Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Francia – Historia – 1789-1815"

Introduction Cookbooks are an exceptional written record of what is largely an oral tradition. They have been described as “magician’s hats” due to their ability to reveal much more than they seem to contain (Wheaton, “Finding”). The first book printed in Germany was the Guttenberg Bible in 1456 but, by 1490, printing was introduced into almost every European country (Tierney). The spread of literacy between 1500 and 1800, and the rise in silent reading, helped to create a new private sphere into which the individual could retreat, seeking refuge from the community (Chartier). This new technology had its effects in the world of cookery as in so many spheres of culture (Mennell, All Manners). Trubek notes that cookbooks are the texts most often used by culinary historians, since they usually contain all the requisite materials for analysing a cuisine: ingredients, method, technique, and presentation. Printed cookbooks, beginning in the early modern period, provide culinary historians with sources of evidence of the culinary past. Historians have argued that social differences can be expressed by the way and type of food we consume. Cookbooks are now widely accepted as valid socio-cultural and historic documents (Folch, Sherman), and indeed the link between literacy levels and the protestant tradition has been expressed through the study of Danish cookbooks (Gold). From Apicius, Taillevent, La Varenne, and Menon to Bradley, Smith, Raffald, Acton, and Beeton, how can both manuscript and printed cookbooks be analysed as historic documents? What is the difference between a manuscript and a printed cookbook? Barbara Ketchum Wheaton, who has been studying cookbooks for over half a century and is honorary curator of the culinary collection in Harvard’s Schlesinger Library, has developed a methodology to read historic cookbooks using a structured approach. For a number of years she has been giving seminars to scholars from multidisciplinary fields on how to read historic cookbooks. This paper draws on the author’s experiences attending Wheaton’s seminar in Harvard, and on supervising the use of this methodology at both Masters and Doctoral level (Cashman; Mac Con Iomaire, and Cashman). Manuscripts versus Printed Cookbooks A fundamental difference exists between manuscript and printed cookbooks in their relationship with the public and private domain. Manuscript cookbooks are by their very essence intimate, relatively unedited and written with an eye to private circulation. Culinary manuscripts follow the diurnal and annual tasks of the household. They contain recipes for cures and restoratives, recipes for cleansing products for the house and the body, as well as the expected recipes for cooking and preserving all manners of food. Whether manuscript or printed cookbook, the recipes contained within often act as a reminder of how laborious the production of food could be in the pre-industrialised world (White). Printed cookbooks draw oxygen from the very fact of being public. They assume a “literate population with sufficient discretionary income to invest in texts that commodify knowledge” (Folch). This process of commoditisation brings knowledge from the private to the public sphere. There exists a subset of cookbooks that straddle this divide, for example, Mrs. Rundell’s A New System of Domestic Cookery (1806), which brought to the public domain her distillation of a lifetime of domestic experience. Originally intended for her daughters alone, Rundell’s book was reprinted regularly during the nineteenth century with the last edition printed in 1893, when Mrs. Beeton had been enormously popular for over thirty years (Mac Con Iomaire, and Cashman). Barbara Ketchum Wheaton’s Structured Approach Cookbooks can be rewarding, surprising and illuminating when read carefully with due effort in understanding them as cultural artefacts. However, Wheaton notes that: “One may read a single old cookbook and find it immensely entertaining. One may read two and begin to find intriguing similarities and differences. When the third cookbook is read, one’s mind begins to blur, and one begins to sense the need for some sort of method in approaching these documents” (“Finding”). Following decades of studying cookbooks from both sides of the Atlantic and writing a seminal text on the French at table from 1300-1789 (Wheaton, Savouring the Past), this combined experience negotiating cookbooks as historical documents was codified, and a structured approach gradually articulated and shared within a week long seminar format. In studying any cookbook, regardless of era or country of origin, the text is broken down into five different groupings, to wit: ingredients; equipment or facilities; the meal; the book as a whole; and, finally, the worldview. A particular strength of Wheaton’s seminars is the multidisciplinary nature of the approaches of students who attend, which throws the study of cookbooks open to wide ranging techniques. Students with a purely scientific training unearth interesting patterns by developing databases of the frequency of ingredients or techniques, and cross referencing them with other books from similar or different timelines or geographical regions. Patterns are displayed in graphs or charts. Linguists offer their own unique lens to study cookbooks, whereas anthropologists and historians ask what these objects can tell us about how our ancestors lived and drew meaning from life. This process is continuously refined, and each grouping is discussed below. Ingredients The geographic origins of the ingredients are of interest, as is the seasonality and the cost of the foodstuffs within the scope of each cookbook, as well as the sensory quality both separately and combined within different recipes. In the medieval period, the use of spices and large joints of butchers meat and game were symbols of wealth and status. However, when the discovery of sea routes to the New World and to the Far East made spices more available and affordable to the middle classes, the upper classes spurned them. Evidence from culinary manuscripts in Georgian Ireland, for example, suggests that galangal was