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Статті в журналах з теми "French-German reconciliation":
1
Mitrofanova, O. "Experience and Peculiarities of Reconciliation of Contradictions between Germany and France." Problems of World History, no. 15 (September 14, 2021): 106–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-15-5.
Анотація:
The article is devoted to the study of the experience and peculiarities of reconciliation of contradictions between Germany and France. The positions of the Presidents of France and Chancellors of the Federal Republic of Germany regarding the theoretical foundations and practical steps of the implementation of French-German reconciliation are studied. This paper deals with the problem of Alsace-Lorraine, a region with a border identity, which repeatedly became the cause of Franco-German disputes and passed from one state to another. The role of the individual in overcoming the contradictions between Germany and France is highlighted. The factor of European integration is considered, which not only contributed to the reconciliation of contradictions between Germany and France, but also turned the two states into leaders of a united Europe.
The Elysee Treaty and its implementation were analyzed. The military cooperation between France and Germany is investigated. The problem of historical memory and the desire to reconcile the contradictions between Germany and France are revealed.
It is proved that the experience and peculiarities of reconciliation of contradictions between Germany and France testify to the fact that the real reconciliation of the two leading states directed their efforts towards a more global goal – the creation of a common Europe. It was concluded that the mechanisms for achieving Franco-German reconciliation are interesting for studying and borrowing, taking into account national characteristics in the reconciliation of other European countries, and regions with borderline identities. The French-German experience may be useful for application in Polish-Ukrainian relations.
The main conclusion from the analysis of the experience and the peculiarities of reconciling the contradictions between Germany and France is that their implementation led to unexpected and far-reaching consequences that once seemed just a dream. At the beginning of European integration in the 50s of the twentieth century, it was difficult to imagine the contemporary EU with its common currency, the Schengen area, developed economy, social programs. Franco-German reconciliation was transformed into the fruitful work of the Franco-German tandem, on the success of which depends not only the future of France and Germany, but the evolution of the entire united Europe.
2
Buonaiuto, Zoë Rose. "A Grave Reconciliation: The Establishment of German War Cemeteries in Normandy, 1944–1964." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 38, no. 2 (October 20, 2018): 170–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03802003.
Анотація:
After the Battle of Normandy, one of the primary concerns in the region was what to do with the bodies of the former occupiers: the German war dead. As the Allied graves registration units left Normandy, local French leaders were responsible for the care of German war graves until the German War Graves Commission (Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsorge, VDK) took over maintenance responsibilities in the mid-1950s and officially inaugurated them as VDK sites in the early 1960s. This essay traces that transition and argues that in the period between 1944 and 1964 it was necessary for Normandy and greater France to assume the role of host to German war dead in perpetuity. The act of hosting German war dead on French soil smoothed the conditions necessary for Franco-German reconciliation in the second half of the 20th century.
3
Campion, Corey. "Remembering the "Forgotten Zone"." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370304.
Анотація:
In much of the English-language scholarship on the post-1945 Allied occupation of Germany, French officials appear as little more than late arrivals to the victors’ table, in need of and destined to follow Anglo-American leadership in the emerging Cold War. However, French occupation policies were unique within the western camp and helped lay the foundations of postwar Franco-German reconciliation that are often credited to the 1963 Elysée Treaty. Exploring how the French occupation has been neglected, this article traces the memory of the zone across the often-disconnected work of French-, German-, and English-speaking scholars since the 1950s. Moreover, it outlines new avenues of research that could help historians resurrect the unique experience of the French zone and enrich our appreciation of the Franco-German “motor” on which Europe still relies.
4
Frohlig, Florence pascale astrid. "Fessenheim—Nuclear Power Plant for Peace." Culture Unbound 12, no. 3 (February 2, 2021): 569–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.v12i3.1057.
Анотація:
This paper explores the construction of a nuclear power facility at Fessenheim, Alsace, and its role in the remaking of French-German post-war relations and the consolidation of the post-war peacebuilding process. The siting and materiality of nuclear energy technology, I argue, was a key component of the top-down peace-building strategy that guided reconciliation processes at the national and regional levels. This study analyses archival documents, newspapers articles, interviews with Alsatian antinuclear activists and amateur films in order to reconstruct how the site for a joint nuclear power plant at Fessenheim was chosen and how it affected cross-border interactions. Although the planning of a French-German nuclear facility at Fessenheim embodied the appeasement that characterised post-war relations at a governmental level between the two nations, its construction had limited impact on the regional reconciliation processes. However, the site of the nuclear plant became central for reconciliation in ways that industry planners did not foresee: opposition to the nuclearization of the Upper Rhine Valley became the driving force for the cross-border reconciliation process. This grassroots mobilisation against the presence of nuclear technology formed the nexus for transcending the legacy of World War II through cooperation toward a common, anti-nuclear future.
