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Готові списки джерел за темами / Grassroots mobilisation / Статті в журналах

Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: Grassroots mobilisation.

Статті в журналах з теми "Grassroots mobilisation"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 3 червня 2025

Оновлено: 31 липня 2025

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1

Aidukaite, Jolanta, and Christian Fröhlich. "Struggle over public space: grassroots movements in Moscow and Vilnius." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 35, no. 7/8 (2015): 565–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-01-2015-0002.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore urban mobilisation patterns in two post-Soviet cities: Vilnius and Moscow. Both cities were subject to similar housing and urban policy during Soviet times, and they have implemented urban development using neoliberal market principles, provoking grassroots opposition from citizens to privatisation and marketisation of their housing environment and local public space. However, the differing conditions of democratic Lithuanian and authoritarian Russian public governance offer different opportunities and set different constraints for neighbourhoo

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2

Devine, Joseph. "NGOs, Politics and Grassroots Mobilisation." Journal of South Asian Development 1, no. 1 (2006): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097317410500100104.

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3

Ozgul, Ceren. "Beyond legal victory or reform: the legal mobilisation of religious groups in the European Court of Human Rights." Religion 45, no. 3-4 (2017): 317–33. https://doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2017.1398931.

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This contribution considers the emergence of litigation in the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) as a common strategy for various grassroots groups. It explores the legal status problems of recognised non-Muslim minorities and belief groups in Turkey in three different yet interlinked fields: the confiscated property of minority foundations, the establishment of community associations and the status of worship places. The analysis in this contribution revolves around legal mobilisation in the ECtHR as a common strategy for various religious groups, focusing on the grassroots actors’

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4

Nyika, Nicholus. "Language activism in Zimbabwe: Grassroots mobilisation, collaborations and action." Language Matters 39, no. 1 (2008): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10228190802320998.

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5

Piro, Valeria. "Collective mobility power: Grassroots unionism in the Italian meat-processing sector." SOCIOLOGIA DEL LAVORO, no. 167 (January 2024): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sl2023-167007.

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In the last decade, several sectors of the Italian labour market have witnessed a rise in conflictual union activities carried out mostly by subcontracted migrant workers. Taking two grassroots unions in the North Italian meat processing sector as case studies (SICobas and ADLCobas), this paper investigates why and how migrant workers organise themselves through rank-and-file unions. In particular, the paper aims at understanding whether and how migrant workers' mobility power interplays with and influences their associational power, shedding light on the nexus between labour mobility and its

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6

Blanco, Ismael, and Margarita León. "Social innovation, reciprocity and contentious politics: Facing the socio-urban crisis in Ciutat Meridiana, Barcelona." Urban Studies 54, no. 9 (2016): 2172–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016659044.

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Taking one of the poorest neighbourhoods in Barcelona as a paradigmatic case, the aim of this paper is to explore the ways in which contestation organised by sublocal grassroots movements in the context of the current urban crisis operates, both in terms of content and form of protest. Our thesis is that resident mobilisation in the neighbourhood of Ciutat Meridiana is expressive of a new cycle of (urban) social mobilisations in Spanish cities. In such mobilisations, more or less spontaneous initiatives which emerged to counteract the effects of the crisis at the community level are simultaneo

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7

Klaus, Kathleen, and Jeffrey W. Paller. "Defending the city, defending votes: campaign strategies in urban Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 4 (2017): 681–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000453.

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AbstractRapid urbanisation in African democracies is changing the way that political parties engage with their constituents, shifting relations between hosts and migrants. This article examines the strategies that parties use to maintain and build electoral support in increasingly diverse contexts. Drawing on in-depth interviews and ethnographic research in Accra, Ghana, we find that some urban political parties rely on inclusive forms of mobilisation, promoting images of cosmopolitanism and unity to incorporate a broad grassroots coalition. Yet in nearby constituencies, parties respond to cha

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8

Seikkula, Minna. "(Un)making ‘extreme’ and ‘ordinary’ whiteness: Activists’ narratives on antiracist mobilisation in Finland." Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (2019): 1002–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119841788.