more easily available in Dublin during the eighteenth century than in the mid-twentieth century. A new aesthetic, articulated by La Varenne in his Le Cuisinier Francois (1651), heralded that food should taste of itself, and so exotic ingredients such as cinnamon, nutmeg, and ginger were replaced by the local bouquet garni, and stocks and sauces became the foundations of French haute cuisine (Mac Con Iomaire). Some combinations of flavours and ingredients were based on humoral physiology, a long held belief system based on the writings of Hippocrates and Galen, now discredited by modern scientific understanding. The four humors are blood, yellow bile, black bile, and phlegm. It was believed that each of these humors would wax and wane in the body, depending on diet and activity. Galen (131-201 AD) believed that warm food produced yellow bile and that cold food produced phlegm. It is difficult to fathom some combinations of ingredients or the manner of service without comprehending the contemporary context within they were consumeSome ingredients found in Roman cookbooks, such as “garum” or “silphium” are no longer available. It is suggested that the nearest substitute for garum also known as “liquamen”—a fermented fish sauce—would be Naam Plaa, or Thai fish sauce (Grainger). Ingredients such as tea and white bread, moved from the prerogative of the wealthy over time to become the staple of the urban poor. These ingredients, therefore, symbolise radically differing contexts during the seventeenth century than in the early twentieth century. Indeed, there are other ingredients such as hominy (dried maize kernel treated with alkali) or grahams (crackers made from graham flour) found in American cookbooks that require translation to the unacquainted non-American reader. There has been a growing number of food encyclopaedias published in recent years that assist scholars in identifying such commodities (Smith, Katz, Davidson). The Cook’s Workplace, Techniques, and Equipment It is important to be aware of the type of kitchen equipment used, the management of heat and cold within the kitchen, and also the gradual spread of the industrial revolution into the domestic sphere. Visits to historic castles such as Hampton Court Palace where nowadays archaeologists re-enact life below stairs in Tudor times give a glimpse as to how difficult and labour intensive food production was. Meat was spit-roasted in front of huge fires by spit boys. Forcemeats and purees were manually pulped using mortar and pestles. Various technological developments including spit-dogs, and mechanised pulleys, replaced the spit boys, the most up to date being the mechanised rotisserie. The technological advancements of two hundred years can be seen in the Royal Pavilion in Brighton where Marie-Antoinin Carême worked for the Prince Regent in 1816 (Brighton Pavilion), but despite the gleaming copper pans and high ceilings for ventilation, the work was still back breaking. Carême died aged forty-nine, “burnt out by the flame of his genius and the fumes of his ovens” (Ackerman 90). Mennell points out that his fame outlived him, resting on his books: Le Pâtissier Royal Parisien (1815); Le Pâtissier Pittoresque (1815); Le Maître d’Hôtel Français (1822); Le Cuisinier Parisien (1828); and, finally, L’Art de la Cuisine Française au Dix-Neuvième Siècle (1833–5), which was finished posthumously by his student Pluméry (All Manners). Mennell suggests that these books embody the first paradigm of professional French cuisine (in Kuhn’s terminology), pointing out that “no previous work had so comprehensively codified the field nor established its dominance as a point of reference for the whole profession in the way that Carême did” (All Manners 149). The most dramatic technological changes came after the industrial revolution. Although there were built up ovens available in bakeries and in large Norman households, the period of general acceptance of new cooking equipment that enclosed fire (such as the Aga stove) is from c.1860 to 1910, with gas ovens following in c.1910 to the 1920s) and Electricity from c.1930. New food processing techniques dates are as follows: canning (1860s), cooling and freezing (1880s), freeze drying (1950s), and motorised delivery vans with cooking (1920s–1950s) (den Hartog). It must also be noted that the supply of fresh food, and fish particularly, radically improved following the birth, and expansion of, the railways. To understand the context of the cookbook, one needs to be aware of the limits of the technology available to the users of those cookbooks. For many lower to middle class families during the twentieth century, the first cookbook they would possess came with their gas or electrical oven. Meals One can follow cooked dishes from the kitchen to the eating place, observing food presentation, carving, sequencing, and serving of the meal and table etiquette. Meal times and structure changed over time. During the Middle Ages, people usually ate two meals a day: a substantial dinner around noon and a light supper in the evening (Adamson). Some of the most important factors to consider are the manner in which meals were served: either à la française or à la russe. One of the main changes that occurred during the nineteenth century was the slow but gradual transfer from service à la française to service à la russe. From medieval times to the middle of the nineteenth century the structure of a formal meal was not by “courses”—as the term is now understood—but by “services”. Each service could comprise of a choice of dishes—both sweet and savoury—from which each guest could select what appealed to him or her most (Davidson). The philosophy behind this form of service was the forementioned humoral physiology— where each diner chose food based on the four humours of blood, yellow bile, black bile, or phlegm. Also known as le grand couvert, the à la française method made it impossible for the diners to eat anything that was beyond arm’s length (Blake, and Crewe). Smooth service, however, was the key to an effective à la russe dinner since servants controlled the flow of food (Eatwell). The taste and temperature of food took centre stage with the à la russe dinner as each course came in