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1

Steding, Elizabeth Priester. "Losing Literature: The Reduction of the GDR to History." German Politics and Society 32, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2014.320403.

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Federal and state curricula not only determine much of what is taught in school, they also reveal what is important to political and cultural leaders and ultimately help shape a country's narrative. This article examines how the GDR currently is addressed in history and literature curricula for the Oberstufe. While state history curricula consistently require coverage of the GDR, literature curricula vary widely, with a few states clearly including GDR literature and many states completely omitting it. If GDR literature is ignored in state curricula, it risks being ignored in the classroom, limiting student understanding of the GDR to historical facts and depriving them of an opportunity to better understand both past and current German society.
2

GRÜNING, BARBARA. "SOCIOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE AND IDEOLOGY IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC: THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION PROCESSES OF A DISCIPLINE." Society Register 3, no. 1 (August 14, 2019): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sr.2019.3.1.03.

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This article analyzes the dissemination of sociological knowledge in the social sciences and humanities (SSH) and other fields of cultural production in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), from the early postwar period to German reunification. In this regard, I investigate the relationships between sociology and politics, taking into account the specific contexts of the GDR-State and the institutionalization processes of these disciplines. To prevent a deterministic understanding of political power on academic and scientific systems, I adopt the Bourdieusian concept of field (cf. Bourdieu 1966; 1984; 1985; Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992; Bourdieu and Boltanski 2008). This concept allows me to highlight how the relationship between the academic and political fields changed over time by simultaneously looking at the influences of political, cultural, social and economic transformations of GDR society on the political goals of the GDR-State and the strategies of sociologists within the broader field of production of sociological knowledge.
3

Taubeneck, Steven. "Deconstructing the GDR: Heiner Mueller and Postmodern Cultural Politics." Pacific Coast Philology 26, no. 1/2 (July 1991): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1316559.

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4

Flow, B. V. "A Tighter Grip on Cultural Policy in the GDR." Index on Censorship 14, no. 2 (April 1985): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533860.

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5

Kelly, Elaine. "Performing Diplomatic Relations: Music and East German Foreign Policy in the Middle East during the Late 1960s." Journal of the American Musicological Society 72, no. 2 (2019): 493–540. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2019.72.2.493.

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Music provided the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with a crucial international platform during the Cold War. Denied diplomatic recognition by most Western nations until the early 1970s, the state depended on artists to negotiate its image abroad and channeled considerable resources to this end. This article explores how the GDR tried to expedite diplomatic relations with Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon in the late 1960s through an intensive program of musical activity, which included attempts to send East German musical “experts” to Cairo and Damascus, and the organization of state-funded tours to the region by high-profile ensembles such as the Dresdner Philharmonie, the Rundfunk-Sinfonieorchester Leipzig, the Gewandhausorchester Leipzig, and the Deutsche Staatsoper. Examining variously the politics of cultural transfer that these activities entailed, the economics involved, and the power dynamics that played out in the relations between the GDR and Egypt, in particular, the article illuminates the way music diplomacy functioned between Cold War periphery states. Notably, cultural exchange between the GDR and the Arab nations was shaped as much by discourses of postcolonialism, anti-imperialism, and anti-Zionism as it was by any binary opposition of Marxist-Leninism and capitalist democracy.
6

Larkey, Edward. "GDR Rock goes West: Finding a Voice in the West German Market." German Politics and Society 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2005.230403.

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Culture in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) is often characterized as isolated from that of the West, with artists locked behind the Iron Curtain, having no opportunities to interact directly with global trends. While this may be true to a great extent for the general population, we should not close our eyes to the actual cross-border movements of artists and art forms that did take place in that regime. Many producers of artistic texts interacted with the West—not just well-known writers and theater directors like Christa Wolf or Bruno Besson, but also rock bands. Indeed, a few privileged GDR bands, belonging to the group of Reisekader (travel functionaries) were granted permission to travel to the West. An analysis of their interactions with their domestic audiences and with audiences in the West gives a more nuanced view regarding the nature of cultural globalization that continues into the 21st century, and provides insights into the role of cultural industries in cultural and political change today. The story of these bands contributes to our knowledge on how GDR authorities were unable to perceive and manage cultural creativity in an era of networked, flexible, and relatively autonomous creators.
7

Cook, Roger F. "Recharting the Skies above Berlin: Nostalgia East and West." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889165.

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In the now almost fifteen years since the rush to German unity, East Germany's remembering of its lost cultural objects and social practices has already established a rich history of its own. The first product to become a prominent symbol of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the Trabant (Trabi). An unattractive, inefficient, obnoxiously loud car manufactured in the GDR, it went overnight from being an object for which many East Germans waited expectantly for several years to be able to purchase to an antiquated, undesired relic. The brunt of some of the first Ossie jokes, it also quickly became a symbol for East German resistance to an arrogant West German dismissal of all that was the GDR.
8

Stjernholm, Emil. "GDR Cinema on Swedish Television." VIEW Journal of European Television History and Culture 10, no. 19 (June 24, 2021): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/view.259.

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This article studies the import of East German films by Swedish public service broadcaster Sveriges Radio, and their reception in the Swedish public sphere. While few GDR films reached theatrical distribution, Swedish television imported and broadcasted over 30 productions by the state-owned film studio DEFA during the 1970s and 1980s, making this the primary distribution window for East German film in Sweden. Relying on sources such as Sveriges Radio’s in-house correspondence and screening reports, the weekly Sveriges Radio magazine Voices in Radio/Television (Röster i Radio/TV) and the public service corporation’s annual reports, this study sheds light on the political, economic and ideological considerations involved in the cultural exchange between Sweden and the GDR.
9

LEPENIES, WOLF. "Culture, politics and the European intelligentsia." European Review 9, no. 2 (May 2001): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870100014x.