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This article analyses narratives of antiracist mobilisation against anti-immigration racism and the far and extreme right in Finland. The antiracist mobilisation narrative is, first, analysed against the backdrop of critical theorisation of racism and antiracism, which has critiqued conceptions of racism that link the term exclusively to the far and extreme right as too narrow. Second, the analysis builds upon the heuristic distinction between ‘extreme whiteness’ and ‘whiteness as ordinariness’ (or ‘ordinary whiteness’) made in the field of critical whiteness studies. Drawing on empirical data

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9

Nwaonuma Okoro, OKEREKE. "Branding the Ballot: How the Labour Party Shaped Voter Behaviour in Nigeria’s 2023 Presidential Election." Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 5, no. 1 (2025): 132–49. https://doi.org/10.12700/jceeas.2025.5.1.353.

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This paper investigates the Labour Party’s branding strategies and their impact on voter behaviour during Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election. Emphasising candidate positioning, digital interaction, and grassroots mobilisation, it underscores the party's attraction to youthful urban dwellers through social media and reform-based messaging Adopting a qualitative case study approach, data were gathered through in-depth interviews with Labour Party officials, political analysts, and voters, together with focus group discussions and social media content. Thematic analysis showed that although dig

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10

Panda, Biswambhar. "Top Down or Bottom Up? A Study of Grassroots NGOs’ Approach." Journal of Health Management 9, no. 2 (2007): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097206340700900207.

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NGOs deploy multiple approaches to achieve their objectives. These may broadly be classified as bottom up and top down. While a bottom-up approach emphasises local decision making, community participation and grassroots mobilisation/movements, the top-down approach focuses on lobbying and bargaining with the decision-making authorities such as government agencies, building up of pressures through various campaign mechanisms, advocacy activities, etc. This article draws insights from the literature and begins with a discussion on approaches undertaken by grassroots NGOs to meet their objectives

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11

Dinye, Irene-Nora, and Clifford Amoako. "Managing the wet and dry – local adaptation mechanisms for climate change in the Tamale Metropolis, Ghana." Journal of Planning and Land Management 4, no. 1 (2025): 46–59. https://doi.org/10.36005/jplm.v4i1.81.

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Many African cities are experiencing signs of climate change and variability. In Ghana, the phenomenon has affected many livelihoods and households. In response, residents and households have built indigenous knowledge and grassroots approaches that are yet to receive policy attention. This study adds to the growing research on grassroots coping strategies in emerging African cities, using Tamale, in Northern Ghana as the case study context. Rooted in a mixed-methods design, the study engaged a total of 127 participants, out of which 123 household heads were randomly selected and surveyed, 4 k

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12

Runciman, Carin. "Can rights-based activism be transformative?: Analysing grassroots mobilisation in the Anti-Privatisation Forum." Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa 84, no. 1 (2014): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trn.2014.0011.

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13

Murphy, Caroline, and Thomas Turner. "Organising precarious workers: Can a public campaign overcome weak grassroots mobilisation at workplace level?" Journal of Industrial Relations 58, no. 5 (2016): 589–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185615623082.

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14

Martin, Chris J., and Paul Upham. "Grassroots social innovation and the mobilisation of values in collaborative consumption: a conceptual model." Journal of Cleaner Production 134 (October 2016): 204–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2015.04.062.

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15

Singh, Balbir. "Informal Power Structures and Grassroots Politics in Sirmaur, Himachal Pradesh." Social Change 49, no. 4 (2019): 605–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085719873466.

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The study, based on outputs obtained from villages of Shillai block in Sirmaur district of Himachal Pradesh, looks at the informal power structure found in the state’s rural areas. Both formal and the informal power structures have historically coexisted but we will study various factors that empower informal power structures and critically contrast them to the equality-based, constitutionally legalised formal power structures. This entails an understanding of the basis of mobilisation and relationships among different caste groups, the role and influence of local deity institutions, the tradi

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16

Vladisavljević, Nebojša. "Grassroots Groups, Milošević or Dissident Intellectuals? A Controversy over the Origins and Dynamics of the Mobilisation of Kosovo Serbs in the 1980s." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (2004): 781–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296113.

