Готові списки джерел за темами / Houthis

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Houthis"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 19 червня 2021

Оновлено: 1 лютого 2022

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Статті в журналах з теми "Houthis":

Bokov, Timofey A. "One Problem in the Study of the Houthi Movement (Three Сliches of anti-Houthi Propaganda)". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 13, № 1 (2021): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2021.105.

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The article identifies and analyzes three main accusations leveled in the 2000s by the Yemeni Government against Houthis: a desire to restore the Imamate, gaining support from Iran and conversion to Twelver Shiism. It is shown that these accusations are incorrect and are consequences of the Yemeni authorities’ discrimination policy against practicing Zaydis and especially sayyids — Zaydi religious “aristocracy”. It is demonstrated that reestablishment of theocratic rule was not part of the Houthi political agenda since a majority of Yemenis were against it; the goal of allegations about Houthi connections with Tehran, made by the Yemeni political establishment, was to secure additional financial aid from Washington and Riyadh; Al-Houthi was not a Twelver Shiite and was critical of the main ideas of this denomination. The author of the article suggests that many Yemenis and several Russian and Western scholars believed the accusations due to the dominance of anti-Zaydi sentiment in the Yemeni information space and the fact that these accusations complement each other in a quasi-logical way: to reestablish the Imamate, Houthis need support, which can be gained from Iran, while conversion to Twelver Shiism guarantees such support.

Dosari, Abdullah Al, and Mary George. "Yemen War: An Overview of the Armed Conflict and Role of Belligerents." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n1p53.

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Since 2004, Yemen is facing a rebellious movement by a Shiite militant group called the Houthis1. The Houthis established a parallel rule in northern part of the country and occupied the capital Sana'a. Due to involvement of regional powers including Iran, UAE and Saudi Arabi the nature of conflict became both sectarian and separatist. Following the Arab uprising in 2011, the roots of recent conflict lies in the failure of political transition between the former President Ali Abdullah Saleh and his opposition. The geopolitical situation and support of Iran for the Houthis made the station in Yemen more complex. Therefore, the Gulf countries particularly Saudi Arabia was concerned because of the strategic and political situation of its fragile neighbor. This paper provides an insight to the conflict in various aspects including the role of conflicting parties, role of proxies, role of world powers and regional actors to analyze the conflict in a detailed manner. At the end study also discusses the most recent political and strategic developments having implication on the region.

Ahmed, Niaz. "YEMENI CIVIL WAR: CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES AND PROSPECTS." JDP (JURNAL DINAMIKA PEMERINTAHAN) 2, no. 2 (August 16, 2019): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.36341/jdp.v2i2.943.

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Yemeni conflict reflects the failure of the Yemeni government to address the common needs to its citizen, the uprising of politically marginalized Houthis and the corrupt state, which bring the country into civil war. This article is an attempt to know the causes, consequences, and the role of foreign powers and also the entire situation of Yemeni civil war. Yemen is the poorest Arab country in the world. Due to the effect of the Arab Socialist Movement, Yemen’s Imamate ruling system disintegrated in 1970 and the country divided into two nations, North Yemen and South Yemen. Again in 1990 under the leadership of Ali Abdullah Saleh, both have been united into one nation. The corrupt rule of government, the unhealthy treatment of Houthi minority and the internal conflict made the country more unstable. Political transition happed in 2011 for the stabilization of the country, but it fails to bring peace and finally in 2015 Yemen faces a devastating civil war. Different attempts have been taken by the international community for normalizing the conflict, but all fail to bring peace. The country is suffering the worst humanitarian crisis. Saudi Arabia and Iran is the main player in the conflict. This qualitative study will try to highlight the different scenario of Yemen and also provide an overview of the civil conflict. Keywords: Yemen, Houthis, Civil War, Humanitarian Crisis

Antoncheva, O. A., and T. E. Apanasenko. "Content Analysis as a Way to Identify the Geopolitical Orientation of Subjects of International Relations (Using the Example of the Civil War in Yemen)." Administrative Consulting, no. 8 (September 30, 2020): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2020-8-36-44.