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A distinctive German culture no longer exists, it has become merged into Western culture. De-Nazification foundered and the old elites and the émigrés re-emerged and came together. The November revolution in the GDR was not one of either the workers or of a cultural elite but one of the grassroots, the ordinary people; however the GDR lacked any cultural modernity. When a country loses a war, cultural policy has to serve the need for revenge. France and Germany have competed on which was more revolutionary in the past and who had the greater potential for future revolutions. The current dilemma, however, over the enlargement of Europe rests more on harsh economic problems of how to reconcile the desires of the have-nots with the desire of the haves to have more, and who feel threatened by the have-nots.
10

Goodfellow, Samuel Huston, Konrad H. Jarausch, and Eve Duffy. "Dictatorship as Experience: Towards a Socio-Cultural History of the GDR." German Studies Review 24, no. 1 (February 2001): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433231.

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11

Wicke, Peter. "“Born in the GDR”. Ostrock between Ostalgia and cultural self‐assertion." Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 6, no. 2 (November 1998): 148–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651569808454585.

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12

Blum, Hanna, and Philipp Hofeneder. "Specialized translators in the GDR." Translation and Interpreting Studies 15, no. 3 (September 24, 2020): 333–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.20077.hof.

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Abstract This article aims to show that not only was translation in the cultural Cold War used to manipulate ideologies across the Iron Curtain, but it also played a decisive role in establishing socialist structures in satellite states, including those involved with the transfer of knowledge, thus giving a louder voice to translators as vital and yet underrepresented agents. Specifically, we examine the translators of the journal Sowjetwissenschaft (published in the GDR) to shed light on the identities of the translators and their role in the transfer of knowledge within the Socialist bloc. Individual scientific translators are investigated in greater detail to reveal their importance in establishing and preserving socialist structures and discourses during the cultural Cold War.
13

Grashoff, Udo. "Driven into Suicide by the East German Regime? Reflections on the Persistence of a Misleading Perception." Central European History 52, no. 02 (June 2019): 310–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000165.

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AbstractThe assumption that the communist dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) drove many people to suicide has persisted for decades, and it is still evident in academic and public discourse. Yet, high suicide rates in eastern Germany, which can be traced back to the nineteenth century, cannot be a result of a particular political system. Be it monarchy, democracy, fascism, or socialism, the frequency of suicide there did not change significantly. In fact, the share of politically motivated suicides in the GDR amounts to only 1–2 percent of the total. Political, economic, or sociocultural factors did not have a significant impact on suicide rates. An analysis of two subsets of GDR society that were more likely to be affected by repression—prisoners and army recruits—further corroborates this: there is no evidence of a higher suicide rate in either case. Complimentary to a quantitative approach “from above,” a qualitative analysis “from below” not only underlines the limited importance of repression, but also points to a regional pattern of behavior linked to cultural influences and to the role of religion—specifically, to Protestantism. Several factors nevertheless fostered the persistence of an overly politicized interpretation of suicide in the GDR: the bereaved in the East, the media in the West, and a few victims of suicide themselves blamed the regime and downplayed important individual and pathological aspects. Moreover, state and party officials in the GDR unintentionally reinforced the politicization of suicide by imposing a taboo on the subject, which only fueled the flames of speculation about its root causes.
14

Zatlin, Jonathan R. "Unifying without Integrating: The East German Collapse and German Unity." Central European History 43, no. 3 (August 18, 2010): 484–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000385.

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The demise of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) came as a surprise to most western observers. For historians of modern Europe, its disappearance remains remarkable for at least two reasons. First, East Germany has ceased to exist in an era when new states are constantly being born. Since the French Revolution unleashed the power of national self-determination as an ordering principle more than 200 years ago, new sovereign states have continued to emerge across the globe, whether through the breakup of multiethnic and colonial empires or the dissolution of pan-Slavic states in eastern Europe. Illiberal governments have been swept aside, often with the result that new states have been cast out of imperial entities by the centrifugal force of cultural attachment. In the history of European political sovereignty during the twentieth century, the particular has triumphed over the universal. Except in the case of the GDR. Against the tide of European history, the GDR has gone from sovereign state (East Germany) to regional designation (eastern Germany). In this sense, the story of the GDR's absorption by a larger polity is a tale of modern state-building told in reverse.
15

Cupers, Kenny. "The Cultural Center." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.4.464.

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The Cultural Center: Architecture as Cultural Policy in Postwar Europe examines how culture became an explicit domain of state policy in postwar Europe and why the modern architecture of cultural centers and culture halls became central to such policy. Kenny Cupers uses a variety of archival and primary sources to analyze maisons de la culture in France and Kulturpaläste or Kulturhäuser in the German Democratic Republic during the 1960s and 1970s. Focusing on the roles of bureaucrats, policy makers, and designers, he reveals how architecture articulated cultural politics in which participation was harnessed to bolster the intervention of the state in everyday life—whether through unqualified support, as in France, or through often-oppressive regulation, as in the GDR. This premise is what shaped the design approaches of programmatic integration, polyvalence, and communication for new cultural institutions across the Cold War divide.
16

Conacher, Jean E. "Transformation and Education in GDR Youth Literature: A Script Theory Approach." International Research in Children's Literature 9, no. 1 (July 2016): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ircl.2016.0183.

