renouncing forceful commands in favor of sentimental ascendancy. They advanced this as an all-embracing social truth applicable to many different domains from domesticity to government. Their wide-ranging theory of human relations blossomed into thegouvernement des esprits(“government of minds”) which intellectually underwrote François's Doctrinaire liberalism when he entered politics. Meanwhile, Pauline pursued her reflections on post-Revolutionary society in deceptively simple children's stories which instantiate their philosophy in concrete human relationships.
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Łaptos, Józef. "Postawa Francji i jej belgijskiej sojuszniczki wobec wojny polsko-bolszewickiej." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 31 (December 14, 2022): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.22.002.16704.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Stance of France and Belgium Toward the Polish-Bolshevik War The article is an attempt to underline the difference in the conduct of foreign policy by two allied countries. One of them – France, had the opinion of the most powerful state in Europe after World War I, and the other – Belgium, was a small country that decided to abandon its neutrality (imposed by the great powers in 1839). Such an alliance, salutary for strengthening the security guarantees towards the former occupant, brought with it fears of domination and instrumental treatment. In matters of eastern policy, both countries were concerned about the loss of numerous investments and capital investments in tsarist Russia. It was through this prism that the Polish-Bolshevik war was assessed. The second factor that distinguished the two countries in their approach to the war was the different composition of the government. While in France the electoral victory of the National Bloc facilitated the conduct of politics, the government of catholic-socialist coalition in Belgium faced serious obstacles from the socialists, which was manifested in the decision concerning the transit of weapons to Poland. French aid in the form of weapons supplies and support for Poland from the diplomatic side led to an alliance with Poland. Belgium took advantage of the end of the war to establish, above all, economic cooperation.
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KONOLD, DIETER. "Farm Interests as Bargaining Chips: France in the EU-Mercosur Free Trade Negotiations." Journal of Public Policy 30, no. 3 (November 4, 2010): 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x10000139.
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AbstractIn trade policy France ranks as one of the most protectionist countries in the European Union. From an outside perspective, the French attitude is usually explained as a consequence of the strength and influence of the agrarian lobby. The article argues that farm groups in France have lost their formerly privileged position and the power to pursue their interests politically. A closer look at domestic politics shows that agricultural reforms were successfully implemented against the opposition of the farm lobby during the last ten years. But at the same time, French policy-makers were keen to create the impression that they were unable to make concessions in international trade talks due to the resistance of the agricultural sector. The EU-Mercosur negotiations demonstrate how the French government fended off demands for liberalization using farm interests as bargaining chips.
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FORRESTAL, ALISON. "Making Bishops in Tridentine France: The Episcopal Ideal of Jean-Pierre Camus." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 2 (April 2003): 254–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690200564x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The experience of Jean-Pierre Camus, a reforming bishop in seventeenth-century France, highlights the problematic ambivalences present within French Catholic reform after the Council of Trent: the persistent tensions between bishops, the papacy and lower clergy over the most effective means of achieving renewal and the most appropriate forms of ecclesiastical government, as well as the growing emphasis upon episcopal perfection within an episcopate that was, paradoxically, closely linked to politics and secular society. His publications on episcopacy provide an insight into the motivations and beliefs of a prominent episcopal reformer and into the ecclesiastical culture of seventeenth-century France. This article seeks to demonstrate that Camus' episcopal ideal was a coherent adaptation of traditional and contemporary views produced in response to post-Trent circumstances and that the bishop's published views had a significant impact upon his fellow prelates and their relationship with the papacy.
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Cohen, Miriam, and Michael Hanagan. "Politics, Industrialization and Citizenship: Unemployment Policy in England, France and the United States, 1890–1950." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 91–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113616.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
With the “forward march of labor halted”, and labor movements everywhere in retreat, T.H. Marshall's state-based emphasis on social welfare as “social right” has reminded those interested in reform that appeals to membership in a national community, the essence of citizenship, have served to rally groups to successful struggles for reform. Those aspects of Marshall's ideas, best summarized in his classic 1949 address, “Citizenship and Social Class”, with the greatest resonance for modern social theorists revolve around the relationship between citizenship, rights and markets. For Marshall, “the universal status of citizenship” was a plane of equality such that “all who possess the status (of citizenship) are equal with respect to the rights and duties with which the status is endowed”. Rights were embodied in a common culture and enforced by state power. Marshall believed that, gradually, one particular kind of rights, “social rights”, would come to limit the power of the market. While markets would continue to exist and to generate social inequality, government redistribution would increasingly expand the plane of equality to include the most important aspects of material and cultural life. The distinctive feature of these social rights according to Marshall is that they were not exemptions, privileges or paternalistic solicitude for those excluded from what he labels the “national community”, but social rights were benefits given to members of the community to encourage and facilitate their continued participation.
