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1
Meletis, John, and Kostas Konstantopoulos. "The Beliefs, Myths, and Reality Surrounding the Word Hema (Blood) from Homer to the Present." Anemia 2010 (2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2010/857657.
Анотація:
All ancient nations hinged their beliefs about hema (blood) on their religious dogmas as related to mythology or the origins of religion. The Hellenes (Greeks) especially have always known hema as the well-known red fluid of the human body. Greek scientific considerations about blood date from Homeric times. The ancient Greeks considered hema as synonymous with life. In Greek myths and historical works, one finds the first references to the uninterrupted vascular circulation of blood, the differences between venous and arterial blood, and the bone marrow as the site of blood production. The Greeks also speculated about mechanisms of blood coagulation and the use of blood transfusion to save life.
2
Pulleyn, Simon. "The Power of Names in Classical Greek Religion." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 1 (May 1994): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800017171.
Анотація:
It has become a commonplace to say that, in classical Greek and Roman religion, to know the name of a god was to have power over him. The idea was rejected by Martin Nilsson, but he did not argue the point at any great length and a more detailed discussion may be of use. In this paper, I shall examine those contexts where it might be maintained that gods' names possessed some kind of intrinsic power but I shall conclude that the phenomenon is marginal and not universally true of Greek religion as a whole. To do this, we shall have to consider the whole question of how far the Greeks were worried about divine names and what the motives for this may have been. Evidence derived from prayers is of particular importance in this.
3
Charlton, William. "Religion, Society and Secular Values." Philosophy 91, no. 3 (April 12, 2016): 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031819116000152.
Анотація:
AbstractOur paradigm for religion is Christianity, which appeared as a sub-society, the culture of which differed both from Jewish culture and from that of the Greeks and Romans. Human beings are essentially social, depending upon society for all rational thought and activity. As social beings we live with regard to customs we think good on the whole. Customs are rationalised by theoretical and moral beliefs. They contrast with nature and also with convention and habit. Religions, like families, are societies intermediate between individuals and states. So-called secular values concern the same things as religious and have comparable practical consequences.
4
Aasi, Ghulam-Haider. "Muslim Contributions to the History of Religions." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 3 (December 1, 1991): 409–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i3.2603.
Анотація:
History of Religions in the WestA universal, comparative history of the study of religions is still far frombeing written. Indeed, such a history is even hr from being conceived, becauseits components among the legacies of non-Western scholars have hardly beendiscovered. One such component, perhaps the most significant one, is thecontributions made by Muslim scholars during the Middle Ages to thisdiscipline. What is generally known and what has been documented in thisfield consists entirely of the contribution of Westdm scholars of religion.Even these Western scholars belong to the post-Enlightenment era of Wsternhistory.There is little work dealing with the history of religions which does notclaim the middle of the nineteenth century CE as the beginning of thisdiscipline. This may not be due only to the zeitgeist of the modem Wstthat entails aversion, downgrading, and undermining of everything stemmingfrom the Middie Ages; its justification may also be found in the intellectualpoverty of the Christian West (Muslim Spain excluded) that spans that historicalperiod.Although most works dealing with this field include some incidentalreferences, paragraphs, pages, or short chapters on the contribution of thepast, according to each author’s estimation, all of these studies are categorizedunder one of the two approaches to religion: philosophical or cubic. All ofthe reflective, speculative, philosophical, psychological, historical, andethnological theories of the Greeks about the nature of the gods and goddessesand their origins, about the nature of humanity’s religion, its mison dsttre,and its function in society are described as philosophical quests for truth.It is maintained that the Greeks’ contribution to the study of religion showedtheir openness of mind and their curiosity about other religions and cultures ...
5
Parker, Robert. "The Hymn to Demeter and the Homeric Hymns." Greece and Rome 38, no. 1 (April 1991): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500022932.
Анотація:
In any history of Greek mythological writing, the longer Homeric Hymns deserve a place of honour. They are the almost unique vehicle of a distinctive and important form of narrative about the divine world. As a prooimion to a discussion of the Hymn to Demeter, it may be worth sketching some general characteristics of the genre, to bring out its special interest for the historian of religion, and indeed for anyone who cares for the imaginative world of the Greeks.
6
Touna, Vaia. "Manageable Self in the Early Hellenistic Era." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 39, no. 2 (May 11, 2010): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v39i2.009.
Анотація:
This paper argues that the rise of what is commonly termed "personal religion" during the Classic-Hellenistic period is not the result of an inner need or even quality of the self, as often argued by those who see in ancient Greece foreshadowing of Christianity, but rather was the result of social, economic, and political conditions that made it possible for Hellenistic Greeks to redefine the perception of the individual and its relationship to others.
7
Kippenberg, Hans. "Europe: Arena of Pluralization and Diversification of Religions." Journal of Religion in Europe 1, no. 2 (2008): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489108x311441.
Анотація:
AbstractIf participation in church activities is critical for the strength or weakness of religion, there is no denying that Europe comes off poorly. According to American sociologists of religion the rise of religious pluralism in the USA was due to the strict separation between state and church; it compelled congregations and denominations to compete for believers. The European case is different. Here the diversity of religions existed long before the modern period. Since its ancient beginning European culture sought its authorities outside its geographical confines. Greeks and Jews, Hellenism and Hebraism, Athens and Jerusalem, later Mecca and Islam became cultural points of orientation for people living in Europe. The article addresses the cultural and social processes that transformed these and other foreign religious traditions into typical European manifestations: the Roman legal system turned foreign religions into legal categories; it was modernization that led to the articulation of distinctly religious meanings of history and of nature; and it was the detachment from the church that provided the impetus for new societal forms of religion. Those processes are at the center of the European plurality and diversity of religions.
8
Ghosh, Suchandra. "State, power and religion in the Indo-Iranian borderlands and North-west India, c. 200 bc–ad 200." Studies in People's History 4, no. 1 (April 20, 2017): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917693722.
Анотація:
The Greek tradition of coinage was maintained by the Bactrians, Indo-Greeks, Śakas and Kushanas, ruling successively in the North-west from the second century bc to second century ad. On their coins, apart from the rulers themselves, appear the figures and names of several deities. These were Greek deities in the beginning, to whom Iranian and Indian deities went on being added. The paper traces this process in detail and examines how the rulers first seem to address, through their coins, only an elite Greek or Hellenised aristocracy and then the wider Iranic and Indian populations, through the medium of deities figured on their coins. There was simultaneously the objective of legitimation and glorification of the rulers themselves by the same means. Curiously, Buddhism so important in Gandhara sculpture has only a rare presence on these coins even under the Kushanas.
9
Kingsley, Peter. "Meetings with Magi: Iranian Themes among the Greeks, from Xanthus of Lydia to Plato's Academy." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 2 (July 1995): 173–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300015340.
Анотація:
There are not many people who can be said to have done something first. To Xanthus of Lydia belongs the distinction of being the first person on record to write in Greek about Zoroaster and aspects of Iranian religion. Not a Greek but writing in Greek, and living in the country that still joins Asia and Europe, he was to play an exemplary role in presenting details of an eastern religion directly to a western audience.