sequence. Many historic cookbooks offer table plans illustrating the suggested arrangement of dishes on a table for the à la française style of service. Many of these dishes might be re-used in later meals, and some dishes such as hashes and rissoles often utilised left over components of previous meals. There is a whole genre of cookbooks informing the middle class cooks how to be frugal and also how to emulate haute cuisine using cheaper or ersatz ingredients. The number dining and the manner in which they dined also changed dramatically over time. From medieval to Tudor times, there might be hundreds dining in large banqueting halls. By the Elizabethan age, a small intimate room where master and family dined alone replaced the old dining hall where master, servants, guests, and travellers had previously dined together (Spencer). Dining tables remained portable until the 1780s when tables with removable leaves were devised. By this time, the bread trencher had been replaced by one made of wood, or plate of pewter or precious metal in wealthier houses. Hosts began providing knives and spoons for their guests by the seventeenth century, with forks also appearing but not fully accepted until the eighteenth century (Mason). These silver utensils were usually marked with the owner’s initials to prevent their theft (Flandrin). Cookbooks as Objects and the World of Publishing A thorough examination of the manuscript or printed cookbook can reveal their physical qualities, including indications of post-publication history, the recipes and other matter in them, as well as the language, organization, and other individual qualities. What can the quality of the paper tell us about the book? Is there a frontispiece? Is the book dedicated to an employer or a patron? Does the author note previous employment history in the introduction? In his Court Cookery, Robert Smith, for example, not only mentions a number of his previous employers, but also outlines that he was eight years working with Patrick Lamb in the Court of King William, before revealing that several dishes published in Lamb’s Royal Cookery (1710) “were never made or practis’d (sic) by him and others are extreme defective and imperfect and made up of dishes unknown to him; and several of them more calculated at the purses than the Gôut of the guests”. Both Lamb and Smith worked for the English monarchy, nobility, and gentry, but produced French cuisine. Not all Britons were enamoured with France, however, with, for example Hannah Glasse asserting “if gentlemen will have French cooks, they must pay for French tricks” (4), and “So much is the blind folly of this age, that they would rather be imposed on by a French Booby, than give encouragement to an good English cook” (ctd. in Trubek 60). Spencer contextualises Glasse’s culinary Francophobia, explaining that whilst she was writing the book, the Jacobite army were only a few days march from London, threatening to cut short the Hanoverian lineage. However, Lehmann points out that whilst Glasse was overtly hostile to French cuisine, she simultaneously plagiarised its receipts. Based on this trickling down of French influences, Mennell argues that “there is really no such thing as a pure-bred English cookery book” (All Manners 98), but that within the assimilation and simplification, a recognisable English style was discernable. Mennell also asserts that Glasse and her fellow women writers had an enormous role in the social history of cooking despite their lack of technical originality (“Plagiarism”). It is also important to consider the place of cookbooks within the history of publishing. Albala provides an overview of the immense outpouring of dietary literature from the printing presses from the 1470s. He divides the Renaissance into three periods: Period I Courtly Dietaries (1470–1530)—targeted at the courtiers with advice to those attending banquets with many courses and lots of wine; Period II The Galenic Revival (1530–1570)—with a deeper appreciation, and sometimes adulation, of Galen, and when scholarship took centre stage over practical use. Finally Period III The Breakdown of Orthodoxy (1570–1650)—when, due to the ambiguities and disagreements within and between authoritative texts, authors were freer to pick the ideas that best suited their own. Nutrition guides were consistent bestsellers, and ranged from small handbooks written in the vernacular for lay audiences, to massive Latin tomes intended for practicing physicians. Albala adds that “anyone with an interest in food appears to have felt qualified to pen his own nutritional guide” (1). Would we have heard about Mrs. Beeton if her husband had not been a publisher? How could a twenty-five year old amass such a wealth of experience in household management? What role has plagiarism played in the history of cookbooks? It is interesting to note that a well worn copy of her book (Beeton) was found in the studio of Francis Bacon and it is suggested that he drew inspiration for a number of his paintings from the colour plates of animal carcasses and butcher’s meat (Dawson). Analysing the post-publication usage of cookbooks is valuable to see the most popular recipes, the annotations left by the owner(s) or user(s), and also if any letters, handwritten recipes, or newspaper clippings are stored within the leaves of the cookbook. The Reader, the Cook, the Eater The physical and inner lives and needs and skills of the individuals who used cookbooks and who ate their meals merit consideration. Books by their nature imply literacy. Who is the book’s audience? Is it the cook or is it the lady of the house who will dictate instructions to the cook? Numeracy and measurement is also important. Where clocks or pocket watches were not widely available, authors such as seventeenth century recipe writer Sir Kenelm Digby would time his cooking by the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer. Literacy amongst protestant women to enable them to read the Bible, also enabled them to read cookbooks (Gold). How did the reader or eater’s religion affect the food practices? Were there fast days? Were there substitute foods for fast days? What about special occasions? Do historic cookbooks only tell us about the