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The mobilisation of Kosovo Serbs, barely noticeable from the capital initially but highly visible at the centre political stage between 1986 and 1988, played an important part in the political struggles of the late socialist Yugoslavia. The prevailing view in the literature is that Kosovo Serbs were little more then passive recipients of the attitudes and actions of high officials and dissident intellectuals. The elite thesis says that Belgrade-based dissident intellectuals initiated and guided the mobilisation of Kosovo Serbs, aiming to undermine the party's approach to Yugoslavia's national

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17

Kim, Gooyong. "When schoolgirls met Bertolt Brecht: popular mobilisation of grassroots online videos by Korea's unknown people." Critical Arts 28, no. 1 (2014): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560046.2014.883698.

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18

Palumbo, Joseph. "The Politics and Contestations of Argentina’s Tenant Organisations: Legislative Activism in a Homeownership Society." Critical Housing Analysis 12, no. 1 (2025): 73–88. https://doi.org/10.13060/23362839.2025.12.1.588.

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In recent years, the situation of renter households has emerged as a pressing social issue in Argentina, leading to the growth of tenant organisations around the country. This article examines the experience of grassroots tenant organisations in their attempts to influence local and national legislative agendas related to rental housing. It critically analyses these organisations’ concrete aims and achievements, as well as the other effects of this social movement. These include the emergence of novel forms of political mobilisation centred around the identity of ‘tenant’ in a country that sti

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19

Norén-Nilsson, Astrid. "Kem Ley and Cambodian Citizenship Today: Grass-Roots Mobilisation, Electoral Politics and Individuals." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 38, no. 1 (2019): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419846009.

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Starting with a bang in 2013 and ending silently in 2017, Cambodia experienced a brief democratic momentum that saw people taking to the streets to demand political change. Kem Ley – a political analyst and grass-roots organiser – provided a rallying point that ordinary Cambodians gathered around particularly after his 2016 murder, yet his political legacy remains meagre. The Grassroots Democratic Party that Kem Ley was involved in setting up commands next to no popular allegiance and performed poorly both in local elections in 2017 and national elections 2018. This article seeks to explore an

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20

Cârstocea, Raul. "Building a Fascist Romania: Voluntary Work Camps as Mobilisation Strategies of the Legionary Movement in Interwar Romania." Fascism 6, no. 2 (2017): 163–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00602002.

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This paper addresses the importance of work camps as mobilisation strategies employed by the ‘Legion of the Archangel Michael’, Romania’s interwar fascist movement. It argues that the success of the legionary constructive work projects, practically taking the form of voluntary work camps and smaller ‘construction sites’ (şantiere) – the latter developed according to similar principles, yet more limited in size – contributed significantly to the increase in popularity of the movement, in spite of (and perhaps even aided by) sustained opposition from the state authorities. As such, the case stud

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21

Dr., Sonika. "BJP and the 2024 Parliamentary Elections: Strategies, Voter Engagement, and Electoral Outcomes in Contemporary India." SIDDHANTA'S INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ADVANCED RESEARCH IN ARTS & HUMANITIES 2, no. 5 (2025): 11–24. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15335911.

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This article examines the strategy methodologies, voter mobilisation techniques, and electoral results of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2024 Parliamentary Elections, using a qualitative research approach.  The research conducts a comprehensive examination of political speeches, media narratives, campaign materials, and expert interviews to investigate how the BJP modified its communication techniques, ideological discourse, and leadership portrayal to appeal to a varied population.  The study also examines the party's outreach strategies, including social media utilisation,

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22

Smith O'Neil, Maryvelma. "‘One Giant House’: Civil Society Mobilisation and the Protection of Palestinian Cultural Heritage and Identity in Al-quds Al-Sharif." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 17, no. 1 (2018): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2018.0181.