10
Luyaluka, Kiatezua Lubanzadio. "Theological Proofs of the Kinship of Ancient Egypt With South-Saharan Africa Rather Than Eastern and Western Civilizations." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 1 (October 25, 2018): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718808299.
Анотація:
This article deals with the issue of the kinship of ancient Egyptian civilization with the neighboring ones. To the melanin-level proof offered by Cheikh Anta Diop and Obenga’s evidence of the linguistic relatedness of Kemet to the south-Saharan Africa, this article adds a theological proof. The article shows that the Eastern and Western epistemic paradigms brought by Persians and Greeks was destructive to the scientific nature of the religion ancient Egypt shared with Sumer and primitive Christianity; while, as seen through Kôngo religion which is demonstrated to be the continuation of kemetic religion, the epistemic paradigm of African traditional culture nurtures this religion. Therefore, the natural theological kinship of ancient Egypt is with south-Saharan African rather than with Asia and Europe.
11
Kovacs, David. "Relativism and Pluralism in Ancient Greece." Journal of Education 180, no. 3 (October 1998): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002205749818000302.
Анотація:
In the relations of the Greek city-states to each other, David Kovacs finds situations analogous to those that arise in a multicultural society. He tells us how the Greeks at first achieved harmony and then lost it, an experience close to our own. The question that remains is, how are we to re-establish a moral matrix that will bring social peace without sacrificing individual and group distinctiveness? Even though Greek city-states were frequently warring with one another, they managed to achieve a degree of cooperation and commonality. Kovacs believes that equilibrium was maintained because of the bond provided by nomos, customs whose force derived ultimately from religion. He cites evidence from the writings of Herodotus and Euripides to show the extent and strength of this unwritten code. But its strength was diminished over the years, notably by the teachings of Sophists, relativistic philosophers who became the educators of Greek youth. Even though other philosophers including Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle attempted to counter the influence of the Sophists, relativism—and the ravages of war and plague—caused Greeks to lose faith in their touchstone. Kovacs sees in the loss of nomos a parallel to present-day social and moral disintegration resulting from the ascendancy of relativism and deconstructionism. He believes that we need to develop a new kind of nomos—shared beliefs in objective right and wrong—that will provide social glue and moral guidance.
12
Παναγιωτοπούλου, Πέννυ, Χριστίνα Καούρη та Νικολέτα Καραγιάννη. "Κοινωνικά αξιώματα στην Ελλάδα: Ποιοτική έρευνα". Psychology: the Journal of the Hellenic Psychological Society 21, № 1 (15 жовтня 2020): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/psy_hps.23263.
Анотація:
Social axioms are generalized beliefs about oneself, the social and physical environment, or the spiritual world, and take the form of assertions about the relationship between two entities or concepts (Leung &Bond, 2002). The cross-cultural five factors structure: Social Cynicism, Reward for Application, Social Complexity, Fate Control and Religiosity, has been identified in Greece, while a sixth factor emerged in past studies. The present qualitative study aims it investigating the cultural specific social axioms. 362 students, young and older adults participated in 52 semi-structured interviews and 374 participated in 54 focus groups presenting their social axioms regarding the following topics: work, socio-economic crisis, family, religion, mental health, interpersonal and intergender relationships. According to the findings, the participants seemed deeply concerned with all the aspects of theongoing socio-economic crisis in relation to the unemployment, while family, interpersonal relationships and religion seemed to be critical in supporting Greeks during their everyday life and life planning.
13
Shah, Nasreen Aslam, Muhammad Kamran, and Muhammad Nadeemullah. "An Analysis of the Status of Women in the context of the Life of the Holy Prophet( PBUH)." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 1, no. 1 (March 8, 2008): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v1i1.264.
Анотація:
If we study the ancient history with respect to different civilizations, cultures and religions, it is clear that without a doubt human being developed and civilized themselves through those times. But with all that progress and acted civilized behaviour in their societies, there was no respect neither rights for the women none what so ever. When some of these claim to offer some limited freedom, it was never actually given to women, history is the witness of the animalistic behaviour of these so called civilizations and religions, let it be Greeks, Arabs, Christianity or Jews. Islam is the only religion which provides the whole system of life, laws and rights including women. The Holy Prophet (P.B.U.H) showed by his acts and ways that how a woman should be treated and what rights Islam gives them. Holy Prophet (P.B.U.H)He set the examples like his behaviour with his wives and daughter.
14
Klimova, Ksenia. "Language as the main element of the ethnic identity of the Pontic Greeks in the cyber space." Centre of Linguocultural Research Balcanica. Proceedings of Round Tables, no. 6 (2018): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0842.2018.8.
Анотація:
The paper makes an attempt to research the consolidating ethnic communities in popular social networks on the example of the “Vkontakte” network. The main elements of the basic ethnic identity of the Pontic Greeks in the social media publics are the ethnic language (Modern Greek or Pontic dialect), music and dances, specific dishes of national cuisine, religion, and characteristics of the family-clan organization. The Pontic dialect is used to create the most popular memes. The language choice for a meme depends on the specific features of the image used as a basis. A large number of young subscribers have a command of Pontic dialect, and can show not only a passive knowledge of common phrases, but also can comment on memes in the discussion that develops in the dialect.
15
Whitten, Sarah. "Franks, Greeks, and Saracens: violence, empire, and religion in early medieval southern Italy." Early Medieval Europe 27, no. 2 (April 23, 2019): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/emed.12330.
16
Cassia, Paul Sant. "Religion, politics and ethnicity in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878)." European Journal of Sociology 27, no. 1 (May 1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004501.
Анотація:
This paper examines the relationship between religion, ethnicity and politics in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878), the period of Ottoman rule. Its major thesis is that in the pre-industrial framework of Ottoman rule in Cyprus neither religion nor ethnicity were major sources of conflict in a society composed of two ethnic groups (Greeks and Turks) and following two monotheistic faiths(Christianity and Islam) in marked contrast to the recent history of Cyprus. In broad outline it closely parallels Gellner's thesis (1983) that nationalism is a by-product of industrialization, extensive education literacy and geographical and social mobility, and it seeks to show that the major cleavages in Cyprus were mainly intraethnic rather than interethnic.
17
Beit-Hallahmi, Benjamin. "Flesh and Blood." Brill Research Perspectives in Religion and Psychology 1, no. 2 (November 27, 2019): 1–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25897128-12340002.
Анотація:
Abstract Fears and stories about an underground religion devoted to Satan, which demands and carries out child sacrifice, appeared in the United States in the late twentieth century and became the subject of media reports supported by some mental health professionals. Looking at these modern fantasies leads us back to ancient stories which in some cases believers consider the height of religious devotion. Horrifying ideas about human sacrifice, child sacrifice, and the offering to the gods of a beloved only son by his father appear repeatedly in Western traditions, starting with the Greeks and the Hebrews. This publication focuses on rituals of violence tied to religion, both imagined and real. The main question of this work is the meaning of blood and ritual killing in the history of religion. The publication examines the encounter with the idea of child sacrifice in the context of human hopes for salvation.