food of the middle and upper classes? It is widely accepted today that certain cookbook authors appeal to confident cooks, while others appeal to competent cooks, and others still to more cautious cooks (Bilton). This has always been the case, as has the differentiation between the cookbook aimed at the professional cook rather than the amateur. Historically, male cookbook authors such as Patrick Lamb (1650–1709) and Robert Smith targeted the professional cook market and the nobility and gentry, whereas female authors such as Eliza Acton (1799–1859) and Isabella Beeton (1836–1865) often targeted the middle class market that aspired to emulate their superiors’ fashions in food and dining. How about Tavern or Restaurant cooks? When did they start to put pen to paper, and did what they wrote reflect the food they produced in public eateries? Conclusions This paper has offered an overview of Barbara Ketchum Wheaton’s methodology for reading historic cookbooks using a structured approach. It has highlighted some of the questions scholars and researchers might ask when faced with an old cookbook, regardless of era or geographical location. By systematically examining the book under the headings of ingredients; the cook’s workplace, techniques and equipment; the meals; cookbooks as objects and the world of publishing; and reader, cook and eater, the scholar can perform magic and extract much more from the cookbook than seems to be there on first appearance. References Ackerman, Roy. The Chef's Apprentice. London: Headline, 1988. Adamson, Melitta Weiss. Food in Medieval Times. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood P, 2004. Albala, Ken. Eating Right in the Renaissance. Ed. Darra Goldstein. Berkeley: U of California P, 2002. Beeton, Isabella. Beeton's Book of Household Management. London: S. Beeton, 1861. Bilton, Samantha. “The Influence of Cookbooks on Domestic Cooks, 1900-2010.” Petit Propos Culinaires 94 (2011): 30–7. Blake, Anthony, and Quentin Crewe. Great Chefs of France. London: Mitchell Beazley/ Artists House, 1978. Brighton Pavilion. 12 Jun. 2013 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/interactive/2011/sep/09/brighton-pavilion-360-interactive-panoramic›. Cashman, Dorothy. “An Exploratory Study of Irish Cookbooks.” Unpublished Master's Thesis. M.Sc. Dublin: Dublin Institute of Technology, 2009. Chartier, Roger. “The Practical Impact of Writing.” Trans. Arthur Goldhammer. A History of Private Lives: Volume III: Passions of the Renaissance. Ed. Roger Chartier. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap P of Harvard U, 1989. 111-59. Davidson, Alan. The Oxford Companion to Food. New York: Oxford U P, 1999. Dawson, Barbara. “Francis Bacon and the Art of Food.” The Irish Times 6 April 2013. den Hartog, Adel P. “Technological Innovations and Eating out as a Mass Phenomenon in Europe: A Preamble.” Eating out in Europe: Picnics, Gourmet Dining and Snacks since the Late Eighteenth Century. Eds. Mark Jacobs and Peter Scholliers. Oxford: Berg, 2003. 263–80. Eatwell, Ann. “Á La Française to À La Russe, 1680-1930.” Elegant Eating: Four Hundred Years of Dining in Style. Eds. Philippa Glanville and Hilary Young. London: V&A, 2002. 48–52. Flandrin, Jean-Louis. “Distinction through Taste.” Trans. Arthur Goldhammer. A History of Private Lives: Volume III : Passions of the Renaissance. Ed. Roger Chartier. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap P of Harvard U, 1989. 265–307. Folch, Christine. “Fine Dining: Race in Pre-revolution Cuban Cookbooks.” Latin American Research Review 43.2 (2008): 205–23. Glasse, Hannah. The Art of Cookery Made Plain and Easy; Which Far Exceeds Anything of the Kind Ever Published. 4th Ed. London: The Author, 1745. Gold, Carol. Danish Cookbooks: Domesticity and National Identity, 1616-1901. Seattle: U of Washington P, 2007. Grainger, Sally. Cooking Apicius: Roman Recipes for Today. Totnes, Devon: Prospect, 2006. Hampton Court Palace. “The Tudor Kitchens.” 12 Jun 2013 ‹http://www.hrp.org.uk/HamptonCourtPalace/stories/thetudorkitchens› Katz, Solomon H. Ed. Encyclopedia of Food and Culture (3 Vols). New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2003. Kuhn, T. S. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1962. Lamb, Patrick. Royal Cookery:Or. The Complete Court-Cook. London: Abel Roper, 1710. Lehmann, Gilly. “English Cookery Books in the 18th Century.” The Oxford Companion to Food. Ed. Alan Davidson. Oxford: Oxford U P, 1999. 277–9. Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín. “The Changing Geography and Fortunes of Dublin’s Haute Cuisine Restaurants 1958–2008.” Food, Culture & Society 14.4 (2011): 525–45. Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín, and Dorothy Cashman. “Irish Culinary Manuscripts and Printed Cookbooks: A Discussion.” Petit Propos Culinaires 94 (2011): 81–101. Mason, Laura. Food Culture in Great Britain. Ed. Ken Albala. Westport CT.: Greenwood P, 2004. Mennell, Stephen. All Manners of Food. 2nd ed. Chicago: U of Illinois P, 1996. ---. “Plagiarism and Originality: Diffusionism in the Study of the History of Cookery.” Petits Propos Culinaires 68 (2001): 29–38. Sherman, Sandra. “‘The Whole Art and Mystery of Cooking’: What Cookbooks Taught Readers in the Eighteenth Century.” Eighteenth Century Life 28.1 (2004): 115–35. Smith, Andrew F. Ed. The Oxford Companion to American Food and Drink. New York: Oxford U P, 2007. Spencer, Colin. British Food: An Extraordinary Thousand Years of History. London: Grub Street, 2004. Tierney, Mark. Europe and the World 1300-1763. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1970. Trubek, Amy B. Haute Cuisine: How the French Invented the Culinary Profession. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 2000. Wheaton, Barbara. “Finding Real Life in Cookbooks: The Adventures of a Culinary Historian”. 2006. Humanities Research Group Working Paper. 9 Sep. 2009 ‹http://www.phaenex.uwindsor.ca/ojs/leddy/index.php/HRG/article/view/22/27›. Wheaton, Barbara Ketcham. Savouring the Past: The French Kitchen and Table from 1300-1789. London: Chatto & Windus, 1983. White, Eileen, ed. The English Cookery Book: Historical Essays. Proceedings of the 16th Leeds Symposium on Food History 2001. Devon: Prospect, 2001.