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Civil society organisations in East Jerusalem play a crucial role in protecting Palestinian cultural heritage in the Old City of Jerusalem by providing grassroots support and enhancing the steadfastness of East Jerusalem's Palestinian residents. In critically engaging with the Palestine National Authority's (PNA's) definition of the role of culture, this article seeks to provide the first comprehensive assessment of this civil society mobilisation. After breaking new ground by demonstrating how Jerusalemite university students perceive Palestinian identity, it concludes by asserting that the f

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23

Rampton, Ben. "Conviviality and phatic communion?" Multilingual Margins: A journal of multilingualism from the periphery 2, no. 1 (2018): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.14426/mm.v2i1.59.

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The focus on ‘unimportant’ language in this collection is driven by major contemporary questions. In conditions of superdiversity, the old binaries—minority/majority, migrant/host etc.—can no longer account for the splits and alignments emerging in globalised environments and in response, social scientists have turned their attention to informal processes, seeking new principles for social cohesion in low-key local ‘conviviality’ (Gilroy 2006; Vertovec 2007; Wetherell 2009). Along similar lines, commentators point to the decline of traditional party politics and look instead to social media an

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24

Moran, Niall. "Collective identities and formal ideologies in the Irish grassroots pro-asylum seeker movement." Irish Journal of Sociology 25, no. 1 (2017): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.0015.

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This article examines the relationship between formal ideologies and processes of collective identity construction across two key waves of mobilisation of pro-asylum-seeker groups in Ireland, namely radical anti-racism and the multicultural support group. In each period, a formal ideological stance delimited the scope of actions available to members. In examining the interplay between collective identity and ideology, the actions and trajectories of individual social movement organisations (SMOs) and the movement at large can be better understood. Processes of collective identity construction

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25

GERMOND, Carine S. "Transnationalising Farming Protest to Avoid Marginalisation? COPA and the Mansholt Plan." Journal of European Integration History 30, no. 1 (2024): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2024-1-59.

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Drawing on extensive multi-archival and multi-institutional research, the article explores how the Committee of Professional Agricultural Organisations (COPA) responded to the multiple challenges presented by the Memorandum ‘Agriculture’ between 1968 and 1972. At this critical juncture, COPA had to show its ability to unite and mobilise Community farmers against the Commission’s first major reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. The article demonstrates that the transnationalisation of farm protests, which culminated in the March 1971 demonstration, was the result of COPA’s attempt to avert

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26

Pötzsch, Holger, and Kerem Schamberger. "Labour Struggles in Digital Capitalism: Challenges and Opportunities for Worker Organisation, Mobilisation, and Activism in Germany." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 20, no. 1 (2022): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v20i1.1314.

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In this article, we investigate labour struggles under the condition of digital capitalism. The main research question this paper addresses is: How do German unions evaluate and respond to the rapidly accelerating digitalisation of economy and work? Based on a series of interviews with union representatives in Germany, we trace recent developments in an increasingly digitised economy and outline challenges and opportunities for unions. Our findings show that the large-scale deployment of digital technologies fragments the workforce, reduces social standards, worsens working conditions, and exa

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27

Farquhar, Misty, and Duc Dau. "Real, visible, here: Bisexual+ visibility in Western Australia." Critical Social Policy 40, no. 2 (2020): 258–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018319895674.

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The authors of the article run Bisexual+ Community Perth, a grassroots collective that works to increase bisexual+ visibility and community connection in Western Australia. This article begins by providing an evidence-base for bisexual+ activism, much of it based on the poorer mental health outcomes of bisexual+ people and the pervasive invisibility of bisexual+ people in both LGBTIQ+ communities and activism. Drawing on the work of Bisexual+ Community Perth, the article then offers a practical example of community-building as activism. It explores how collective mobilisation, bridge building,

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28

BOŞNAK, Büke. "Human Rights Organizations and Mobilisation Strategies in Turkey: Ideal of Civil Society as Monitors, Norm-Shifters, and Law-Makers." Alternatif Politika 14, no. 3 (2022): 453–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.53376/ap.2022.16.