18
Montemayor, Alicia. "Homero y Sócrates: dos paideiai." Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía, no. 14-15 (October 1, 2003): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2003.14-15.312.
Анотація:
For the Greeks, wisdom made the man. That is to say that to become an adult and to be considered truly human, one had to be well educated, which presupposed intelligence, mastery of one’s passions, escaping luck’s dominion. From archaic times, Homer was the basis for this paideia, which we see challenged in the Fifth century, during the so-called Greek Illustration. In Hellenistic times, Homer became literature, and philosophy, a way of life. Socrates’ influence on this change was enormous. His life was his work; he didn’t have to write to demand a radical change of the city’s institutions. What was perhaps impossible to foresee was that those institutions didn’t admit change; that religion couldn’t endure attacks from sophistic relativism and philosophical discussion, and that custom couldn’t hold after so radical a change in the goal of education. Soul, considered by many Socrates’ invention, caused this change.
19
Ellis, Anthony. "The Jealous God of Ancient Greece: Interpreting the Classical Greek Notion of Φθόνος Θεῶν between Renaissance Humanism and Altertumswissenschaft". Erudition and the Republic of Letters 2, № 1 (10 грудня 2017): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00201001.
Анотація:
The description of god as phthoneros (‘envious’, ‘jealous’, ‘grudging’) in the works of Pindar, Aeschylus, and Herodotus has played an important role in the later understanding of archaic and classical Greek religion. This paper explores the genesis and development of several interpretations of the Greek concept of φθόνος θεῶν that have arisen since the Renaissance, and how these relate to wider debates on the relationship between Christianity and ‘paganism’, including the ‘jealous God’ of Scripture. I outline three principal approaches to the topic. First, a Platonizing or Christianizing interpretation whereby divine phthonos is god’s moral disapproval of human ‘hubris’, impiety, or arrogance and thus a form of ‘divine justice’; second, a ‘Paganizing’ interpretation, whereby divine phthonos is an immoral resentment of human success or simply a hostility towards humanity, and represents an essential difference between the ‘moral’ theology of Christianity and ‘amoral’ pagan theology; third, a ‘developmental’ explanation posited in the late Enlightenment (and later popularized in a different form by anthropologists and philologists) as part of a thesis for the religious development of mankind as a whole. In this third view, divine phthonos was initially an ‘amoral’ emotion, felt by the gods of ‘primitive’ religious systems, but the concept was ‘purified’ in the course of the Greeks’ theological development, so that divine phthonos became a ‘moral’ response to hybris. By exploring the intellectual climate which gave rise to each of these interpretations, I trace the origins of the tacit but total disagreement over the meaning of ‘divine phthonos’ in classical scholarship today, and encourage a return to the long-standing debates about a theme at the heart of Herodotus’s Histories and our understanding of Greek religion more generally.
20
PECORA, VINCENT P. "HOW TO TALK ABOUT RELIGION." Modern Intellectual History 9, no. 3 (November 2012): 713–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000273.
Анотація:
It is now a problem more or less universally acknowledged that religion, even in an ostensibly secular age, must be in need of good commentary. The underlying problem is: what would constitute good commentary at this point? It is not as if religion has just appeared on the horizon of the secular intellectual. Even if we restrict our purview to nonreligious, nontheological discourse, there is a long tradition of critical appraisals and histories of religious phenomena, dating from the ancient Greeks. The field receives an intellectual boost of sorts in the late eighteenth, the nineteenth, and the early twentieth centuries, as the religion of the theologians and prophetic reformers gives way to anthropological and sociological disciplines, the better to be scientifically understood and codified. This upsurge in the secular accounting for religious belief is often explained as the result of the Enlightenment—that is, materialist explanations of nature, textual authority, and psychology eventually turn religion into a natural function of human will (as in Hume and Kant), a series of authorial inventions (as in Strauss and the “higher criticism”), and a psychological manifestation of deeper impulses, from love (as in Feuerbach), to class-based self-narcotizing illusion (as in Marx), to fear of the loss of paternal care (as in Freud). Max Weber proposed the most intriguing and far-reaching hypothesis about how the Enlightenment superseded religion in the West: Protestant reform within Christianity itself—beginning with Luther and Calvin—designed to produce a purer and far less magical, mystical, hierarchic, and corrupt system of belief, had the unintended consequence of laying the psychological foundations for ascetic capitalism, and hence (as John Wesley foresaw) the seemingly inevitable decline of religion in favor of worldly pursuits.
21
Mills, Amy. "THE PLACE OF LOCALITY FOR IDENTITY IN THE NATION: MINORITY NARRATIVES OF COSMOPOLITAN ISTANBUL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (August 2008): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080987.
Анотація:
These words of an elderly Jewish man in Istanbul relate his memory of neighborhood life with Greeks, Armenians, and Muslims in the neighborhood of Kuzguncuk. In this place, there were no arguments between people of different religious backgrounds; Muslims shared “his” language, and he, as a Jew, knew Greek. As I examine his narrative for what it emphasizes and for the silences in between, I read Kuzguncuk as exceptional: describing an absence of argument in the past suggests that tension exists today; sharing multiple ethnic languages is understood now to be an old-fashioned rarity. His statement “Because we are Kuzguncuklu Jews, our Muslims over there loved us very much” suggests that in Kuzguncuk, he and his Muslim neighbors shared a common tie to place, a unique identity as Kuzguncuklu (of Kuzguncuk) that superseded any difference based on religion or ethnicity. As he describes a culture that remained from Ottoman times, his story illuminates indirectly the current Turkish national context that conditions the telling of his narrative.
22
Miller, Daniel R. "Is There Anything New under the (Mediterranean) Sun? Expressions of Near Eastern Deities in the Graeco-Roman World." Religion & Theology 20, no. 3-4 (April 2, 2014): 345–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-12341268.
Анотація:
Abstract The concept of divine translatability was a prominent feature of Graeco-Roman religion. Major deities of the Greek and Roman pantheons had their origins in the ancient Near East, and the Greeks and Romans equated members of their pantheons with ancient Near Eastern divinities having similar characteristics and functions. This study employs salient examples of equations and correspondences between the Graeco-Roman and ancient Near Eastern pantheons, as well as attestations of multiple manifestations of the same deity based on function or geographic region, as a heuristic device for problematizing the issue of divine translatability in general. It is asserted that a deity is but a projection of human will, a signifier without a signified. This, in turn, locates the phenomenon of divine translatability within the realm of the subjective, making any reasonable “translation” of two or more deities as valid as any other, with no external adjudication of the matter possible.
23
Tiukhtiaev, Andrei. "NOTES ON SACRED SITES WORSHIPING IN KRASNODAR KRAI IN 1940-1960s: PILGRIMAGE AND ETHNICITY." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 17, no. 1 (March 28, 2021): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch171236-249.
Анотація:
The paper presents an analysis of documents describing the history of holy sites worshipping in Krasnodar Krai in the Soviet era. The research aims to shed light on the little-known episodes of the history of pilgrimages in Soviet times North-West Caucasus from the perspective of relationships between Soviet authorities and ethnic minorities. Sources chosen for this work are archive documents of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church.