Métropole catholique de premier plan, Lyon constitue un excellent espace d'étude pour une histoire à la fois religieuse et urbaine de la Révolution. Les territoires religieux se recomposent pour s'adapter à l'évolution de la société. Le clergé perd de son importance numérique tandis que les laïcs sont appelés à participer plus activement à la vie de l'Eglise et à devenir de véritables militants. A l'inverse, la période révolutionnaire consacre le détachement d'une grande partie de la population à l'égard du catholicisme, parallèlement à la formation d'une opinion anticléricale non moins militante. Les éléments caractéristiques du paysage religieux lyonnais contemporain se mettent alors en place : l'espace public devient un terrain d'affrontement entre catholiques et anticléricaux. Mais, face à la violence qui ensanglante la ville entre 1792 et 1795, les Lyonnais apprennent aussi la culture du compromis et de la modération, tant en matière politique que religieuse
As a catholic metropolis of major importance, Lyon is an excellent site for studying both the religious and urban aspects of the French Revolution. The parochial context then changes radically in order to adapt to the evolution of the society. The clergy are less numerous whereas, by force of circumstance, the laity are assigned a more active part in the life of the Church and become real militants. Conversely, during the revolutionary period, a large number of the population detach themselves from Catholicism and, at the same time, emerges an anticlerical opinion, just as militant. The characteristic elements of the contemporary religious scene in Lyon are set up : the public space becomes an area of confrontation between catholic militancy and anticlerical militancy. But, faced with the violence which bathes the city in blood from 1792 until 1795, the population of Lyon also learns to compromise and restrain themselves on both political and religious matters

La thèse propose une double approche à l'étude du thème de l'émigration dans les romans français de l'époque révolutionnaire et impériale. La première partie explore l'imaginaire de l'émigration à travers,d'une part,la représentation de ce thème dans les oeuvres qui s'inscrivent concrètement dans le contexte de la Révolution française ; d'autre part,la transposition du même thème dans les romans ayant pour cadre un autre pays ou une autre époque,puis dans ceux d'après 1800,plus éloignés encore de la réalité historique,qui attribuent à l'idée de l'émigration un sens métaphorique. La seconde partie envisage une analyse plus spécifiquement littéraire,en replaçant les récits de l'immigration dans la production romanesque de l'époque. Ainsi abordera-t-elle,tour à tour,le problème de l'exigence de l'authenticité,les techniques narratives,l'influence des courants romanesques à la mode,et les problèmes de style. En dernier lieu,la thèse propose une étude de la représentation du pathétique dans les textes ainsi que dans les illustrations de livres,ouvrant par là une perspective de recherches concernant le thème de l'émigration dans le domaine de la peinture contemporaine à cette période
The thesis intends to analyse french emigration novels of the revolutionary and imperial era following two majors units. The first one presents the literary topic of emigration in the novels which remains linked to the political reality of the late eighteenth-century France. .