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Various players in the human rights arena range from social movements and grassroots organizations to bar associations, business associations, and informal networks. As one of the most influential actors, civil society organizations (CSOs) perform multiple functions for establishing, protecting, and advancing human rights at the national and international levels. This study aims to examine the activities and mobilization strategies of human rights organizations in Turkey. Drawing on the work of Glasius, I argue that even though Turkish domestic human rights organizations have been vocal as hum

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29

Khan, Firoz, Benedict Francis Higgins, and Willan Adonis. "Saving or Seizing the City: Discursive Formations in Cape Town, South Africa." Sustainability 14, no. 3 (2022): 1376. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14031376.

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‘Neoliberalism’ is the dominant theme pervading numerous studies of post-apartheid urban development in Cape Town. This often renders invisible the many nuances and complexities embedded within its transitions. Via critically examining the assumption of the neoliberal usurpation of urban governance in Cape Town’s policy formation, this paper highlights critical historical contingencies from 1994; contingencies framing a discursive formation as less the choreographies of global capitalism and more the committed and sincere mobilisation of a local, grassroots movement to ‘save’ the city from urb

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30

Sage, Colin. "The transition movement and food sovereignty: From local resilience to global engagement in food system transformation." Journal of Consumer Culture 14, no. 2 (2014): 254–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540514526281.

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The emergence of grassroots social movements variously preoccupied with a range of external threats, such as diminishing supplies of fossil energy or climate change, has led to increased interest in the production of local food. Drawing upon the notion of cognitive praxis, this article utilises transition as a trajectory guided by an overarching cosmology that brings together a broad social movement seeking a more resilient future. This ‘grand narrative’ is reinforced by ‘transition movement intellectuals’ who serve to shape an agenda of local preparedness in the face of uncertainty, rather th

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31

Gęsiarz, Michał. "Stepping from College Classrooms to the Political Front. The Emergence of Feminism in the Norwegian Maoist Movement before 1973." Folia Scandinavica Posnaniensia 32 (April 21, 2023): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fsp-2022.32.02.

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The aim of this article is to investigate the origins of the Women’s Front, a women’s movement co-founded by Norwegian Maoists in the 1970s. The analysis seeks to capture the dynamics of women’s activism in relation to the broader political landscape and, concurrently, to understand the Women’s Front in a broader temporal perspective. The sources used were newspapers and publications issued by different branches of the Norwegian Maoist movement. Women’s politics are analysed both as a grassroots phenomenon and a part of agitation which emerged under the 1972 anti-EEC campaign. This makes it po

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Zervoulakou, Margarita, Rebekka Kesberg, and Liza Mügge. "Threat Narratives in Anti-gender Movements' Online Presence." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 59, no. 2 (2025): 57–90. https://doi.org/10.22151/politikon.42025.3.

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This paper examines anti-gender movements’ online narratives through a comparative analysis of CitizenGo and Europe for Family on X (formerly Twitter) between 2019 and 2023. Using discourse and content analysis of 2,349 tweets, the study identifies how these actors frame gender equality as threatening to traditional values and family structures. CitizenGo primarily operates at the grassroots level, portraying LGBTQI+ communities and established political institutions as threats to children and freedom, while frequently calling followers to action through petitions. Europe for Family functions

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Nwaoboli, Emeke Precious, Ambrose Uchenunu, and Ezekiel Asemah. "Perception of the Rhetorical Strategies of Select Party Flag Bearers on Social Media during the 2023 Nigerian Presidential Election Campaigns." GVU Journal of Research and Development 1, no. 2 (2024): 1–14. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14031537.