The pilgrimage had been prohibited by Soviet authorities, and the Orthodox clergy avoided supporting such practices as well. However, worshipping sacred sites was significant for folk religion all across the country. “Holy Hand” is an example of a place a visit to which was and remains an act of solidarization of Pontic Greeks communities in Krasnodar krai. This case demonstrates that the reason of why people kept maintaining pilgrims’ practices is the lack of other ways to support ethnicity. Pontic Greeks had certain support and political promotion in early Soviet nation-building project but was repressed afterward. As a result, pilgrimage turned out to be one of a few public dimensions of ethnic tradition.
Representatives of the Council for the Affairs of Russian Orthodox Church visited Holy Hands many times and tried not only prevent pilgrimage but understand social background of such activities for more effective struggle against religion. Bureaucrats realized that pilgrimage is not only religious practice but also a place for keeping folk traditions alive. Folk traditions were positive phenomena for the social imagination of that time, and they weren’t necessary associated with religion. However, this didn’t help much in Council fight against pilgrimage, Soviet authorities could stop holy springs worshipping only through enforcement.
24
Nicholson, Helen J. "Contact and Conflict in Frankish Greece and the Aegean, 1204–1453: Crusade, Religion and Trade between Latins, Greeks and Turks." Al-Masāq 27, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2015.1100829.
25
Harris, H. S. "The End of History in Hegel." Hegel Bulletin 12, no. 1-2 (1991): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263523200002652.
Анотація:
When we are studying Hegel's answer to any question, or his solution to any problem, we must always look first at the systematic context in which the problem is raised, or the question asked. Hegel's “philosophy of world-history” comes as the climactic stage of the development of “objective spirit”; and it provides the transition to the spheres of “absolute spirit”. The philosophical comprehension of political history provides the ultimate context for our political theory; and then it leads us on to the sphere in which we are directly aware of “the Absolute”. Our political science comes to an end, when we recognize that “the world's history is the world's court of judgment”. But that “court of judgment” has jurisdiction only over the objective forms of political and social organization. The judgment of history is not the “Last Judgment” for everything and everyone. There are modes of experience which emerge and develop in history, but which are recognized as transhistorical; and when “philosophy”, as the historical quest for wisdom, reaches its goal, we can see and say why Greek art has an enduring significance for us, even though the Greek religion (which their art expressed in its highest form) has passed over into history just as completely and irrevocably as the “city-state”. Our political thought and action exists in the context of a religious ideal that will not allow us to divide the human community into “us” and “them”, the freemen and the slaves, the civilized and the barbarians. But only the arrival of philosophical “wisdom” has enabled us to see and say what is “absolute” about our religion (just as it is we, and not the Greeks themselves, who have the “absolute” consciousness of Greek art).
26
Portefaix, Lilian. "Ancient Ephesus: Processions as Media of Religious and Secular Propaganda." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 15 (January 1, 1993): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67212.
Анотація:
The significance of religious rituals often reaches beyond their strict religious intentions. Specifically a procession, performed in front of the public, is a most effective instrument of disseminating a message to the crowds. Consequently, this ritual, as is well known, has often been used not only in religious but also in secular contexts; a procession under the cloak of religion can even become a politically useful medium to avoid popular disturbances on peaceful terms. This was the case in ancient Ephesus, where Roman power conflicted with Greek culture from the middle of the first century B.C. onwards. In the beginning of the second century A.D. the public religious life in the city of Ephesus was to a great extent characterized by processions relating to the cult of Artemis Ephesia. The one traditionally performed on the birthday of the goddess called to mind the Greek origin of the city; it was strictly associated with the religious sphere bringing about a close relationship between the goddess and her adherents. The other, artificially created by a Roman, was entirely secular, and spread its message every fortnight in the streets of Ephesus. It referred to the political field of action and intended to strengthen the Roman rule over the city. The Greek origin of Ephesian culture was later included in the message of the procession, reminding the Greeks not to rebel against Roman rule.
27
Marković, Slobodan, Zoran Momčilović, and Vladimir Momčilović. "FORGOTTEN UNITY OF BODY AND SOUL AND THE NEED FOR A NEW PHILOSOPHY OF SPORT." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2523–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072523s.
Анотація:
This text is an attempt to see sport in different ways in the light of ancient philosophical themes. Philosophy of sports gets less attention than other areas of the discipline that examine the other major components of contemporary society: philosophy of religion, political philosophy, aesthetics, and philosophy of science. Talking about sports is often cheap, but it does not have to be that way. One of the reasons for this is insufficiently paid attention to the relation between sport and philosophy in Greek. That is it's important to talk about sports, just as important as we are talking about religion, politics, art and science. The argument of the present text is that we can try to get a handle philosophically on sports by examining it in light of several key idea from ancient Greek philosophy. The ancient Greeks, tended to be hylomorphists who gloried in both physical and mental achievement. Тhe key concepts from Greek philosophy that will provide the support to the present text are the following: arete, sophrosyne, dynamis and kalokagathia. These ideals never were parts of a realized utopia in the ancient world, but rather provided a horizon of meaning. We will claim that these ideals still provide worthy standards that can facilitate in us a better understanding of what sports is and what it could be. How can a constructive dialogue be developed which would discuss differences in understanding of sport in Ancient Greece and today? In this paper, the authors will try to answer this question from a historical and philosophical point of view. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section of the paper presents two principally different forms or models of focus in sport competitions – focus on physical excellence or focus on game. The dialectic discourse regarding these two approaches to physical activity is even more interesting due to the fact that these two models take precedence over one another depending on context. In the second section of the paper, the focus shifts to theendemic phenomenon of the Ancient Greek Olympic Games, where the topic is discussed from the perspective of philosophy with frequent historical reflections on the necessary specifics, which observeman as a physical-psychological-social-spiritual being. In the third section of this paper, the authors choose to use the thoughts and sayings of the great philosopher Plato to indicate how much this philosopher wasactually interested in the relationship between soul and body, mostly through physical exercise and sport, because it seems that philosophers who came after him have not seriously dealt with this topic in Plato’s way, although they could.
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Marković, Slobodan, Zoran Momčilović, and Vladimir Momčilović. "FORGOTTEN UNITY OF BODY AND SOUL AND THE NEED FOR A NEW PHILOSOPHY OF SPORT." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2523–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082523s.