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Youth literature within the German Democratic Republic (GDR) officially enjoyed equal status with adult literature, with authors often writing for both audiences. Such parity of esteem pre-supposed that youth literature would also adopt the cultural–political frameworks designed to nurture the establishment of socialism on German soil. In their quest to forge a legitimate national literature capable of transforming the population, politicians and writers drew repeatedly upon the cultural heritage of Weimar classicism and the Bildungsroman, Humboldtian educational traditions and Soviet-inspired models of socialist realism. Adopting a script theory approach inspired by Jean Matter Mandler, this article explores how directive cultural policies lead to the emergence of multiple scripts which inform the nature and narrative of individual works. Three broad ideological scripts within GDR youth literature are identified which underpin four distinct narrative scripts employed by individual writers to support, challenge and ultimately subvert the primacy of the Bildungsroman genre. A close reading of works by Strittmatter, Pludra, Görlich, Tetzner and Saalmann reveals further how conceptual blending with classical and fairy-tale scripts is exploited to legitimise and at times mask critique of transformation and education inside and outside the classroom and to offer young protagonists a voice often denied their readers.
17

van Elferen, Isabella. "East German Goth and the Spectres of Marx." Popular Music 30, no. 1 (January 2011): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143010000693.

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AbstractThe East of Germany, the Bundesländer of the former GDR, is an important centre of Goth activity. The Goth scene is remarkably large in this part of Germany, and one of the most important yearly Goth festivals, the Wave-Gotik-Treffen, takes place in Leipzig. This article investigates the specific characteristics and internal dynamics of East German Goth subcultures after German reunification. Combining subcultural theory and Gothic criticism with Derrida's notions of spectrality and hauntology, the potentials of Gothic as a form of cultural criticism are explored in an investigation of the psycho-social wasteland of the undead GDR. It will be argued that post-Cold War unification has not only led to a new political order, but has also given rise to a new type of Gothicism, as East German Goth subculture is haunted by ‘spectres of Marx’ that provide a critical engagement with globalised capital and media. As a specifically German version of the worldwide Goth scene, moreover, it marks the local boundedness of globalised subcultures.
18

Hillhouse, Raelynn J. "Out of the Closet behind the Wall: Sexual Politics and Social Change in the GDR." Slavic Review 49, no. 4 (1990): 585–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500548.

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The search for avenues to express changing cultural values has shaped recent politics in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). During the past decade tens of thousands of GDR citizens became involved in new social movements that included issueoriented groups within both the Protestant church and such mass organizations as the Kulturbund (League of Culture) and the Freie Deutsche Jungend (Free German Youth, FDJ). The rise of these issue-oriented movements evoked reactions from the former government ranging from repression to accommodation. Perhaps the most striking example of the old regime's response to social change can be seen in the emergence of a very visible gay and lesbian movement. Beginning with a handful of activists within the Evangelical church, the East German gay and lesbian movement expanded into state and party institutions throughout the republic. In 1985, partially in response to the growing movement, the state began a campaign to end discrimination on the basis of sexual and emotional orientation.
19

Cooling, N. J. "Psychiatry in the German Democratic Republic." Psychiatric Bulletin 13, no. 10 (October 1989): 536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.13.10.536.

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The London-Berlin (GDR) Committee was established in June 1986, with the aim of encouraging cultural exchanges between Britain and the German Democratic Republic. This Committee organised a study tour of East Berlin for British health care workers in October 1988. This was the first exchange of this kind since the Second World War and the subsequent foundation of the modern Republic of East Germany.
20

Colla, Marcus. "THE POLITICS OF TIME AND STATE IDENTITY IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 29 (November 1, 2019): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440119000100.

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ABSTRACTThe communist regimes of Eastern Europe carried a particular set of assumptions about the way past, present and future related to one another. In the case of the German Democratic Republic (the GDR), these assumptions manifested themselves in official language and propaganda as a defence of the regime's dynamic and forward-looking historicity against the ‘ahistorical’ and ‘nostalgic’ modes of understanding that supposedly typified the historical consciousness of its West German adversary. By this view, the German Federal Republic – and the capitalist West more generally – lacked both a meaningful past and a meaningful future. This article investigates how the East German regime articulated its historicity as a direct expression of its state identity. In particular, it examines how it sought to rationalise newly emerging historical and cultural practices in the GDR within the framework of a modern and progressive socialist historicity, and how it deployed these as an argument against the ‘nostalgic’ practices of the Federal Republic.
21

Peitsch, Helmut, and Joanne Sayner. "Tendentiousness and Topicality: Buchenwald and Antifascism as Sites of GDR Memory." German Politics and Society 33, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330108.

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This article examines two chapters from Martin Sabrow's 2009 edited volume Erinnerungsorte der DDR, one on antifascism and one on Buchenwald. These two case studies exemplify the complexities of the contemporary German memorial landscape. In particular, they thematize the remembrance of the Nazi past in the German Democratic Republic and how this GDR past has, in turn, been tendentiously remembered since unification. By examining the layering of memories in these two chapters, we argue that the theoretical models which often underpin contemporary German memory work, Sabrow's volume included, serve to obscure the role of the state as carrier of official memory. On the basis of this study, we show that concepts dominant in today's Germany promote a unified national narrative. In particular, terms such as the “culture of memory” (Erinnerungskultur) and cultural memory (kulturelles Gedächtnis) downplay conflicting, contentious and diverse memories relating to the GDR past. As such, the article provides a timely note of caution for memory studies and memory work, which increasingly applies these models to wider, non-German contexts.
22

Zajas, Paweł. "Hans Joachim Schädlich und die niederländische Lyrik." Internationales Archiv für Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur 46, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iasl-2021-0001.