Dans le cadre d'une recherche menée conjointement avec M. Claude coquard, l'auteur s'est plus particulièrement attachée à l'apport que pouvaient représenter les actes de la justice de paix dans l'étude des individus d'un monde rural particulier. Le corpus d'abord présenté en détail, est classé selon les fonctions du juge de paix. Les actes de justice civile occupent 78% de l'ensemble, ceux du bureau de paix 6%, ceux de justice gracieuse 12% et ceux de police correctionnelle 4%. Les objets des demandes sont, dans chaque cas, précisés. Le nombre d'actes, important au début de la période, baisse au cours de la convention montagnarde et explose en 1797. La présentation des individus est faite de plusieurs points de vue. En tant que personne, les données sur la vie et la mort sont nombreuses : naissances, soins donnés par les chirurgiens, morts suspectes, sort des orphelins. L'identification précise des personnes pose de sérieuses difficultés, les homonymies étant nombreuses. Le rôle des femmes est mis en relief : importance de la coutume qui fait des femmes mariées des mineures, faible utilisation des lois nouvelles, mais présence cependant : un plaideur sur huit est une femme. La famille solidaire, mais aussi déchirée par les conflits d'héritages notamment, est très présente et fait apparaitre une forte endogamie. Les communautés de sang ou de travail ont du mal à survivre. Le cadre de vie est esquissé ; la nourriture, souvent achetée à crédit, avec l'importance du pain et du vin; les vêtements, usés jusqu'à la dernière extrémité, ou chanvre et laine produits et travaillés sur place dominent; l'habitat pauvre ou aisé. Apparait aussi le tableau des mesures locales employées, avec une large marge d'imprécision. Des portraits variés complètent l'ensemble : un juge de paix, un propriétaire terrien, une famille bourgeoise, un journalier, une marchande, un commerçant. L'ensemble parait constituer une source riche encore peu explorée à ce jour
The author lead her research with Mr Claude Coquard. Her study relates to the contribution of the justice of the peace acts to the history of people in a peculiar rural world. The corpus is initially described in details and classed according to the conciliation magistrate fonctions. Civil justice acts stand for 78% of the corpus. Peace office acts represent 6%; free justice acts 12% and the count of summary juridiction acts 4%. Reasons for requests are in each case precised. If the acts are numerous at the beginning of the period, the number is falling down during the radical convention and explodes in 1797. Different angles are used to describe the individuals, a lot of accurate details can be found about death and life: births, surgeon cares, suspicious deaths, orphans faith. Because of many homonyms, the accurate identification of the persons was very difficult. Women's role is put into value : the importance of the costum which makes married women infants, new laws are hardly used eventhough present : a litigant out of eight is a woman. Family is very present, mostly united but also at times teared up by inheritance conflicts. Endogamy is frequent. Near in blood communities and work communities have got difficulties to survive. Manners of life are sketched ; food is often bought on credit, mainly made of bread and wine. Clothes - made out of hemp and wool - are threadbare and made on the premises. The habitat is miserable or wealthy. The author presents a local weights and mesures board as well, with the possibility of looseness. Many further portraits complete the study : a conciliation magistrate, a landowner, a middle- class family, a day labourer, a tradeswoman, a shopkeeper. The entire work constitute a rich source not well exploited untill now

Le département de la Loire présente un double intérêt au début du XIXe siècle. Géographiquement, il se trouve loin des frontières de l'empire. Economiquement, il possède déjà des secteurs métallurgiques et textiles importants qui font de lui une des premières régions industrielles françaises. Cet éloignement des frontières le rattache aux régions centrales du pays, régions auxquelles il est lié culturellement, entre France du nord et midi, entre franco-provençal et provençal. Sa dynamique industrielle, dont l'armurerie est un des fleurons, l'unit-elle au régime napoléonien ou bien ses traditions religieuses et la structure encore largement paysanne de sa société lui font embrasser des choix politiques plus traditionnels ? Notre travail a consisté en la confrontation des données socio-économiques, analysées dans une première partie, avec le choc représenté par la mise en place de la conscription dans un département dont toute tradition militaire semblait absente. L'insoumission militaire, si souvent évoquée par les préfets successifs et étudiée dans notre deuxième partie, révèle-t-elle des fractures profondes ? Participe-t-elle d'une opposition a l'Etat ou au régime politique en place ? Le suivi de plusieurs dizaines de conscrits et l'analyse des réactions des communautés villageoises nous incitent à penser que l'intégration à l'Etat est, majoritairement, en cause même si, dans certaines zones du département, une opposition plus politique se fait jour. Enfin, le fait que la Loire subisse à deux reprises - en 1814 et 1815 - l'invasion des troupes étrangères est l'occasion, dans une troisième partie, de confronter ce que nous savons de cette société en temps de paix avec ce qu'elle découvre brutalement en temps de guerre. De plus, en 1814 et, surtout, en 1815, la vacance du pouvoir central permet d'évaluer les forces politiques et, surtout, le poids et l'efficacité des structures sociales qui encadrent la population au tout début de l'époque contemporaine