Анотація:
This text is an attempt to see sport in different ways in the light of ancient philosophical themes. Philosophy of sports gets less attention than other areas of the discipline that examine the other major components of contemporary society: philosophy of religion, political philosophy, aesthetics, and philosophy of science. Talking about sports is often cheap, but it does not have to be that way. One of the reasons for this is insufficiently paid attention to the relation between sport and philosophy in Greek. That is it's important to talk about sports, just as important as we are talking about religion, politics, art and science. The argument of the present text is that we can try to get a handle philosophically on sports by examining it in light of several key idea from ancient Greek philosophy. The ancient Greeks, tended to be hylomorphists who gloried in both physical and mental achievement. Тhe key concepts from Greek philosophy that will provide the support to the present text are the following: arete, sophrosyne, dynamis and kalokagathia. These ideals never were parts of a realized utopia in the ancient world, but rather provided a horizon of meaning. We will claim that these ideals still provide worthy standards that can facilitate in us a better understanding of what sports is and what it could be. How can a constructive dialogue be developed which would discuss differences in understanding of sport in Ancient Greece and today? In this paper, the authors will try to answer this question from a historical and philosophical point of view. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section of the paper presents two principally different forms or models of focus in sport competitions – focus on physical excellence or focus on game. The dialectic discourse regarding these two approaches to physical activity is even more interesting due to the fact that these two models take precedence over one another depending on context. In the second section of the paper, the focus shifts to theendemic phenomenon of the Ancient Greek Olympic Games, where the topic is discussed from the perspective of philosophy with frequent historical reflections on the necessary specifics, which observeman as a physical-psychological-social-spiritual being. In the third section of this paper, the authors choose to use the thoughts and sayings of the great philosopher Plato to indicate how much this philosopher wasactually interested in the relationship between soul and body, mostly through physical exercise and sport, because it seems that philosophers who came after him have not seriously dealt with this topic in Plato’s way, although they could.
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Connelly, Coleman. "The Pagan Origin of Christmas According to ʿAbd al-Jabbār’s Tathbīt". Der Islam 96, № 1 (9 квітня 2019): 10–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2019-0001.
Анотація:
Abstract The Tathbīt dalāʾil al-nubuwwa of the chief qāḍī of Rayy ʿAbd al-Jabbār al-Hamadhānī (d. 1024 or 1025) contains a lengthy digression asserting early Christianity’s gradual corruption by the pagan Romans. One of the Muʿtazilī theologian’s most striking claims regards the origin of Christmas, which he argues derives from a pagan holiday of the “Romans and Greeks” called the Nativity of Time. Previous scholarship has attempted to identify this holiday as a festival known from the ancient Graeco-Roman Mediterranean world. However, ʿAbd al-Jabbār’s construction of “Roman and Greek” paganism is highly indebted to Arabic reports on the Ṣābians of Ḥarrān, whom he mentions before and after his Christmas account. In turn, this article collects references in roughly contemporary Arabic sources to a pagan Aramaean holiday called variously the Festival of the Nativity or the Festival of the Nativity of Time. The article argues that ʿAbd al-Jabbār in fact refers to this holiday, having learned of it from a report on Ḥarrānian religion. To conclude, the article situates the Christmas account within ʿAbd al-Jabbār’s broader comparative religious project and briefly treats its influence upon Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328).
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Aytac, F. Kubra. "Reconsidering Secularism and Historical Narrative of Christianity." Religion and Theology 27, no. 1-2 (July 21, 2020): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-bja10005.
Анотація:
Abstract In this review article, Graeme Smith, A Short History of Secularism, is reviewed with its main arguments regarding secularisation debate. A radical reconsideration of secularism and its social history, starting with the Greeks and continuing to modernity and the contemporary period, are offered by this book. The book’s attempt to construct a historical narrative of Christianity is an essential contribution to literature. It highlights the changes Christianity is exposed to as it moved across Europe and different mindsets that influenced people during this period. Students who are interested in studies in pastoral psychology, religion, and secularism are the primary audience for this monograph. However, anyone interested in the secularism debate will find it interesting.
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Knowlton, B. C. "Xerxes’ Deliberate Expedition." Journal of Classics Teaching 17, no. 34 (2016): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631016000246.
Анотація:
Book Seven of Herodotus’ Histories contains his account of the Persian expedition against Greece led by King Xerxes in 480 BCE. This campaign followed from the one undertaken ten years earlier on the orders of his father, King Darius. That Persian force had landed at Marathon and been defeated by the Athenians in a famous battle that has ever since been considered a victory of European freedom over Oriental despotism. Xerxes, determined to avenge his father's defeat, raised a force reported by Herodotus to be of as many as two and a half million fighting men, only to come up against the 300 Spartans at the Battle of Thermopylae. This narrative of these and the subsequent battles of Salamis and Plataea has been well known from its Herodotean source ever since; and the muscle-bound and blood-drenched deeds of the 300 have recently been made famous again by the movie of that name. The more recent sequel to 300 begins with a less accurate account of the Battle of Marathon; and, where the first movie ended with Plataea under way, Rise of an Empire ends with victory at Salamis all but won. Courses in Western or World History are likely to come upon the Persian Wars, and the recent popular movies might serve as an accessible and engaging introduction to these historical events and developments. But Herodotus’ account of how Xerxes came to his decision to invade Greece, with its consideration of politics, rhetoric, and religion, is, if not as thrilling, at least as telling. It tells the standard narrative of the conflict between East and West, and it tells of many ways in which the conflict was more complicated than that. It tells not just how the Greeks and Persians came to fight each other, but who the Greeks and Persians were that they might have fought, or not, but did.
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Durand, Jean-Louis, and John Scheid. "«Rites» et «religion». Remarques sur certains préjugés des historiens de la religion des Grecs et des Romains / « Rites » and « Religion ». Remarks Around Some of the Préjudices Shared by Hi torians of the Religion of the Greeks and the Romans." Archives de sciences sociales des religions 85, no. 1 (1994): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/assr.1994.1424.
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Mariolakos, I. D., and Ε. Manoutsoglou. "The geotectonic evolution of Olympus Mt and its mythological analogue." Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece 47, no. 2 (January 24, 2017): 574. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.11084.
Анотація:
Mt Olympus is the highest mountain of Greece (2918 m.) and one of the most important and well known locations of the modern world. This is related to its great cultural significance, since the ancient Greeks considered this mountain as the habitat of their Gods, ever since Zeus became the dominant figure of the ancient Greek religion and consequently the protagonist of the cultural regime. Before the generation of Zeus, Olympus was inhabited by the generation of Cronus. In this paper we shall refer to a lesser known mythological reference which, in our opinion, presents similarities to the geotectonic evolution of the wider area of Olympus. According to Apollodorus and other great authors, the God Poseidon and Iphimedia had twin sons, the Aloades, namely Otus and Ephialtes, who showed a tendency to gigantism. When they reached the age of nine, they were about 16 m. tall and 4.5 m. wide. Having then realized their powers, because of their gigantic proportions, they decided to climb Olympus and fight the Gods, exile Zeus and the others, and wed two Goddesses. Otus was to marry Hera and Ephialtes Artemis. But they did not know how to climb such a high mountain, so they decided to construct a “ladder”, by putting mount Ossa on top of mount Olympus and mount Pelion on top of Ossa. This description coincides with the geological and tectonic evolution of the wider Olympus area. But, these complex tectonic processes were completed about 8 – 10 m.a., i.e. millions of years before the appearance of humans, therefore it is impossible that these morphotectonic processes were witnessed by man, so the similarities between the myth of Aloades and the tectonic evolution of the area must be purely coincidental. But are they, or is there more here?