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Abstract The paper reveals the backstage of a modern Dutch poetry anthology Gedichte aus Belgien und den Niederlanden (1977), published by an East German publisher Volk & Welt. An analysis of the surviving correspondence, publishing reviews, and peritexts (afterwords) has shown the mechanisms of transfer in literary translation to the GDR. This historical-literary case study illustrates the ways in which the political and cultural function of anthologies enabled the introduction of formal/content innovations into the East German literary system.
23

Erbacher, Eric, and Sina Nitzsche. "Performing the double rupture: Kraftklub, popular music and post-socialist urban identity in Chemnitz, Germany." International Journal of Cultural Studies 20, no. 4 (March 16, 2016): 437–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877916638730.

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Popular music constitutes an important mode of public expression which can stimulate not only a change in the public image of place but also wider social and cultural communities in shrinking cities. Focusing on the internationally successful indie-rap band Kraftklub from the Eastern German city of Chemnitz, we analyse how they visually, rhetorically and musically address shrinkage and the GDR as a critical comment on municipal memory and identity politis. Contextualizing Kraftklub’s oeuvre with the official city marketing campaign, we show that popular music scenes help establish a new, inclusive and confident post-industrial identity as well as contribute to a more positive urban image.
24

Bereskin, Emily. "Modern rural landscapes in contemporary heritage imaginaries: the case of Germany’s southern Oderbruch." SHS Web of Conferences 63 (2019): 11002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196311002.

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Using the Southern Oderbruch as a case study, this paper investigates the presence and representation of the modern rural landscapes of the German Democratic Republic within the region’s contemporary heritage and tourism landscape. Following an analysis of extant discourse production in place marketing materials and heritage sites (primarily local museums), the paper argues that although the unique landscapes developed in concert with the collective farms (landwirtschaftliche Produktionsgenossenschaften) of the GDR remain very much in situ, they remain largely invisible in the heritage and touristic representation of the Oderbruch, which tends to focus on more traditional manifestations of “pastoral beauty” and on historical events preceding the founding of the GDR. This paper hypothesizes several reasons for this conspicuous absence, arguing that the history of the LPG defies local will to narrativise due to its ongoing social, legal, and economic reverberations in everyday life. The second half of the paper reviews the current application effort fora European Cultural Heritage designation for the Oderbruch. The paper highlights the complexity of the situational landscape surrounding the production of heritage, in terms of political, economic, social, and symbolic factors and argues for similar analyses as a comparative path of investigation for the MODSCAPES project.
25

Robb, David. "The mobilising of the German 1848 protest song tradition in the context of international twentieth-century folk revivals." Popular Music 35, no. 3 (September 14, 2016): 338–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143016000532.

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AbstractThe rediscovery of democratic traditions of folk song in Germany after the Second World War was not just the counter-reaction of singers and academics to the misuse of German folk song by the Nazis. Such a shift to a more ‘progressive’ interpretation and promotion of folk tradition at that time was not distinct to Germany and had already taken place in other parts of the Western world. After firstly examining the relationship between folk song and national ideologies in the nineteenth century, this article will focus on the democratic ideological basis on which the 1848 revolutionary song tradition was reconstructed after the Third Reich. It will look at how the New Social Movements of West Germany and the folk scene of the GDR functioned in providing channels of transmission for this, and how in this process a collective cultural memory was created whereby lost songs – such as those of the 1848 Revolution – could be awakened from extinction. These processes will be illustrated by textual and musical adaptations of key 1848 songs such as ‘Badisches Wiegenlied’ (Baden Lullaby), ‘Das Blutgericht’ (The Blood Court) and ‘Trotz alledem’ (For all that) within the context of the West German folk movement and its counterpart in the GDR.
26

Mitchell, Tony. "Mixing pop and politics: rock music in Czechoslovakia before and after the Velvet Revolution." Popular Music 11, no. 2 (May 1992): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000004992.

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Rock and pop music in the USSR and eastern Europe has become an area of increasing interest to both the western mass media and cultural studies since glasnost, perestroika, the collapse of the Eastern bloc Communist regimes and the constitution of new western-styled democratic governments. This is largely because rock music has represented probably the most widespread vehicle of youth rebellion, resistance and independence behind the Iron Curtain, both in terms of providing an enhanced political context for the often banned sounds of British and American rock, and in the development of home-grown musics built on western foundations but resonating within their own highly charged political contexts. As the East German critic Peter Wicke has claimed,Because of the intrinsic characteristics of the circumstances within which rock music is produced and consumed, this cultural medium became, in the GDR, the most suitable vehicle for forms of cultural and political resistance that could not be controlled by the state. (Wicke 1991, p. 1)
27

Cœuré, Sophie. "Cultural Looting and Restitution at the Dawn of the Cold War: The French Recovery Missions in Eastern Europe." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 3 (November 23, 2016): 588–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658700.

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France was massively affected by Nazi looting and plundering, and was also probably one of the most successful countries in securing the return of cultural property. Drawing on recently opened Archives, this article reflects on the entangled history of the ‘recovery’ of works of art in Soviet occupation zones, in Poland, Czechoslovakia and in the GDR, focusing on the French investigations in the East. The micro history of this fieldwork allows for an interpretation of looting and restitution as a transnational moment of political and memory construction. The article first presents the organization of missions in the changing landscape of Europe, leading to the beginning of an East-West relationship on the ground. Then it analyses French and Soviet visions of the notion of looting, restitution and cultural property and finally concludes by attempting to interpret a loss of memory.
28

Hillaker, Lorn. "Representing a “Better Germany”: Competing Images of State and Society in the Early Cultural Diplomacy of the FRG and GDR." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000151.