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Zeng, Zhijia. "A Cross-National Examination of Abortion Politics: Contrasting Perspectives in the United States and France." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 55, no. 1 (June 6, 2024): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/55/20240065.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The debate surrounding abortion laws has been one of great prominence in current politics. While some nations take a strong stance against the accessibility of the practice, others view it as an essential protection of women's autonomy. The main objective of this paper is to perform a comparative analysis of both the historical and contemporary legal landscape of abortion within France and the United States. Throughout this paper, the examination of the evolution of abortion laws in both countries are laid against a backdrop of shifting societal values, cultural influences, and political dynamics. In the United States, the narrative of abortion laws is marked by intense ideological complications and complex legal battles that result from deep rooted societal divisions. In contrast, Frances progression leaned towards growing liberalization, strongly influenced by public health priorities and an emphasis on gender equity. Through delving into key legal decisions, political movements, and public relations, this paper aims to illustrate the shaping legal and cultural frameworks within the two nations shape their respective policies and practices surrounding the topic of abortion. This paper highlights the implications of these divergent approaches towards womens reproductive autonomy, government health outcomes, and overarching societal norms. The comparative analysis of abortion within the two democracies seeks to provide insights into the underlying reasons for the stark differences in their approaches, striving to draw conclusions that may provide insight for future legal and policy initiatives in the realm of reproductive rights.
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Meunier, Sophie, and Christilla Roederer-Rynning. "Missing in Action? France and the Politicization of Trade and Investment Agreements." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 312–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2616.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Negotiations for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) and for the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between the EU and Canada have provoked massive mobilization throughout Europe, both on the streets and online. Yet France, long at the epicenter of anti-globalization and anti-Americanism, has played a surprisingly modest role in the mobilization campaign against these agreements. This article asks why France did not contribute to anti-TTIP mobilization and, more broadly, how patterns of French mobilization over trade have changed over the past two decades. Using comparative-historical analysis, we explore to what extent this puzzling French reaction can be traced to changing attitudes towards the US, agenda-shaping by the French government, and transformations in the venues and techniques of social mobilization. We thus contribute to the growing literature on the politicization of trade agreements and offer insights into the links between domestic and international politics.
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John, P. "Urban Economic Policy Networks in Britain and France; A Sociometric Approach." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 16, no. 3 (June 1998): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160307.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Local economic development policy networks in four cities in Britain and France (Leeds, Southampton, Lille, and Rennes) are compared by means of the technique of sociometric network analysis. The author's objective was to find out if, in an age of internationalisation and urban competition, networks still conform to the structure suggested by the classic Franco-British comparative studies, or whether they resemble the more open and interorganisational pattern characteristic of the new urban governance. After setting out the methods and the sociometric approach, the author identifies actors who have the ten highest centrality scores in the four cities, The author concludes that, in spite of continuing contrasts in the national institutional structures and differences in the politics and cultures of the four cities, there is a surprising similarity in the key actors involved in urban economic development; these actors include individuals from the locally elected authorities, central government bodies, and businesses. The new urban governance is based on the range of agencies responsible for economic development and upon the growing importance of business in policy formulation and implementation.
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Śliżewski, Grzegorz. "Polskie lotnictwo wojskowe a wojna zimowa 1939/1940." Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy 20, no. 1 (2019): 119–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32089/wbh003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents the efforts of the Polish Government in exile to create the first military unit fighting alongside an ally after the 1939 campaign. This unit was to be a fighter squadron, whose task was to support the Finnish air force during the Winter War of 1939/1940. Initially, the squadron was to be formed from pilots interned in the Baltic States, and after giving up this idea – from the military personnel who managed to get to France. However, the formation of the unit was preceded by the signing of a truce between the parties to the conflict. The article discusses issues related both to international politics and military history.
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Glowczewski, Xavier de. "La guerre d’Algérie au miroir de la presse allemande (1958-1962)." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 31, no. 3 (1999): 541–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.1999.4141.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In spite of the great international crises of those days, Germany took an interest in the Algerian war. Public opinion saw the risk of a civil war. From the return of general de Gaulle to politics to the Evian agreement, the German media recorded the views of the friends of the FLN, of de Gaulle’s supporters, as well as of those among the intellectuals who criticized the way the new government was dealing with the conflict. 13 years after the end of World War II, the events in Algeria upset the Germans. German public saw France, in spite of its nuclear power, more as an African than a European power.
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Ramel, Alicia, Agnieszka Bezat-Jarzębowska, and Sebastian Jarzębowski. "EPIC approach as a tool for comparison of transport infrastructure in Poland and France." Ekonomika i Organizacja Logistyki 1, no. 2 (July 17, 2016): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/eiol.2016.1.2.16.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The EPIC structure allows to know strengths and weaknesses of each part of the world and of several countries in each part. It helps decision-makers, in accordance with their problem, to choose the best option of development and investments. It is a tool to have more information about economy, politics, infrastructure and competence. The goal of the paper is to compare the infrastructure in Poland and France by using of the EPIC approach. Poland is one of very good investment destinations for companies targeting both western and eastern as well as northern and southern parts of Europe. Unfortunately the transportation infrastructure in Poland is still poor if you compare with countries in the Western Europe, even if internationals routes have been developed and modernized. France is a very good investment destination for companies. The French government invests in repairs of the railway, maintenance of all the transports, development of ecological transport and the building of some new roads and new logistics area.