34
Bowden, Hugh. "R. Garland: Religion and the Greeks. (Classical World.) Pp. xii+109; 19 ills. London: Bristol Classical Press, 1994. Paper, £6.95." Classical Review 45, no. 2 (October 1995): 466–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0029505x.
35
Dumitrescu, Alina Maria. "Măştile Blagiene: O Perspectivă Asupra Mitului Dramatic – Contururi De Formă Şi Fond." Lucian Blaga Yearbook 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/clb-2019-0008.
Анотація:
AbstractThe following article concentrates on the analysis between the elements that appear in Lucian Blaga’s theatre. In foreground, it is put the relationship between the playwright and the idea of „dramatic myth”. On the other hand, it is described the way in which the tragic dimension affects the characters of each play, their struggle with suffering and the way they look to religion. Also, it is talked about the difference between the terms „drama”and „theatre”and also, „tragedy”and „tragic”. There are brought different opinions of literary critics, such as Eugen Todoran or Constantin Cubleşan, alongside with other references from writers and filosofers – Mircea Eliade, I. Kant etc. At the end of the study, it is talked about the parallel between the ancient theatre of greeks and the modern theatre of nowadays – especially on the fact that Lucian Blaga’s theatre acts better in the contemporary epoch than in the traditional one.
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Digeser, Elizabeth DePalma. "Lactantius, Porphyry, and the Debate over Religious Toleration." Journal of Roman Studies 88 (November 1998): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300808.
Анотація:
Did the events surrounding Diocletian's persecution of 303–311 launch a debate over religious toleration? The first suggestion that they did occurs in Porphyry's Philosophy from Oracles, a defence of traditional religion and theology in three books. Writing before the persecution, the celebrated Neoplatonist philosopher from Tyre, a man whom several Christian emperors and church councils would soon condemn, asked the question that stood at the heart of the persecution:How can these people [i.e., Christians] be thought worthy of forbearance (συϒϒώμη) ? They have not only turned away from those who from earliest time are referred to as divine among all Greeks and barbarians … and by emperors, law-givers and philosophers—all of a common mind. But also, in choosing impieties and atheism, they have preferred their fellow creatures [i.e., to worshipping the divine]. And to what sort of penalties might they not justly be subjected who … are fugitives from the things of their fathers?
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Bryan, Jenny. "Philosophy." Greece and Rome 67, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000305.
Анотація:
G. E. R. Lloyd's economically persuasive study addresses the question of the universalism or relativism of rationality. Drawing careful comparisons, primarily between ancient Greek and Chinese thought, but also more widely, Lloyd introduces a range of disciplinary perspectives and specific points of focus. In doing so, he challenges his reader to think critically about their own assumptions and concepts. In particular, he asks us to consider the degree to which our own broad concepts, especially oppositions such as between rationality and irrationality, are themselves informed by their derivation from ancient Greek thought. His first chapter (‘Aims and Methods’) introduces his central commitments. Rationality and irrationality are not universal across societies in such a way that they can be judged by a single set of criteria. But nor are they just cultural constructs, so that the possibility of mutual intelligibility collapses. The truth lies somewhere in between, in the recognition of the heterogeneity to be identified in what is shared across cultures. Lloyd argues that ancient China is a particularly useful foil for a consideration of these questions, since it provides a perspective from beyond the reach of the Graeco-Roman legacy. His subtle middle road is further supported by his second chapter (‘Rationality Reviewed’), which summarizes some influential accounts of rationality and considers the ‘state of play’ across a variety of disciplines, including palaeontology, child development, and psychology, all of which present evidence of continuities between societies. The next four chapters approach the question of the diversity and commonality of reason from a range of perspectives, including cosmology, metaphysics, language, epistemology, and religion. In the case of cosmology, for example, Lloyd argues that we can identify a difference between the Greeks’ tendency to focus on the thing that is ‘Nature’, and the Chinese interest in natural phenomena and processes, absent a concept of ‘Nature’ itself. He is careful to note the difficulty of generalizing across all Greek or all Chinese thinkers. We can, however, identify a significantly similar belief in the two societies: that understanding the cosmos matters for the sake of the life you live as a result of that knowledge. In the case of the binary ‘Seeming and Being’ (as discussed in Chapter 4), Lloyd argues that the Chinese shared with the Greeks an awareness that appearances can be deceptive. However, their conception of the fundamental binary yin and yang is one of interdependence rather than sharp differentiation, such as we sometimes see in Greek thought between Being and Becoming. Throughout the volume, Lloyd argues for the need to recognize both the similarities and the differences identified as a result of careful comparative study. He ends with a recommendation for his readers to reconsider the universal applicability of certain key Western concepts, without resorting to a claim that it is impossible to recognize or communicate similarities. We must, he suggests, work from a position that demonstrates ‘due recognition both of the commonalities in human cognitive capacities, and of the differences in their deployment’ (96).
38
Baker, Camille. "How Big Was the Roman Empire?" Mathematics Teaching in the Middle School 1, no. 9 (March 1996): 754–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mtms.1.9.0754.
Анотація:
This activity was designed as part of a sixth-grade interdisciplinary unit. “Seeing the World through the Eyes of Ancient Greeks and Romans.” In addition to learning about Greek and Roman geography, economics, government, and societies in social-studies class. students studied ancient scientists, physicians. and inventors in science class. They also explored Greek and Roman myths, religions, languages, and ideas in language-arts classes. In mathe matics classes, students experimented with the golden ratio and the pentagram. wrote an essay on how the Greeks used mathematics to understand their world, examined Greek and Roman architecture, and investigated the physical size of the Roman Empire. To culminate the unit, students worked in small groups on special projects, such as building a scale model of the Parthenon, measuring and creating a cale drawing comparing the soccer field with the Pantheon, creating and performing original myths or plays depicting life in ancient Greece and Rome, and constructing simple machines or demonstrations of the scientists' work in Greek and Roman times.
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Porshnev, Valerij P. "Landscape gardening art of the Hellenistic states of Asia Minor." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 1 (46) (March 2021): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2021-1-112-120.
Анотація:
The article continues a cycle of publications of the author on Hellenustic landscape gardening art. The cultural region, which already in the most ancient times was a contact zone between the Greek world and the East is considered. The historical heritage of the Phrygian and Lydian kingdoms and the Persian Empire, which bequeathed to governors the Hellenistic era sacred groves, hunting reserves paradises and terrace parks with regular planning is traced. Special attention is devoted to parks of the Pontic kingdom of time of Mithridates VI Eupator’s government and parks of Pergamon. The country residence of Mithridates VI in Kabeira is interesting as a sample of the landscape park, the first in the history of the European landscape gardening art, at which there are motives characteristic for parks of time of Romanticism. Besides, parks in Kabeira and in Pergamon had unique collections poisonous and the herbs gathered by Mithridates VI and Attalus III. According to the author of article, these collections, besides utilitarian appointment, being raw materials for preparation of poisons and drugs, had aesthetic value, enriching park landscapes, and their natural qualities were intricately connected with mythology and religion of Greeks. Base of a research are the landscapes of the Black Sea coast of Turkey, the rich archaeological material saving up in one and a half centuries of excavations in Pergamon, and written sources, compositions of antique authors, among which are the works of poet and scientist 2nd century BC Nicander of Colophon not yet translated to Russian.