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AbstractIn the early years of the FRG and GDR, cultural diplomacy was largely defined by each country's need to establish a role for itself within its respective Cold War bloc. In the sphere of foreign policy, competition between East and West Germany to achieve recognition both from Western states and the so-called Third World was heightened by the FRG's Hallstein Doctrine (1955–1970). Cultural diplomacy offered a route outside traditional channels of diplomacy to convince foreign politicians to support or at least have favorable views of either German state. The cultural diplomatic media of this early period focused on each state's rebuilding and adherence to international treaties as well as on countering the legacy of the Second World War. As division continued into the 1950s, cultural diplomacy on each side of the iron curtain worked to cultivate an image of a peaceful, friendly state superior both to its Nazi predecessor and to its rival across the German-German border, setting the terms for an image-building contest that would continue throughout the Cold War.
29

Kind, Anette. "Zur Rolle des Aufbau Verlags bei der Veröffentlichung des Werks des portugiesischen Romanciers Eça de Queirós in deutscher Sprache." Futhark. Revista de Investigación y Cultura, no. 9 (2014): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/futhark.2014.i9.08.

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This article discusses the impact of political ci.rcumstances on the translator' s work. Especially under dictatorial regí.mes, the translator has to work with limited access to indispensable research tools. This will be demonstrated through the example of the translations into German of the literary works of the Portuguese writer Ec;a de Queirós, published by the Aufbau Verlag in East Berlín. The aim is to show how the publisher managed to reconcile an ambitious literary programme for the publication of world literature with the política! and ideological requirements of the GDR cultural programme, and to describe the very difficult circumstances in which many translators had to work.
30

Rossbacher, Brigitte, and Lisabeth Hock. "Cultural Transformation and its Academic Contexts: Reflections on the Past, Present, and Future of GDR Studies - Editorial Introduction." GDR Bulletin 24, no. 1 (October 17, 1997): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.4148/gdrb.v24i0.1210.

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31

DREYER, MATTHIAS. "Prospective Genealogies: Einar Schleef's Choric Theatre." Theatre Research International 34, no. 2 (July 2009): 138–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883309004477.

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Since the 1980s, a growing number of performances in Europe have created new forms of choric theatre in search of altered concepts of the political. In Germany, one of its pioneers was the GDR-born director Einar Schleef (1944–2001). The article explores his oeuvre, from his first choric production Mothers (1986), a classical drama project, to his last production, Betrayed People (2000), which focused on the problem of revolution in Germany. Schleef's genealogical project reintroduced the chorus as a repressed figure that develops a spectral potentiality. Through a detailed analysis of Schleef's approach to performing history, the article examines how choric theatre initiates theatrical processes of cultural remembrance and creates a relation to the past that becomes generative of the future.
32

Heinemann, Manfred, and Jinyoung Yu. "Student exchanges GDR and North Korea: the last stage of the failed cultural foreign diplomacy among socialist brother states." History of Korean Education 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15704/kjhe.42.1.202003.135.

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33

Seidensticker, Bernd. "Ancient Drama and Reception of Antiquity in the Theatre and Drama of the German Democratic Republic (GDR)." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 20, no. 3 (November 22, 2018): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.20.3.75-94.

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Theatre in the German Democratic Republic was an essential part of the state propaganda machine and was strictly controlled by the cultural bureaucracy and by the party. Until the early sixties, ancient plays were rarely staged. In the sixties, classical Greek drama became officially recognised as part of cultural heritage. Directors free to stage the great classical playwrights selected ancient plays, on one hand, to escape the grim socialist reality, on the other to criticise it using various forms of Aesopian language. Two important dramatists and three examples of plays are presented and discussed: an adaptation of an Aristophanic comedy (Peter Hack’s adaptation of Aristophanes’ Peace at the Deutsche Theater in Berlin in 1962), a play based on a Sophoclean tragedy (Heiner Müller’s Philoktet, published in 1965, staged only in 1977), and a short didactic play (Lehrstück) based on Roman history (Heiner Müller’s Der Horatier, written in 1968, staged in 1973 in Hamburg in West Germany, and in the GDR only in 1988). At the end there is a brief look at a production of Aeschylus Seven against Thebes at the BE in 1969.
34

Szymańska, Daniela, Stefania Środa-Murawska, and Jadwiga Biegańska. "Germany - Two Demographically Different States?" Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 10, no. 10 (January 1, 2008): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-008-0015-5.

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Germany - Two Demographically Different States?The paper is an attempt of an answer how belonging to different political, economical and cultural structures has influenced diverse population processes and structures and their spatial diversity. As an example to the research of these phenomena there was chosen Germany that until 1990 were two separated socio-political and economical formations (the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany FRG). This state, with a population number about 82 millions presently, as it turns out - besides passage of time - is characterized all the time by some diversity of procreation behaviors, population processes and structures in the Eastern (Ost) and the Western part (West) of Germany. It is claimed, the structures are going to some similarities, but the 15 years period (1990-2005) was too short to level all stated demographical differences and trends (1).
35

Bach, Jonathan. "Collecting Communism: Private Museums of Everyday Life under Socialism in Former East Germany." German Politics and Society 33, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330110.

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Across former East Germany today there are more than two dozen private museums devoted to representing everyday life under socialism. Some are haphazard collections in cramped spaces, others marketable mainstays of their local tourist economy. Historians have criticized them as at best amateurish and, at worst, a trivialization of the GDR's repressive practices. Yet, this article argues how, as a social phenomenon, these museums form an important early phase in postunification efforts by public cultural institutions to incorporate the GDR everyday into working through the past. The article examines the museum's modes of representation and shows how the museums lay claim to authenticity through a tactile, interactive, and informal approach. Despite valid criticisms, the article argues that the museums can be seen as helping overcome, rather than reinforce, the binary of totalitarianism and everyday life as antagonistic frameworks for understanding the socialist past.
36

Yri, Kirsten. "Corvus Corax: medieval rock, the minstrel, and cosmopolitanism as anti-nationalism." Popular Music 38, no. 03 (October 2019): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143019000229.