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This study was carried out to examine Edo State residents’ perception of the rhetorical strategies used by select party flag bearers on social media during the 2023 Nigerian presidential election campaigns. The researchers employed the rhetoric theory, utilising a survey research design and questionnaire as the data collection instrument. The findings revealed that party flag bearers extensively employed rhetorical messages on social media, highlighting the significance of digital platforms in political communication. Multiple social media platforms, includi

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Turin, Tanvir Chowdhury, Nashit Chowdhury, Nahid Rumana, Mohammad A. A. Lasker, and Mahdi Qasqas. "Partnering with organisations beyond academia through strategic collaboration for research and mobilisation in immigrant/ethnic-minority communities." BMJ Global Health 7, no. 3 (2022): e008201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2021-008201.

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Community-engaged research needs involving community organisations as partners in research. Often, however, considerations regarding developing a meaningful partnership with community organisations are not highlighted. Researchers need to identify the most appropriate organisation with which to engage and their capacity to be involved. Researchers tend to involve organisations based on their connection to potential participants, which relationship often ends after achieving this objective. Further, the partner organisation may not have the capacity to contribute meaningfully to the research pr

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Moskovitz, Liora, and Lucia Garcia-Lorenzo. "Changing the NHS a day at a time: The role of enactment in the mobilisation and prefiguration of change." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 4, no. 1 (2016): 196–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v4i1.532.

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This paper aims to contribute to our understanding of the unique role of enactment in the dynamics of motivation and participation in prefigurative social movements, with the intention of providing a deeper understanding of the mechanisms, inherent to prefiguration, driving change through collective action. We achieve this through examining what motivates people to participate as activists in a social movement trying to enact changes within the National Health Service (NHS) in the United Kingdom. To do so, we explore the narratives of 23 activists working to develop the NHS Change Day movement

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Frohlig, Florence pascale astrid. "Fessenheim—Nuclear Power Plant for Peace." Culture Unbound 12, no. 3 (2021): 569–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.v12i3.1057.

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This paper explores the construction of a nuclear power facility at Fessenheim, Alsace, and its role in the remaking of French-German post-war relations and the consolidation of the post-war peacebuilding process. The siting and materiality of nuclear energy technology, I argue, was a key component of the top-down peace-building strategy that guided reconciliation processes at the national and regional levels. This study analyses archival documents, newspapers articles, interviews with Alsatian antinuclear activists and amateur films in order to reconstruct how the site for a joint nuclear pow

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Kometchikov, Igor V. "Civilians in demining territories in the West of the Russian Soviet Republic: legal regulation and administrative practices of regional authorities (1942–1946)." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 27, no. 4 (2021): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2021-27-4-76-82.

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The article on the basis of archival sources, most of them introduced into scientific turnover for the first time, examines the legal regulation and realities of involvement of civilian population in demining of territories in the West of the Russian Soviet Republic in 1942–1946. Demining was the most important measure of the authorities, a condition for the establishment of peaceful life, the revival of the economy, the implementation of state plans. The scarcity of material and human resources available to the state led to the mobilisation of civilians for this task, especially – young peopl

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Hasan Chowdury, Dr Saeyd Rashed. "The Role of Political Parties in Bangladesh’s July Revolution of 2024: Insights from Sufi Perspectives." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. XI (2024): 2077–93. https://doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.8110166.

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This research examines the role and political dynamics of Bangladeshi political parties, particularly Sufi-based parties, during the widespread student and public protests against the Awami League government from July 1 to August 5, 2024. The objective is to understand how these parties influenced the uprising, known as the July Revolution, which culminated in over 1,500 deaths and 31,000 injuries and ultimately led to the fall of the Awami League’s 16-year rule. The study employs a qualitative methodology with the theory of revolutions, theory of resistances and theory of authoritarianism, an

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Kan, Karita. "The social politics of dispossession: Informal institutions and land expropriation in China." Urban Studies 57, no. 16 (2020): 3331–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098019897880.