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WINTERER, CAROLINE. "DEMOCRATIC VISTAS." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 02 (December 7, 2017): 599–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000439.
Анотація:
After a generation of grand stories about the rise of modern republican thought (the so-called “republican-synthesis” school epitomized by the works of Gordon Wood and J. G. A. Pocock), James Kloppenberg's new book, Toward Democracy: The Struggle for Self-Rule in European and American Thought, offers a history of democratic thought: what Kloppenberg calls “the idea of self-government.” In the course of nearly a thousand pages of text and notes, Kloppenberg traces democracy's emergence “as a widely shared, albeit still controversial, model of government” over the last four centuries in the North Atlantic world (1). The book is deeply learned and intellectually capacious, covering thinkers from the ancient Greeks, through the sixteenth-century wars of religion, through the American and French Revolutions, ending abruptly at the Civil War. Few intellectual historians writing today could have managed a book of such sweep. The number of authors, texts, and themes discussed is vast—so much so that at times it seems that the book could double as a history of thought in the West.
41
Lazou, Anna. "Ο χορός ως αντικείμενο επιστημονικής έρευνας και φιλοσοφίας. Προλεγόμενα". Epistēmēs Metron Logos, № 3 (11 січня 2020): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/eml.22108.
Анотація:
The art of dance is now studied in the sciences and philosophy. From the time of the ancient Greek thinkers to the modern era, dance has never ceased to be considered a way of expressing multiple potentialities of culture. The way that man danced in history is also a reflection on every era of man's relationship with nature, the universe and social structures.By selecting the most significant of all references to dance that the modern reader may encounter today, we locate the wealth and variety of information and approaches as well as the interdisciplinary nature of the studies provided. However, both the historical as well as the literary sources and the more recent ethnological and anthropological approaches do not cease to remain in an informational and encyclopedic field, without completing the theoretical explanation and understanding of the phenomenon unless and until specific philosophical questions are answered. These latter ones have to do with the identity of dance experience – based on data about the nature of learning, the relation of dance to language, science or sciences (history, philology, natural sciences), metaphysics and cosmology, the functionality and applicability of dance uses in society, religion and politics. Even the meaning of dance itself or the aesthetic principles as well as the moral and educational values of the ancient dance activity fall within traditional areas of philosophical contemplation or at least are not sufficiently systematized in the direction of methodical research unless they are subject to philosophical inquiry. We will focus on those facts which can show that orchesis/dance is treated by philosophy as an anthropological and at the same time cosmological concept referring to the relation of the human being to its inner psyche and to the environment. The "intelligence" of ancient Greek dance culture that has unfolded over many centuries, in various shapes and types of music poetry, but also with a rich social, educational and therapeutic functionality, is yet another discovery of the Greeks from their earliest history.
42
Shapin, Steven. "“The Mind Is Its Own Place”: Science and Solitude in Seventeenth-Century England." Science in Context 4, no. 1 (1991): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026988970000020x.
Анотація:
The ArgumentIt is not easy to point to the place of knowledge in our culture. More precisely, it is difficult to locate the production of our most valued forms of knowledge, including those of religion, literature and science. A pervasive topos in Western culture, from the Greeks onward, stipulates that the most authentic intellectual agents are the most solitary. The place of knowledge is nowhere in particular and anywhere at all. I sketch some uses of the theme of the solitary philosopher across a broad sweep of history, giving particular attention to its deployment in and around the scientific culture of seventeenth-century England. I argue that the rhetoric of solitude is strongly implicated in individualistic views of society and empiricist portrayals of scientific knowledge. Solitude is a state that symbolically expresses direct engagement with the sources of knowledge – divine and transcendent or natural and empirical. At the same time, solitude publicly expresses disengagement from society, identified as a set of conventions and concerns which act to corrupt knowledge. Hence, the study of the social uses of solitude adds further support to the notion that problems of knowledge and problems of social order are solved together.
43
Asy'ari, Hasyim. "Renaisans Eropa dan Transmisi Keilmuan Islam ke Eropa." JUSPI (Jurnal Sejarah Peradaban Islam) 2, no. 1 (July 31, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30829/j.v2i1.1792.
Анотація:
<p><em>Renaissance are so important and considered historians as the starting point for the development of European civilization. First, European people succeed many achievement in various sector, namely: art, philosophy, literature, science, politics, education, religion, trade and others. Second, Renaissanse has revived the ideals, the realm of thought, the philosophy of life which then structures the standards of the modern world such as optimism, hedonism, naturalism and individualism. Third, the Ancient Greeks and Rome legacies need to revived. Fourth, the incorporation of secular humanism that shifts the human thinking orientation from the theocentric to the anthropocentric. Science had the transmission, dissemination, and proliferation to the Western world that supports the epoch of the Renaissance in Europe. Through the Islamic World, the Western world gained access to deepen and modernized science.</em></p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> <em>Renaissance,</em><strong> </strong><em>scientific transmission</em>, <em>Islam in Europe</em>.<strong></strong></p>
44
Le Doeuff, Michèle. "Beauvoir the Mythoclast." Paragraph 33, no. 1 (March 2010): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0264833409000765.
Анотація:
This article argues that although Simone de Beauvoir goes as far as any philosopher in her analysis of oppressive myths, she too creates ‘others’ for herself, such as children who believe in dreams or fairy tales. Beauvoir's The Second Sex appears to make a clear distinction between myths (mythologization) and facts with respect to women's situation. The first volume of her autobiography, Memoirs of a Dutiful Daughter, also critiques some of the myths which dominate women's lives; at the same time, the adoption of Simone's mythologies by her younger sister Hélène is presented less as a myth structure than as an eclectic collection of good and bad objects that strives for coherence only in fantasy. Like the Greeks, the young Simone sets herself against ‘the Barbarians’ — to the embarrassment of the author. Myths and mythologies (including religion) are the enemies of philosophy for Hegel amongst others. Yet while Beauvoir is clear about the importance of emancipation from religion, she does not find it easy to situate herself as a philosopher (that is what we have done for her). Philosophy too has acted as an instrument of male domination. Perhaps Barthes's ‘mythologies’ provided a more comfortable framework for the analysis of bourgeois life in her autobiography — which includes a (truly philosophical) crucial element of self-critique. Equally, looking back on her later life, it is striking to what extent she continued to act out bourgeois mythologies of the role of the accepting woman in the face of male infidelity, just as her mother did. Perhaps her ascetic refusal to offer a positive image of a female heroine relates to this problematic relationship to the imaginary, saturated from childhood with mythologies that she wished to reject, and critiqued by the rational philosophical tradition which cannot acknowledge its own use of fiction.
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Suk, Theodora, and Fong Jim. "‘Salvation’ (Soteria) and Ancient Mystery Cults." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 18-19, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 255–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2016-0014.