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AbstractThis article explores the German band Corvus Corax and their reinterpretion of the Middle Ages as a creative answer to Germany's problematic history of nationalism. Invoking the community ideals and ideological values of the 1960s and 1970s, which, in the context of the GDR took on even more significance, Corvus Corax borrowed ‘authentic’ medieval texts and melodies, rendering them in acoustic arrangements inspired by medieval performance practices. In short, German ‘folk’ bands invented ‘medieval’ rock to sidestep Nazi connotations with the word ‘folk’. Besides invoking the semantic shift from ‘folk’ to ‘medieval’, I argue that the band adopts the figure of the medieval minstrel and asserts that his multilingual texts, ‘foreign’ instruments and colourful performance practices speak to an inclusive, diverse and cosmopolitan community. Paradoxically, they do so by first positioning the medieval minstrel as a punked-up, marginalised ‘outcast’. The cultural capital of this outcast status helps medieval rock bands like Corvus Corax carve out a space for marginalised voices who, in their new privileged positions, offer a form of retribution for politics of exclusion, racism and authoritarianism.
37

Schweiger, Christian. "Deutschland einig Vaterland?" German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370303.

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Thirty years on from the peaceful revolution in the former communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) Germany remains profoundly divided between the perspectives of Germans living in the eastern and the western parts of the country, which is becoming ever more obvious by the polarization of domestic politics. Hence, Germany today resembles a nation which is formally unified but deeply divided internally in cultural and political terms. This article examines the background to the growing cleavages between eastern and western regions, which have their roots in the mistakes that were made as part of the management of the domestic aspects of German reunification. From a historic-institutionalist perspective the merger of the pathways of the two German states has not taken place. Instead, unified Germany is characterized by the dominance of the institutional pathway of the former West German Federal Republic, which has substantially contributed to the self-perception of East Germans as dislocated, second-class citizens.
38

Vees-Gulani, Susanne. "Symbol of Reconciliation and Far-Right Stronghold?" German Politics and Society 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2021.390104.

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In the eastern German city of Dresden, populist and nativist far-right groups, such as the homegrown pegida and the AfD, enjoy particularly robust support among the population, even though Dresden is presented as a symbol of peace and reconciliation. Many residents base their personal and social identity on Dresden’s long-established narrative as an iconic baroque city that suffered an unparalleled loss and victimization in the 1945 Allied bombings, prior to its post-reunification revival. However, this narrative includes a blind spot about the Nazi context of the destruction, opening it up to various political appropriations from the gdr era to today. I suggest that the strength of the far right in Dresden is caused by a seamless linking of Dresden’s perception as a victim due to cultural losses and the far right’s fear of losing a unique German identity and homeland. As examples, I analyze discourse patterns of remembrance during the bombing anniversaries in 2015 and 2020.
39

KOTT, SANDRINE. "Everyday Communism: New Social History of the German Democratic Republic." Contemporary European History 13, no. 2 (May 2004): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001699.

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Konrad Jarausch, ed., Dictatorship as Experience. Toward a Socio-Cultural History of the GDR (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 1999), 388 pp., £14.00 (pb), ISBN 1-57181-182-6.Thomas Lindenberger, ed., Herrschaft und Eigensinn in der Diktatur (Cologne, Weimar and Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 1999) 367 pp., €39.90 (hb), ISBN 3-412-13598-4.Annegret Schüle, ‘Die Spinne’. Die Erfahrungsgeschichte weiblicher Industriearbeit im VEB Leipziger Baumwollspinnerei (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2001), 398 pp., €18.00 (pb), ISBN 3-934565-87-5.Patrick Major and Jonathan Osmond, eds., The Workers' and Peasants' State. Communism and Society in East Germany under Ulbricht 1945–71 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002), 272 pp., £15.99 (pb), ISBN 0-7190-6289-6.Joshua Feinstein, The Triumph of the Ordinary. Depictions of Daily Life in the East German Cinema 1949–1989 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 331 pp., £19.50 (pb), ISBN 0-8078-5385-2.
40

Mittman, Elizabeth. "Fashioning the Socialist Nation: The Gender of Consumption in Slatan Dudow's 'Destinies of Women'." German Politics and Society 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2005.230402.

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In the following article, I sketch two major pressures driving this film's peculiar recuperation of traditional representations of femininity alongside the rhetoric of equal rights. The first is the development of a Cold War politics of consumption, which, as recent research has shown, was crucial for national and cultural identity formation in the period of reconstruction after World War II. If, in the 20th century, political citizenship was "recast as consumer behavior," the postwar context of divided Germany offers a particularly powerful example of the complex imbrications of ideological and material cultures. As Ina Merkel's work amply illustrates, the competitive discourse of East versus West shaped GDR consumer culture from the outset. In addition, the implicit tension between the austere ideal of a new socialist producer nation and its population's unbroken, modern drive toward consumption appears to be at least superficially resolved along gender lines. Following prewar cultural formations, consumers were gendered as female, in contrast with male-identified producers. Thus, women could be mobilized as symbolic warriors along the battlefront between two economic systems. Frauenschicksale refers us repeatedly to the precise terms of this conflict.
41

Goodrum, Sarah. "International Photography Networks and Walter Hahn’s Museum for Photography, Dresden." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 130–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.526.