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Extant studies on land dispossession often focus on its economic and extra-economic aspects, with respective emphasis on the operation of market mechanisms and the deployment of state-led coercion in bringing about the separation of households from their land. This article draws attention to the under-examined role of informal institutions in the politics of dispossession. Social organisations such as lineages and clans pervade grassroots societies and are central to land control and configurations of property rights. In China, the reconsolidation of lineages as shareholding corporations that

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Pautunthang, N. "The Role of Ethnic Ties in Refugee Reception: A Comparative Study of Zomi Refugees in Manipur and Mizoram." East African Scholars Multidisciplinary Bulletin 8, no. 04 (2025): 64–68. https://doi.org/10.36349/easjmb.2025.v08i04.001.

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This paper examines how ethnic ties and political dynamics shaped the reception of Zomi refugees in the Indian states of Manipur and Mizoram following the 2021 military coup in Myanmar. Although both states share geographical proximity and cultural links with the Zomi people, their responses diverse significantly. Manipur adopted a restrictive stance, influenced by political pragmatisms and longstanding ethnic tensions between the dominant Meitei community and the Kuki-Zomi groups. In contrast, Mizoram responded with compassion, driven by ethnic solidarity and a sense of shared ancestry. Using

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Cota, Gabriela Méndez. "Policing the Environmental Conjuncture: Structural Violence in Mexico and the National Assembly of the Environmentally Affected." New Formations 96, no. 96 (2019): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/newf:96/97.03.2019.

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In this article, I contextualise the emergence and describe the political processes of a grassroots mobilisation against the structural violence of neoliberalism in Mexico in order to suggest the necessity of re-thinking conjunctural analysis in a posthegemonic direction. The National Assembly of the Environmentally Affected (ANAA) is a nationwide network of Mexican communities and organisations that has operated since 2008. ANAA's most notorious achievement has been the opening of a Mexican chapter at the Permanent People's Tribunal, the final verdict of which established the legal responsibi

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Merdjanova, Ina. "The Orthodox Church, Neosecularisation, and the Rise of Anti-Gender Politics in Bulgaria." Religions 13, no. 4 (2022): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040359.

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In a recent publication, I introduced the theoretical framework of neosecularisation with regard to the Orthodox Church and society in Bulgaria. I argued that neosecularisation, as a complex process of decline of religion’s importance and the hold of religious authority over the social system, while genealogically different from communist secularisation, explicates patterns of continuity with the communist past. Important aspects of this continuity include the persistent grassroots feminisation of the Church and the co-optation of the Church by the state. Drawing on those theoretical insights,

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Gallardo Lastra, Gabriela, Katy Machoa, and Mónica López López. "a communal and intergenerational dialogue among Indigenous women leaders on decolonial feminist democracy in Ecuador." Feminist Review 138, no. 1 (2024): 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1177/01417789241279155.

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In contrast to the dominant paradigm of liberal feminist democracy, which operates from a top-down approach and emphasises individual empowerment, this article explores the alternative framework of radical feminist democracy. This alternative model is grounded in collective action from grassroots movements and aims to centre the voices of subaltern women who have often been marginalised in mainstream discourse that focuses on the role of women in democracy. The primary objective of this article is to contribute to the development of a concept of decolonial feminist democracy that is rooted in

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Deepak Malik and Prof. Harsh Purohit. "Honour Killing in India and role of Khap Panchayats." Journal of Advances and Scholarly Researches in Allied Education 21, no. 5 (2024): 166–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29070/hbd9wx60.

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A horrific example of cultural customs and society standards that put family honour ahead of personal freedom and rights are honour murders. throughout spite of societal disapproval and legal restrictions, these heinous crimes—which are mostly committed against women—recur throughout India. Examining the issue of honour murders in India, this study focuses especially on the important role that traditional caste-based councils known as Khap Panchayats play in rural areas. Honour murders are first contextualised in the study within the larger framework of patriarchal systems and deeply ingrained

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Patnaik, Shriya. "Sex-workers Defying Patriarchy and Challenging State Reform and Rehabilitation Projects in India: Voices from the Margins." Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics 7, no. 1 (2023): 05. http://dx.doi.org/10.20897/femenc/12883.