5
Siegel, Mona, and Kirsten Harjes. "Disarming Hatred: History Education, National Memories, and Franco-German Reconciliation from World War I to the Cold War." History of Education Quarterly 52, no. 3 (August 2012): 370–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2012.00404.x.
Анотація:
On May 4, 2006, French and German cultural ministers announced the publication of Histoire/Geschichte, the world's first secondary school history textbook produced jointly by two countries. Authored by a team of French and German historians and published simultaneously in both languages, the book's release drew considerable public attention. French and German heads-of-state readily pointed to the joint history textbook as a shining example of the close and positive relations between their two countries, while their governments heralded the book for “symbolically sealing Franco-German reconciliation.” Beyond European shores, East Asian commentators in particular have taken note of Franco-German textbook collaboration, citing it as a possible model for how to work through their own region's often antagonistic past. Diplomatic praise is not mere hyperbole. From the Franco-Prussian War (1870) through World War I (1914–1918) and World War II (1939–1945), France and Germany were widely perceived to be “hereditary enemies.” The publication of Histoire/Geschichte embodies one of the most crucial developments in modern international relations: the emergence of France and Germany as the “linchpin” of the New Europe.
6
Riishøj, Søren. "Europeanization and Euroscepticism: Experiences from Poland and the Czech Republic." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 3 (July 2007): 503–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701368746.
Анотація:
National identity was already the object of scholarly studies by the 1950s and 1960s, e.g. by analysts such as Karl Deutsch and Ernest Hass, to a great extent inspired by the start of European integration and German and French reconciliation. One of the crucial questions has been (and still is) to what extent national identity constitutes a barrier to Europeanization and integration, and to what extent overlapping multiple identities can co-exist.
7
Echternkamp, Jörg. "FROM FOE TO FRIEND? VETERANS AS A DRIVING FORCE OF INTERNATIONAL RECONCILIATION AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR." VETERANSKE ORGANIZACIJE – ALI JIH SPLOH POTREBUJEMO?/ VETERAN ORGANISATIONS – ARE THEY EVEN NEEDED?, VOLUME 2017/ ISSUE 19/2 (June 15, 2017): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.19.2.3.
Анотація:
Povzetek V 50. letih so veterani druge svetovne vojne postali pionirji mednarodne sprave. V članku so z osredotočanjem na nemške in francoske vojake analizirane okoliščine, pojavitev in funkcije tega procesa v kontekstu zunanje in notranje politike Zahodne Nemčije. Postavljena je teza, da so organizirani vojni veterani sprejeli vzorce razlage in argumentiranja povojne družbe v Zahodni Nemčiji ter jih prilagodili svojemu konceptu zgodovine, da bi pridobili zgodovinsko samozavest. Predvsem pa so svoje mednarodno delovanje predstavljali kot evropsko pobudo o dogovoru. V nasprotju z 20. in 30. leti prejšnjega stoletja so bila prizadevanja nemških vojaških veteranov v 50. letih skladna z vladno politiko. Na temelju pluralističnega kulturno-zgodovinskega ozadja so veterani vzpostavili stike na lokalni, območni in regionalni ravni v procesu, ki ga lahko poimenujemo sprava. Ključne besede: veterani, sprava, 50. leta, Nemčija, Francija. Abstract In the 1950s, World War II veterans became pioneers of international reconciliation. Focusing on former German and French soldiers, this article analyses the conditions, manifestations, and functions of this process within the context of West Germany’s foreign and domestic policies. The thesis is that organised war veterans accepted the patterns of interpretation and argumentation of post-war West German society, and adapted them to their concept of history for the purpose of gaining historical self-assurance. Most of all, they presented their international activity as a European initiative for a better understanding between nations. In contrast to the 1920s and 1930s, the efforts of German war veterans in the 1950s were in accordance with the policy of the government. Against the backdrop of a pluralistic cultural-historical background, the veterans established contacts at the local, district and regional levels in a process that can be called reconciliation. Key words Veterans - Reconciliation - 1950s - Germany - France.
8
Magonet, Jonathan. "Editorial." European Judaism 54, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): v—vii. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2021.540201.