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The Museum für Photographie, founded, developed and directed by Dr. Walter Hahn for only twelve years in the city of Dresden, has only recently emerged in scholarship on East German photographic culture. Although the museum definitely enjoyed a relationship with the East German cultural authorities within the Cultural League, or Kulturbund, it does not sit easily in the historiographical category of ‘official’ photography in the GDR. Hahn’s version of the history of photography was challenging to the socialist establishment, which hampered the further development of the museum and did not preserve the project after Hahn’s death. Hahn’s ambitions to expand his museum and gain membership in an international community of collectors and museum professionals drove him to contact a tremendous number of figures throughout the world and led to many fruitful exchanges on questions of the history of photography and the state of collections internationally. This article will address the degree to which Hahn’s networking through publications and correspondence and attempts at cultural diplomacy tied him more closely to the international community of photography collectors and photography museums – particularly in the West – than his Cultural League colleagues could ultimately sanction. It argues that Hahn and his museum represent a historical and historiographical anomaly that complicates the accepted narratives of East Germany history. Hahn’s interactions within the international museum community represent a significant instance of the international circuit of photographic images and literature during the Cold War.
42

SNYDER, BETH. "Once Misjudged and Banned: Promoting the Musical Heritage in the GDR and Discourse Surrounding the 1959 Felix Mendelssohn Festwoche." Twentieth-Century Music 16, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 319–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147857221900001x.

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AbstractIn February 1959 East Germany fêted the legacy of Felix Mendelssohn with a week-long celebration. Like earlier festivals honouring composers such as Handel, these festivities provided a site for working out in practical terms abstract theories of the ethico-political value of the Germanic cultural heritage to a socialist German state. Yet, discourse surrounding the Festwoche indicates a unique approach to such negotiations. Debates surrounding the festival are analysed, including publications in journals and newspapers as well as speeches, in order to demonstrate that the circumstances surrounding the Mendelssohn festivities fomented remarkably diverse responses to issues pertaining to the value of the musical heritage and to Mendelssohn's place within that heritage. Further, the problems Mendelssohn's life and work presented led one of the most important musicologists in the GDR – Georg Knepler – to embrace a radically Marxian (rather than Marxist–Leninist) account of the significance of the composer's music to East German audiences.
43

Zajas, Pawel. "South goes East. Zuid-Afrikaanse literatuur bij Volk & Welt." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 57, no. 2 (October 9, 2020): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v57i2.8324.

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The paper analyses the transfer of South African literature to the German Democratic Republic. In its historiographic/methodological dimension it presents findings on the statistics of (South) African literature(s) translations in the Verlag Volk und Welt (the major East German publisher in the area of contemporary world literature), and on the place of literary translations in the East German foreign cultural policy, as well as in the socialist solidarity discourse of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) and the antiapartheid movement. Furthermore, findings are presented on the publisher-internal selection criteria applied to South African literature, based on the archival data from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin (i.e. applications for a print permit and internal/external reviews), on issues around the transformation and adaptation of literature translated in the realm of the East German Weltliteratur, and on the transfer of South African literature from the GDR, based on the English language series Seven Seas Books. Lastly, the function of this alternative canon, framed within the so-called ‘minor transnationalism’, is spelled out.
44

Horten, Gerd. "The Impact of Hollywood Film Imports in East Germany and the Cultural Surrender of the GDR Film Control in the 1970s and 1980s." German History 34, no. 1 (February 24, 2016): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghv067.

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45

Rauch, A. M. "Die geistig-kulturelle Lage im wieder-vereinigten Deutschland." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.560.

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The mental-cultural situation of the re-united GermanyIn 1993 an exhibition presenting phenomena about the past, present and future of both East and West Germany took place in Berlin. It became clear that West and East Germans differ in inter alia the way in which life and existence have been experienced. East and West Germans also have different perspectives and perceptions of policy and society. Among the former GDR-citizens, nostalgia dominates the reflection on the past. It should, however, not be underestimated how deeply East and West Germans have been alienated from each other and that many East Germans think that facing a common future - together with West Germans - is more than they could handle. The difference in which life and existence have been experienced in East and West Germany is also reflected in German literature as is pointed out in the work of Ulrich Woelk. It also becomes, however, clear that the idea of a common German culture and history supplies a strong link to overcome these alienations.
46

Sepp. "“Zwischen allen Stühlen”: Reflections on Judaism in Germany in Victor Klemperer’s Post-Holocaust Diaries." Humanities 8, no. 4 (October 23, 2019): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8040168.

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This article focuses as a case study on Victor Klemperer’s diaristic representation of German-Jewish identity and culture after 1945 in the Soviet Occupation Zone and the GDR. The contribution shows how Klemperer’s professional and social situation remained very uncomfortable even in East Germany. For the diarist, the communist code ‘antifascist/fascist’, just like the code ‘German/un-German’ before it, was tantamount to concealing Jewish origin. His post-Holocaust journals provide an immediate insider’s view of Jewish life in Germany after the Holocaust from the perspective of a victim of active persecution. Against this backdrop, the contribution examines how the author’s original German nationalism gradually makes way, caught between contradictory impulses of assimilation and decreed Jewish identity, for a much more complex understanding of his own cultural identity. Klemperer’s diaries highlight a number of tensions that ultimately reflect on the disjunction between living and writing: The divide between a single and changing self lies at the heart of his diaries after 1945, which depict an astute, complex psychogram of the assimilated German-Jewish bourgeoisie that survived the Holocaust and tried to continue living in communist Germany.
47

Tragbar, Klaus. "Die Bauhäusler Franz Ehrlich und Fritz Ertl." Architectura 48, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2018): 76–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/atc-2018-1006.