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Any subject of international relations is a potential ally of one of the superpowers. Sometimes traditional analysis does not allow to understand which one. Then a content analysis of the press language can come to the aid of traditional analysis. The language of the press is considered as an expression of collective consciousness, and its features — as an expression of collective unconscious. Collective consciousness and collective unconscious belong to a certain social group. This approach is based on the Marxist, Durkheim and Habermas traditions. A certain media may focus on national interest, or may not, as it may express social group values incompatible with that orientation. If a media that focuses on national interests sympathizes with a subject of international relations, such a subject is a potential ally of the country to which the media belongs, and vice versa. Whether the media sympathizes with a certain subject of international relations is revealed using content analysis.In this study, the Yemeni movement Ansar Alla (Houthis) was chosen as a subject of international relations with an ambiguous geopolitical orientation, the newspaper “Izvestia” which focus on the national interests and the newspaper “Gazeta.ru” which does not focus on the national interests was chosen as a mass media. Using content analysis, it was concluded that “Izvestia” sympathizes with Houthis, and “Gazeta.ru” treats the Houthis negatively. On the basis of the assumption that the language of the press expresses the true interests of the social group, it was concluded that the Houthis are a potential ally of Russia.

Durac, Vincent. "The limits of the sectarian narrative in Yemen." Global Discourse 9, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 655–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15718898814430.

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The conflict in Yemen presents an apparently quintessential example of sectarian conflict in the Middle East today. At the domestic level, the conflict is typically seen as one which pits Shia Muslims, in the form of the Zaydi Houthi movement, against its Sunni Muslim antagonists in the form of the deposed but internationally-recognised president Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi and his supporters. At the regional level, the conflict is represented as proxy war between Iran, the sponsors of the Houthis and Sunni Muslim powers, led by Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) who intervened in 2015 with the objective of restoring Hadi to power. This paper argues that there are strict limits to the utility of the sectarian narrative in the analysis of the Yemeni conflict and presents a critical analysis of the sectarian framing of Yemeni political dynamics. It begins with a broad attempt to contextualise the discussion of sectarianism in the region. This is followed by an extended discussion of the view of the conflict as inherently sectarian at both the domestic and regional levels. This, in turn, is followed by a critique of the sectarian narrative, at both levels.

Al-Otaibi, Saleh Zaid. "The impact of Arab Revolution on the security of the Arabian Gulf." Review of Economics and Political Science 5, no. 2 (September 28, 2019): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-02-2019-0022.

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Purpose This study aims to analyze the impact of Arab Revolution on the Arabian Gulf security by applying on Yemeni Revolution. This can be achieved by analyzing the threat of Arab Spring Revolutions to the national security of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries after the breakout of demonstrations and protests in some of the member states. In addition to its analysis of threat of the Regional Security of the Gulf as a result of Yemeni Revolution and Civil War and Iranian intervention to support Houthis within light of regional anarchy and security competition according to the Neorealism and how the GCC Countries face such threats. Design/methodology/approach The study depended on the historical methodology to track the developments of some events related to the Gulf Security and crisis in Yemen. Moreover, it used the analytical approach to analyze the impact of Arab Revolutions and Yemeni Civil War on the Arab Gulf Security. In addition, it depended on the realistic approach to explain the security state at the national and regional level of the Arab Gulf countries within light of regional anarchy, security competition and Iranian support to Houthis “Non-State Actors” (Kenneth Waltz), as well as the offensive realism (John Mearsheimer). Findings The Arab Revolutions had an effect on the national security of GCC countries according to the Neorealism due to the breakout of demonstrations and protests in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Sultanate of Oman which reached to the degree of threatening the existence of the state as in Bahrain. The Gulf Regional Security is influenced by Revolution and Civil War in Yemen as a result of that Iranian support to Houthis within light of security competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia, leading to the threat of the Arabian Gulf Security as Yemen is the southern gate to the GCC Countries and having joint borders with Saudi Arabia and Sultanate of Oman. Moreover, the GCC countries dealt with that threat individually, such as, performing internal reforms, or collectively through using military force, such as Bahrain and Yemen (Offensive Realism). Originality/value This study is an introduction to explain the Arab Spring Revolutions, conflict in Yemen and its threat to the Arab Gulf Security according to the Neorealism based on that the GCC countries sought to keep its existence and sovereignty in confrontation to the demonstrations and internal protests and to keep the regional security in confrontation to the threats of neighboring countries such as the Civil War in Yemen and the Iranian Support to Houthis in light of the regional anarchy.