Анотація:
2018 saw the fiftieth anniversary of the spontaneous founding of an interfaith initiative involving Jews and Christians in the unlikely location of Germany. Anneliese Debray, who was the director of a Catholic women’s adult education centre in Bendorf, near Koblenz, had the imagination and courage to set about creating programmes for encounter and reconciliation in the post-war world. The centre, the Hedwig Dransfeld Haus, became a meeting place for French and German and Polish and German families; for physically and mentally handicapped people together with ‘normal’ people; for the challenging task of ecumenical encounters between Catholic and Protestant Christians; for dialogue between Christians and Muslims; and eventually between Israeli and German young people. In that latter context the editor of this journal found himself visiting the centre and then, with two fellow rabbinic students at Leo Baeck College, attending an annual Catholic Bible study conference that summer. Our presence, our willingness to be there, and the rarity of such an opportunity for the participants, led to the desire to repeat the experiment the following year. Through incremental changes, the International Jewish-Christian Bible Week became an annual reality. After the death of Anneliese Debray, who had struggled for years to keep the Haus financially afloat, it went into bankruptcy. Nevertheless, what had been built had enough recognition and influence that it led to an invitation from Dr Uta Zwingenberger, who was responsible for Bible education in the Diocese of Osnabrück, to re-establish the Week in a new home, another Catholic adult education centre, Haus Ohrbeck, in the area of Osnabrück. There it continues to grow and flourish, hosting up to 130 people each year. Part of the impact, which makes it different from other more formal interfaith encounters, is the participation of families, with special programmes for children, so that the entire atmosphere is one of a normal human community.
9
Boiko, Mykhailo. "Denazification of Germany in german historiographical and social discourse (1945–2021)." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 34 (December 29, 2021): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-34.9-28.
Анотація:
Based on the analysis of published works of German scholars (historians, political scientists, philosophers) and public opinion leaders, the author aims to identify the main stages, trends and assessments in the study and coverage of the process of denazifi cation of Germany over the past 60 years. Denazifi cation had its specifi city in the British and French zones of occupation before the creation of Bisone, and later Trizonia, because there was no generalizing practice of Western democracies regarding the denazifi cation of West Germany. Denazifi cation first became a topic of family and, consequently, social debate in the 1960s, thus removing the public taboo on scholars’ research. Th e problem of denazifi cation remains one of the relevant topics of German historical discourse today, but the Ukrainian scientifi c community has not yet presented a separate analysis of German historiography, which determines the novelty of the proposed article. Based on the methods of historiographical analysis, problem-chronological and retrospective approaches, it was found that among the German academic community there were different approaches to the perception and evaluation of denazification, which infl uenced on the formation of three waves in social and historiographical discourse. It has been established that the fi rst wave was formed during the 1960s and 1970s as a result of the internal demand of public opinion leaders and the younger generation, without the involvement of professional scholars, when denazifi cation remained a very sensitive topic for society. In the second stage, which lasted until the mid–1990s, denazifi cation became the subject of special historical research, which revealed the specifi cs of responsibility for Nazi crimes, the issue of political stability and overcoming the past. Since the early 2000s, a third wave of historiographical discourse has emerged, representing modern approaches and assessments of denazifi cation: in–depth study of its aspects and analysis in the context of related political and legal processes, including clarifying the role of justice in the occupation period, guilt and personal responsibility for both recent and current political processes in the context of intensifying radical movements in Germany. The change of generations, the growing role of the media, unifi cation with the GDR, the collapse of the USSR – is not an exhaustive list of factors that infl uenced not only the revision of approaches to assessing the implementation of denazifi cation, but also the possible application of German experience abroad. The practice of public dialogue in the format of public discussions and research on sensitive historical topics determines the level of individual and collective responsibility for the political situation in Germany. Representatives of German historiography agree that denazifi cation was a component of interethnic reconciliation, but diff er in views on the methods of its implementation.
10
Esaulov, Serhii. "Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte”." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-35.
Анотація:
The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.
Дисертації з теми "French-German reconciliation":
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Dupuis, Cassandre. "Les salons berlinois, forges de la paix (1926-1933) ? Le rôle des salonnières dans la construction du dialogue franco-allemand pendant l’entre-deux-guerres." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2021. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2021SORUL167.pdf.