Анотація:
Abstract In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it was often held that ancient mystery cults were ‘religions of salvation’ (Erlösungsreligionen). Such interpretations have been criticised by Walter Burkert in Ancient Mystery Cults (1987), who argued against the other-worldly character of Greek mysteries. Burkert’s work remains one of the most important studies of mystery cults today; nevertheless it does not examine the actual use of the Greek word soteria (‘salvation’, ‘deliverance’, ‘safety’), which is central for determining whether Greek mystery cults were indeed ‘Erlösungsreligionen’. This article investigates the extent to which Greek mystery cults could offer soteria (‘salvation’) in the eschatological sense. By examining the language of soteria in the best-known mystery cults in ancient Greece, it will ask whether Greek eschatological hopes were ever expressed in the language of soteria or in other terms. It will be demonstrated that, even when used in relation to mysteries, soteria did not mean anything other than protection in the here-and-now, so that what was offered was predominantly a this-worldly ‘salvation’. If early Christianity indeed derived its most important concept (soteria) from Greek religion, it was a derivation with a significant adaptation and change in meaning.
46
Akova, Sibel, and Gülin Terek Ünal. "THE CULTURE OF COEXISTENCE AND PERCEPTION OF THE OTHER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 5, no. 1 (April 2015): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.041505.
Анотація:
Throughout the 550 year Ottoman rule over the Balkan lands, where even today internal dynamics threaten peace and justice, how and through what means the Ottoman Empire achieved consistency, security and peace is a question to which a number of political scientists, sociologists, communication scientists and history researchers have sought an answer. The most interesting point of the question is that the peoples of the Balkans, a living museum comprising a number of different ethnic groups and religious beliefs, have reached the point where the culture of coexistence has been internalised and dynamics have moved from the conflict of identities to cultural integration. The Balkans are a bridge to the East from Europe and indeed to the West from Turkey, incorporating a patchwork political and cultural geography, the geopolitical location and a richness of culture and civilization, being one of the areas attracting the attention of researchers from different disciplines and capturing the imagination of the peoples of the world throughout history. Balkan studies are almost as difficult as climbing the peaks in the areas and meaningful answers cannot be reached by defining the area on a single parameter such as language, culture or traditions, while the phenomenon of the other can also be observed within the culture of coexistence in this intricate and significant location. Different ethnic groups with different cultures, such as the Southern Slavs (Bosniaks, Montenegrans, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) as well as Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Balkan Jews, Balkan Romany and Wallachians (Romanians and Greeks). Although these peoples may have different religious beliefs, in the ethnically rich Balkan region, religion, language, political and cultural differences are vital in the formation of a mosaic, making the discourse of coexistence possible and creating common values and loyalties, breaking down differences. The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Croat and Slovene peoples belonging to the Catholic Church and the Muslin Bosniaks have shared the same lands and livee in coexistence throughout the historical process, despite having different beliefs. However, in some periods the other and the perception of the other have replaced common values, leading to conflicts of interest, unrest and religion based wars. After the breakup of the Yugoslavian Federal Socialist Republic, Slovenia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, defined by the European Union as the Western Balkans, have established themselves as nation states of the stage of history. The scope of our study is these Western Balkan Countries, and we will use the terminology Western Balkans throughout.
47
Domínguez Monedero, Adolfo J. "Las religiones coloniales y su impacto en los cultos indígenas de la Península Ibérica." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 28 (May 18, 2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2018.4206.
Анотація:
Resumen: Este articulo tiene como objetivo principal el análisis de las influencias alóctonas en las formas de religiosidad de la Iberia mediterránea. Para ello, se utilizan algunos estudios de caso bien conocidos que permiten apreciar claramente la interacción entre la religión de los pueblos “colonizadores” y la de las poblaciones indígenas de la Península Ibérica.Palabras clave: Colonización griega, colonización fenicia, mundo ibérico, religiones en contacto.Abstract:This paper analyses foreign influence on the diverse forms of religiosity of the Iberian peoples settled on the Mediterranean coast. Clear examples from well-known case studies will be used to illustrate the interaction between the religion of the ‘colonizing’ peoples and that of the indigenous peoples of the Iberian Peninsula.Key words: Greek colonization, phoenician colonization, iberian world, religions in contact.
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Kostic, Nemanja. "Ethnoreligious dichotomization in Serbian epic poetry." Sociologija 61, no. 1 (2019): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1901113k.
Анотація:
By using certain theoretical settings of ethno-symbolic and interactionist approach to the phenomena of nation and nationalism, this paper?s aim is to explain and reconstruct various pre-modern forms of ethno-religious dichotomization widely present in Serbian folk epic poetry. In that purpose, the paper displays ideas about ?other? communities that were nurtured in the Serbian epic poetry, where these ideas were interpreted as a reflection and consequence of concrete socio-historical circumstances. Special attention was given to examining the interconfessional and inter-class relations, which could have vastly influenced the self-determination process for the members of Serbian ethnic community. In other words, the factors of religious affiliation, social ranking and ethnicity are recognized as key determinants in establishing ethnoreligious dichotomization in the epic literature. The findings of the study showed that the most pronounced and most represented ethno-religious boundary in the epic poetry was set in relations to the Ottomans and Islam. On the other hand, the scarcity, incoherency or the lack of distinction of the dichotomization in relations to non-Ottoman communities, Greeks, Bulgarians, Hungarians, ?Latins?, Albanians and Arabs show that this boundary was not particularly defined, unlike the one with the Ottomans, who were different not only in terms of ethnicity, but also in terms of religion and class.
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Stafford, Emma J. "Book Review: Ancient Greece, Religions of the Ancient Greeks." Expository Times 111, no. 6 (March 2000): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460011100611.
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Sørensen, Jørgen Podemann. "I begyndelsen var snavset: Snavs, råddenskab og anomisk adfærd som forløsende i traditionelle (’præ-axiale’) religioner." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, no. 69 (March 5, 2019): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i69.112741.
Анотація:
English Abstract: This paper deals with dirt, anomic behaviour, death and decay as productive and redemptive means within four very different traditional religions: Shinto, ancient Egyptian religion, classical Indian religion and Greek religion. In all four contexts, the motif is somehow anchored in mythology and makes sense first and foremost in ritualization, i.e. as part of the symbolic accompaniment of ritual metamorphosis. As others have demonstrated, the motif makes equally good sense in so-called post-axial religions, in which redemption is much more a matter of an inner, subjective breakthrough – but it is by no means a prerogative of such religions.
Dansk resumé: Artiklen behandler eksempler på snavs, anomisk adfærd, død og råddenskab som religiøst produktive og forløsende i fire vidt forskellige traditionelle religioner: Shinto, oldtidens ægyptiske religion, klassisk indisk religion og græsk religion. I alle fire sammenhænge er motivet mytologisk forankret, og det giver først og fremmest mening som et rituelt virkemiddel, en del af det symbolske akkompagnement til rituelle forvandlinger. Som andre har vist, giver motivet også god mening i såkaldt post-aksiale religioner, hvor forløsning i højere grad forstås som et indre, subjektivt gennembrud – men det er altså ikke forbeholdt disse.