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Despite the prostitution industry being accorded a semi-legal status in India, the status of sex-workers remains abysmal with scarce provisions towards healthcare, education/literacy and/or labour rights. Consequently, the current approach to the rights of sex-workers is ridden with several structural barriers, as existing state reform projects often violate subjects’ bodily autonomy and act as moral discipliners, leaving them vulnerable to forms of systemic and institutionalised violence. Notwithstanding such exclusions, there have been strong feminist undercurrents advocating for the inclusi

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Soomro, Ghulam Yasin. "Poonam Smith-Sreen. Accountability in Development Organisations: Experiences of Women s Organisations in India. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1995.297 pp.Hardcover. Indian Rs 295.00." Pakistan Development Review 34, no. 2 (1995): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v34i2pp.171-175.

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There has been a transition in NGO actIVItIes over time, from the basic welfare orientation to various fields of development. This has been mainly due to the failure of the previous development strategies that emphasised on rates of economic growth, on the assumption that the top-down approach would initiate the process of trickle-down benefits to the poor. The assumed linkages were conceived without a knowledge of the working of the inter-linkages of cultural, social, political, and economic structural processes which led to the failure of such strategies. There appeared to be a need to evolv

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Ara, Iffat, and Muhammad Sabir. "Decentralisation of GST Services and Vertical Imbalances in Pakistan." Pakistan Development Review 49, no. 4II (2010): 479–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v49i4iipp.479-495.

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It is generally believed that the 7th National Finance Commission (NFC) Award and 18th Constitutional Amendment have taken a major step towards much needed fiscal decentralisation. While these two delegate more fiscal autonomy and transfers additional resources towards provinces, it seems difficult that tax decentralisation options provided in these two can practically be implemented. This assertion is based on historical tax decentralisation debate in Pakistan, which has made it a very complex issue in management of public finances. There are arguments both in favour and against tax decentral

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Benaiah, Wendy Chinonyerem, and Dolapo Osuntoki. "The Impact of Social Media on Political Mobilization in Nigeria: A Case Study of the Obidient Movement." American Journal of Arts and Human Science 3, no. 3 (2024): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54536/ajahs.v3i3.3336.

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This study demonstrates how the social media can be used for political mobilization, using the obidient movement as a case study. The emergence of the Obidient Movement in Nigeria has been intimately associated with the way in which the development of social media platforms has revolutionised political communication. This article looks at how social media affects political mobilisation in Nigeria, with a particular emphasis on the remarkable role that technology-driven communication played in the Obidient Movement’s success. The conventional boundaries of political campaigning have been rewrit

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Bandyopadhyay, Ritajyoti. "Archiving from below: The Case of the Mobilised Hawkers in Calcutta." Sociological Research Online 14, no. 5 (2009): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2008.

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In the last two decades or more, critical scholarship in the human sciences has been commenting on different aspects of the ‘archive’. While much has been said on the archive of the state, especially in the historiography of colonial South Asia, very little is known about the archival functions of political parties, movements, grassroots community organisations, and trade unions that are involved in the governance of populations in the post-colonial state. The paper argues that archival claims lie at the heart of negotiations between the state and population groups. It looks at the archival fu

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Acharya, Keshav K. "Determinants of Community Governance for Effective Basic Service Delivery in Nepal." Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 10 (October 4, 2016): 166–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v10i0.15885.

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Community governance is an approach of shift from governmentality to governance. This is more flexible approach extends beyond government, and the place of its agencies, to a greater sharing of power between the state, the market and civil society via new network and partnership structures. This paper analyses the determinants of community governance at the grassroots level in Nepal for the efficient delivery of basic services based on primary data sources. 110 locally constituted community based organisations were selected for an organisational survey. Additionally, three focus group discussi

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