The Loire departement offers a twofold interest at the beginning of the 19th century. Geographically speaking, it is far from the frontiers of the empire. Economically speaking important metallurgical and textile sectors, have already florished making of the departement one of the primary industrial areas in France. That distance from the frontiers ties it to the centre of France, an area which it is linked up with, as far of culture is concerned, between northern France and southern France, between franco-provencal and provencal. Is the industrial dynamism of Loire - the manufacture of arms being one of its best specialities - in connection with the napoleonic administration, or is it the religious traditions and the still globally rural structures of its society that makes it opt for a more traditional choice in politics ? Our study consisted in confronting socio economic data, which we analysed in a 1st part, with the shock that represented the setting of conscription in a departement with no clear military tradition. Does the refusal to be enroled so often recalled by successive prefects, and studied in our 2nd part, reveal profond differences ? Does it partake of an opposition to the state or to the established political system ? We've kept track of several dozens of conscripts and analysed the reactions of rural communities ; this leads us to think that the majority accepted integration into the state, even if some areas in the departement showed more political opposition. Lastly, the fact thas the Loire was twice invaded by foreign troops in 1814 and 1815 allows us, in a 3rd part, to confront what we know about this society in times of peace with what it abruptly discovers in wartime. Moreover, in 1814 and particulary in 1815, the absence of central power enables an estimation of the political forces, and above all, the weight and efficacy of the social structures which frame the population at the very beginning of the contemporary era

L' histoire judiciaire de la répression politique à l'époque révolutionnaire fixe le plus souvent son attention sur l'épisode de la Terreur. On a peu écrit en revanche sur l'organisation d'une première expérience de justice politique par l'Assemblée nationale constituante, entre 1789 et 1791. Ces trois années illustrent pourtant une intense activité liée à la protection de la souveraineté nationale proclamée le 17 juin 1789. Les premiers bouleversements politiques de la Révolution s'accompagnent aussitôt d'une innovation majeure : la consécration du crime de lèse-nation. Préparée tout le long des États généraux, où reconnaissance et protection des droits de la nation se mêlent dans les débats comme dans les craintes du Tiers état, l'émergence de l'incrimination nouvelle chasse le crime de lèse-majesté et inaugure l'organisation d'une répression judiciaire et extrajudiciaire dont l'un des traits marquants reste avant tout le caractère provisoire de ses principaux éléments constitutifs. Fondée sur l'examen des débats politiques, des archives judiciaires et de la correspondance des différents protagonistes - accusés, ministres, magistrats, avocats, etc. - l'étude des discours, des textes et des pratiques met en lumière une expérience modérée, ancrée autant que possible dans l'esprit des réformes de l'Assemblée nationale, mais soumise, déjà, à de fortes tensions
The judicial history of political repression often turns its attention to the Terror episode. In return, it has been few written about the organization of a first political justice experience by the Constituent Assembly between 1789 and 1791. However, these three years show an intense activity linked to the protection of the national sovereignty, proclaimed in 1789. The first political overthrows of the Revolution introduce immediately a major innovation: the consecration of the crime of lèse-nation. Prepared during the General Estates, when recognition and protection of the rights of the nation appear in the debates and in the fears of the Third Estate deputies, the emergence of the new incrimination expels the crime of lèse-majesté and ushers in the organization of a provisory judicial and extra-judicial repression. Considering the political debates, the judicial archives and the correspondence of different protagonists - defendants, ministers, magistrates, pleaders - the study of speeches, texts and practices brings a moderate experience to light, linked to the spirit of judicial reforms and subject to tensions

Notre regard s'est porte sur la forme majeure du refus de l'occupation francaise du comte de nice : le mouvement anti-revolutionnaire des barbets du nom des artisans d'une lutte implacable contre les representants de l'etat francais entre 1792 et 1814. L'historiographie traditionnelle parait tres divisee pour cerner la realite de ces rebelles a l'autorite d'un pouvoir etranger. Realite de ces rebellesa l'autorite d'un pouvoir etranger. Il nous a fallu depasser une certaine tendance a la mythification de ce phenomene specifique au pays nicois et mener une analyse serree a partir des sources eparses, disseminees dans de nombreux fonds d'archives (sources narratives, rapports des administrations departementales et communales, sources de la repression. . . ). Le cadre d'action des menees des barbets correspond en premier lieu au centre et a l'est du departement des alpes-maritimes, cree le 4 fevrier 1793. La nature du terrain, est dans ces zones tres propice aux actions de la guerilla anti-francaise, beaucoup d'endroits etant adaptes a la tactique "barbetiste" du guet-apens. Dans leur haine commune des principes republicains et des symboles du systeme francais, on peut rapprocher le barbetisme du sandedisme calabrais ou des lazzaroni napolitains. Le barbetisme n'apparait pourtant pas vraiment comme un mouvement de masse. La grande majorite de la population de l'ex-comte est restee dans l'attentisme et a choisi "l'omerta", le silence complice
We considered the major methods of procedure of the refusal of the french occupation in the county of nice, possession of the kingdom of sardaigna : the anti-revolutionaly movement of the "barbets" named after the contrivers of a relentless struggle against the representatives of the french state from 1792 to 1814. The traditional historiography seems to be in a great disagreement to explain the real existence of these rebeld opposed to the authority of a power errelevant to the county tradition. Consequently hence we had to mythification to go bey ond that tendency of making amyth out of this phemenon which is specific to the nice area and to analyse scrupulusly from various sources scattered in numerous record offices. (narrative sources, reports from local administrations sources from the repression against "barbets"). The setting of actions of the barbets is firt located in the center and east part of the new "departement" officially created on february 4 th 1793