Анотація:
La période « post-locarnienne » (1926-1933) marque l’apogée d’une tentative de rapprochement riche en relations et en voyages transnationaux. Les intellectuels, notamment, concernés par une construction européenne pacifique, cherchèrent à mettre en place une véritable « Europe des Esprits ». Berlin, capitale d’une très jeune République, devint le centre d’une réconciliation franco-allemande où les différents acteurs de ce rapprochement se retrouvèrent. Des salons y furent créés, dans un objectif de regroupement social. Trois femmes, Antonina Vallentin, Jenny de Margerie et Helene von Nostitz, ont marqué ce microcosme élitiste franco-allemand berlinois en dirigeant une mondanité médiatrice. Oubliées de l’historiographie, silencieuses à la fois par choix et par obligation sociale, ces trois salonnières ont pourtant permis la cohésion d’une société aux nombreux acteurs issus d’horizons et de domaines différents. Femmes de réseaux, elles ont joui d’une influence certaine et ont encouragé la médiation et la propagation de l’idéal de réconciliation défendue par ses théoriciens. Ce travail de médiation et cette influence féminine dans une société de l’entre-deux-guerres masculino-centrée permet de reconnaitre aux salonnières une place aux côtés de leurs hôtes. Ce travail de recherche nous permet d’avoir un aperçu, à la fois de la place de ces femmes et de leur rôle central, ainsi qu’une vision complète de la mondanité et de ses attributs dans la structure d’une société. Il s’agit, de fait, d’écrire l’histoire franco-allemande de figures médiatrices transnationales plongées dans l’ombre mémorielleThe "post-Locarnian" period (1926-1933) marked the apogee of an attempt at rapprochement rich in relationships and transnational travel. Intellectuals, in particular, concerned with a peaceful construction of Europe, sought to set up a true "Europe of Spirits". Berlin, capital of a very young Republic, became the center of a French-German reconciliation where the different actors of this rapprochement met. Salons were created there, with the objective of social regrouping. Three women, Antonina Vallentin, Jenny de Margerie and Helene von Nostitz, left their mark on this elitist French-German microcosm in Berlin by leading a mediating mundanity. Forgotten by historiography, silent both by choice and by social obligation, these three salonnières nevertheless allowed the cohesion of a society with numerous actors from different backgrounds and fields. As women of networks, they enjoyed a certain influence and encouraged mediation and the propagation of the ideal of reconciliation defended by its theorists. This work of mediation and this feminine influence in a society of the inter-war period, which was male-centered, allows us to recognize the place of the salonnières alongside their hosts. This research work allows us to have an overview of both the place of these women and their central role, as well as a complete vision of worldliness and its attributes in the structure of a society. It is, in fact, a question of writing the Franco-German history of transnational mediating figures plunged into the memorial shadow
Книги з теми "French-German reconciliation":
1
Salat, Levente, and Smaranda Enache. Relațiile româno-maghiare și modelul de reconciliere franco-german: A román-magyar kapcsolatok és a francia-német megbékélési model = Romanian-Hungarian relaitons and the French-German reconciliation. Cluj: Liga Pro Europa, 2004.
Частини книг з теми "French-German reconciliation":
1
Vodovar, Christine. "European Socialism and the French–German Reconciliation." In Does Generation Matter? Progressive Democratic Cultures in Western Europe, 1945–1960, 219–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77422-0_10.
2
Gallozzi, Arturo, Marcello Zordan, and Michela Cigola. "Memory as Intangible Heritage." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 129–48. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-6936-7.ch006.
Анотація:
This chapter describes the documentation and valorization of a special architectural heritage: the WW2 Cemeteries in Cassino & Montecassino territory. This is for the purpose of preserving and transmitting the memories of different people. Even today, these cemeteries are maintained by Polish, English, German, French and Italian governments and visited by many people of various nationalities. Our research is orientated to not only celebrate the sacrifice and identity of the soldiers who lost their lives in the war events, but also as a call for the reconciliation of peoples and the construction of a culture of peace. The cemeteries are studied by an architectonical point of view. Design aspects and aspects concerning the representation of projects are highlighted based on the documents found.
3
Garloff, Katja. "Figures of Love in Later Romantic Antisemitism." In Mixed Feelings. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501704963.003.0004.
Анотація:
This chapter draws on psychoanalytically inflected theories of ideology to offer a new explanation of the apparent inconsistencies of Arnim's antisemitism. Slavoj Žižek's concept of the “social fantasy” and Homi Bhabha's notion of “colonial mimicry” both stipulate that ideologies can incorporate a great deal of inconsistency and ambivalence without losing their effectiveness. These post-Freudian theories shed new light on Arnim precisely because ambiguity and ambivalence proliferate in his writings around the motif of interreligious love. It is shown that romantic attachments are the means by which Arnim figures the possibilities and the limits of Christian-Jewish rapprochement. It is also argued that interfaith love stories fulfill a distinct function in Arnim's political thought, which combines German nationalism with a critique of rising industrial capitalism. Arnim wrote several texts that either stage the emergence of a German community that excludes Jews or depict the corrosion of such a community through French occupation and rising industrial capitalism. These texts include the openly antisemitic speech “On the Distinguishing Signs of Jewishness,” the unpublished prose fragment “Reconciliation in the Summer Holiday,” and the complex novella Gentry by Entailment (Die Majorats-Herren). In each of these texts, the dramatization of failing Christian-Jewish love affairs serves to gloss over the tensions that trouble Arnim's visions of social harmony and political unity.