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Abstract The Bauhaus not only had the period of its existence in common with the Weimar Republic, but also many of its internal social, cultural and political contradictions. These contradictions become clear through the biographies of two Bauhaus graduates, Franz Ehrlich (1907 –1984) and Fritz Ertl (1908 –1982), who both studied with Hannes Meyer at the Bauhaus Dessau. After graduating, Ehrlich joined the KPD and worked with Walter Gropius and Hans Poelzig. In 1934, he was arrested as a resistance fighter and imprisoned in the Buchenwald concentration camp. After the Second World War, he became one of the most distinguished architects and furniture designers in the GDR and worked for the State Security. He died in 1984. Ertl returned to his father’s construction company in Linz after receiving his diploma. In 1938 he joined the NSDAP and the SS and was involved in the planning of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp from 1940 onwards. After the end of the war, he worked again as an architect and building contractor in Linz. In 1972 he was charged and acquitted in the Vienna Auschwitz Trial. He died in 1982.
48

Gabriel, Gottfried. "Ästhetik und Politische Ikonographie der Briefmarke." Zeitschrift für Ästhetik und Allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft 54, no. 2 (2009): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000106152.

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Die Briefmarke scheint ein so alltäglicher Gegenstand zu sein, daß ihr – von Motivsammlern einmal abgesehen – eine kunsthistorische oder gar ästhetische Aufmerksamkeit weitgehend versagt geblieben ist. Dabei hat Aby Warburg schon sehr früh die Briefmarke als ein Feld politischer Ikonographie erkannt, und auch von Walter Benjamin liegen Beobachtungen hierzu vor. Im Anschluß an frühere kulturgeschichtliche Arbeiten zur Bildersprache des deutschen Geldes untersucht der Vortrag am Bei- spiel der optischen Vergegenwärtigung des Brandenburger Tores auf Briefmarken der Weimarer Republik, des Dritten Reichs, der DDR und der Bundesrepublik die ästhetischen Darstellungs- und ikonographischen Propagandamöglichkeiten eines wenig beachteten Mediums. Stamps are so familiar to us as everyday objects that we – with the exception of philatelists – are not used to considering their aesthetic value or their place in a history of art. They have therefore seldom been systematically investigated in this light. Nevertheless, these issues have been treated by some scholars. Aby Warburg, for instance, was one of the first to identify the importance of stamps for political iconography; and Walter Benjamin has also made insightful observations in this regard. This article takes up earlier work on the cultural history of the iconography of German money. It investigates exemplarily the presentation of the Brandenburg Gate on stamps of the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, the GDR, and the Federal Re- public of Germany, in order to elucidate more generally aesthetic forms of representation and their exploitation for purposes of propaganda.
49

Lerner, Paul. "An All-Consuming History? Recent Works on Consumer Culture in Modern Germany." Central European History 42, no. 3 (August 24, 2009): 509–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909990070.

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In a 2001 essay, the introduction to a special journal issue on consumption in twentieth-century Germany, historians Alon Confino and Rudy Koshar noted the relative lack of scholarship on consumption and consumerism in European, especially German, historiography, as compared to the explosion of interest in the topic among historians of the United States. For Confino and Koshar, this disjuncture appears all the more remarkable in view of the centrality of consumption and consumer goods to the political and ideological struggles of the German twentieth century and indeed the potential power of consumption, as a historiographic subject, for linking daily life and individual experience to the sweeping trajectories of the century's history. It turns out that Koshar and Confino did not have to wait very long for this gap to be filled; in the several years since that journal issue appeared, works on consumption in modern Germany have been coming out at a furious pace. In addition to several broad surveys of and edited collections on consumer society in the modern period, over the last few years there has been a wave of specialized studies of consumption and consumer goods in Nazi Germany, in the Federal Republic, and notably in the GDR. The problem of consumption has also been a key concern in recent works on Wilhelmine and Weimar cultural history, although historical studies of the period's consumer culture—or the institutions and mechanisms for its dissemination—remain fairly rare.
50

Gabriel, Gottfried. "Ästhetik und Politische Ikonographie der Briefmarke." Zeitschrift für Ästhetik und Allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft 54, no. 2 (2009): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/6000480.

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Die Briefmarke scheint ein so alltäglicher Gegenstand zu sein, daß ihr – von Motivsammlern einmal abgesehen – eine kunsthistorische oder gar ästhetische Aufmerksamkeit weitgehend versagt geblieben ist. Dabei hat Aby Warburg schon sehr früh die Briefmarke als ein Feld politischer Ikonographie erkannt, und auch von Walter Benjamin liegen Beobachtungen hierzu vor. Im Anschluß an frühere kulturgeschichtliche Arbeiten zur Bildersprache des deutschen Geldes untersucht der Vortrag am Bei- spiel der optischen Vergegenwärtigung des Brandenburger Tores auf Briefmarken der Weimarer Republik, des Dritten Reichs, der DDR und der Bundesrepublik die ästhetischen Darstellungs- und ikonographischen Propagandamöglichkeiten eines wenig beachteten Mediums. Stamps are so familiar to us as everyday objects that we – with the exception of philatelists – are not used to considering their aesthetic value or their place in a history of art. They have therefore seldom been systematically investigated in this light. Nevertheless, these issues have been treated by some scholars. Aby Warburg, for instance, was one of the first to identify the importance of stamps for political iconography; and Walter Benjamin has also made insightful observations in this regard. This article takes up earlier work on the cultural history of the iconography of German money. It investigates exemplarily the presentation of the Brandenburg Gate on stamps of the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, the GDR, and the Federal Re- public of Germany, in order to elucidate more generally aesthetic forms of representation and their exploitation for purposes of propaganda.

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