La Grande Révolution fut un moment de l'histoire française riche en expérimentations constitutionnelles : le pouvoir législatif y fut décliné sous différentes formes. Localisé en 1791 dans un organe complexe, il fut attribué en l’an I à une assemblée unique de législateurs. Les constituants qui oeuvrèrent après le 9 Thermidor disséquèrent la fonction législative, soit dans le sens d’un bicamérisme investissant l’ensemble de l’espace législatif, soit dans celui d’une polyarchie législative. Cette vision d’ensemble laisse une impression de discontinuité dans l’œuvre des Révolutionnaires français, rendant hasardeuse l’approche de l’institution législative entre 1789 et 1799 comme un tout unique. Pourtant, l’examen croisé des différents travaux constituants de la période permet de saisir une conception unique de l’instance législative, laquelle s’incrirait dans une pensée constitutionnelle révolutionnaire. Certes, cette conception n’a pas abouti à une forme figée d’instance législative, néanmoins elle s’est construite par strates successives tout au long de la Révolution. Prenant appui sur un système de gouvernement inédit, elle s’est nourrie d’un double mouvement, d’exaltation d’abord, de dilution ensuite du monocamérisme
The Revolution was a period of French History particularly rich in constitutional experiments, during which the legislative power took several forms. First attributed to a complex body in 1791, comprised of the King and an assembly, the legislative power was then assigned o a unique assembly of lawmakers, in the frame of the 1793 constitution. As for the constitution makers at work after the 9 Thermidor, they split the legislative power so as to obtain either a bicamerism with full legislative power, or a legislative polyarchy. This broad picture leaves an impression of disorder or at least of discontinuity in the work of French Revolutionaries, discarding the vision of a unique legislative institution from 1789 to 1799. And yet, the crossed examination of the various constitutive works of this period demonstrates a unique conception of the legislative body, which would be part of the Revolutionary constitutional thinking. The conception actually did not result in a frozen legislative body, nevertheless it was built gradually and by successive steps during the Revolution. Based on a unique Government system, it was fuelled by a double move : celebration, then dilution of monocamerism

En France, entre 1790 et 1795, plus de 5500 sociétés politiques rassemblent plusieurs centaines de milliers de citoyens qui expérimentent en leur sein une forme de participation à la vie politique dans laquelle on peut voir l'origine des partis contemporains. Ce phénomène sans précédent est analysé ici dans le cadre d'une région particulièrement riche en clubs : la Normandie orientale. Le réseau des sociétés politiques de cette région présente une triple originalité : il est le plus dense de la France septentrionale, le plus tardivement constitué et connaît une unification précoce. Une enquête de type prosopographique portant sur 7859 individus montre que le recrutement des clubs hauts-normands est massif et fondamentalement bourgeois. Des 1790, ces clubs sont des organes d'action politique ayant une double vocation d'école de civisme et de lutte contre les adversaires de la Révolution. En l'an ii, devenus comme partout ailleurs l'unique instance d'opinion et des agents du pouvoir central, ils détiennent, dans les communes ou ils sont implantés, la réalité du pouvoir local. Agissant comme représentants du gouvernement révolutionnaire mais aussi comme porte-parole de la population, ils peuvent être considérés, alors que les élections sont suspendues, comme les instruments d'exercice d'une certaine forme de démocratie
Several hundreds of thousands of citizens were members of more than 5500 political clubs in France between 1790 and 1795. These clubs took part in some sort of political life from which present day political parties were issued. This unprecedented phenomenon is analysed through Eastern Normandy, a region in which clubs were particulary numerous. The network of political societies in this region is remarkable in three ways: it is the most developed in Northern France, the last to organize itself and among the first to be unified. A survey carried on 8759 people shows that membership was both massive and mainly bourgeois in Northern Normandy. As early as 1791, these clubs were centres of political action with a twofold purpose: spreading civic virtues an fighting the enemies of the revolution. During the 2nd year of the republic, they became, like anywhere, else in the country, the only places where local people and agents from the paris government could debate and they held all local power wherever they existed. Acting as the representatives of the revolutionary government but also as spokesmen for local people, they can be considered as the instruments of some kind of democracy while elections were suspended

Le Tribunal de cassation est institué dans le but exclusif de contrôler l'application de la loi. En 1790, toute idée de création jurisprudentielle de sa part est exclue. Jusqu'à l'Empire, il élargit ses attributions par le jeux de ouvertures à cassation. La procédure criminelle, qui fonde l'essentiel du contentieux traité, offre un terrain favorable à l'émancipation jurisprudentielle du Tribunal. L'omnipotence de la loi, conception fidèle à l'idéal révolutionnaire, montre ses limites. La Section criminelle trace elle-même la séparation des points de fait et de droit, ce qui permet un contrôle plus approfondi sur les juges du fond. Sa jurisprudence trouve alors une consécration dans la participation à la définition des infractions. Ces constructions jurisprudentielles incontestables trouveront leurs limites après la promulgation du Code pénal de 1810, mais elles témoignent de la volonté et du travail réalisé, depuis 1791, par des magistrats soucieux de l'autorité de leur institution.