Votel, Joseph, Baraa Shiban, R. David Harden, and Onur Sultan. "The Implications of Designation of Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organisation?" Horizon Insights 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31175/hi.2021.01.02.

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Piffero Spohr, Alexandre. "ARÁBIA SAUDITA: SUCESSÃO REAL E INTERVENÇÃO NO IÊMEN." Conjuntura Austral 6, no. 29 (May 17, 2015): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2178-8839.54718.

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No início do ano de 2015, dois importantes eventos afetaram a Península Arábica, alterando os governantes de Arábia Saudita e Iêmen. A morte do rei saudita Abdullah em janeiro pôs fim a um reinado de dez anos, ainda que o monarca governasse desde 1995. Enquanto isso, a rebelião dos houthis no vizinho ao sul derrubou em março o presidente iemenita Hadi, no poder desde 2012. A presente análise de conjuntura busca avaliar os efeitos do processo sucessório em Riad sobre os rumos de sua política doméstica, externa e regional e a assertiva saudita participação na crise desencadeada no Iêmen.

Kadri, Jude. "The Geopolitics of the Yemen War during the Corona Pandemic." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 4 (December 2020): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.4.24.

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This article addresses the geopolitics of Bab-al-Mandeb in the war on Yemen, which began in 2015 and continues to this day, in the context of a global pandemic. It makes the hypothesis that securing Bab-al-Mandeb is fundamental for US imperialism. For reasons to do with its global hegemony, the United States cannot permit another force, specifically the Houthis of Yemen, to exercise control over Bab-al-Mandeb. Although many reasons could account for the senseless war, the security of Bab-al-Mandeb—a strategic chokepoint of trade and oil flows—over-determinedly (as in an Althusserian concept) explains the war’s continuity.

Suvorov, Mikhail N. "Half-century of Sociopolitical Transformations in Yemen in Habib Saruri’s Columnist Style Novels." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 12, no. 3 (2020): 380–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2020.305.

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After the unification of North and South Yemen into a single state in 1990, some Yemeni writers tried to rethink in a literary form the country’s recent past, which was presented in the literature of the previous period in an ideologically embellished form. One of the first authors to do so was Habib Saruri, a Yemeni-born computer scientist who lives permanently in France. In his first novel, The Ruined Queen (1998), he described the life of South Yemen in the first half of the 1970s, during the period of active implementation of the theory of scientific socialism in the country. The success of the novel encouraged Saruri to continue writing, and to date he has published nine novels. In most of his works, the writer focuses on the sociopolitical transformations that Yemen has gone through over the past half-century, including the socialist experiment of the 1970–80s and the civil war of 1986 in the South, the consequences of this war for the losing side, the process of rapprochement and unification of the two parts of Yemen, the civil war of 1994 in the united Yemen and its consequences for the South, the spread of radical Islamism, the revolution of 2011 and further political chaos, the Houthis’ attempt to capture Aden in 2015, and the current military campaign of the Arab coalition against the Houthis. Saruri treats the events of Yemen’s modern history boldly and straightforwardly, in a manner characteristic of a columnist, and most of his works resemble journalism, presented in the form of a novel. This article examines the picture of the modern history of Yemen presented in six of Saruri’s novels: The Ruined Queen (1998), Damlan (2004), The Bird of Destruction (2005), Suslov’s Daughter (2014), The Grandson of Sinbad (2016), and Revelation (2018).

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Дисертації з теми "Houthis":

Moalim, Bostio Abdulahi. "Handling an epidemic during humanitarian crisis in a civil war - The case Yemen." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-427899.

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Yemen is amid in three threats at the moment, during a civil war with a pandemic hitting them during a humanitarian crisis. The aim of this work was to understand how has the civil war in Yemen shaped and impacted their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response. A literature review was used in this study which helped to analyze the work. As a theoretical framework, it was used Michael E. Brown’s concept of Causes and dimensions of internal actors and Mary Kaldor’s concept of New Wars, which helped to outline and analyze the elements of this conflict and what effects internal and external Actors have in the conflict. Mason and Rychard´s conflict mapping tools were used as a method. Also, the inter-agency framework helped to analyze the structural causes and key actors in the conflict. These all helped answer the research question, how has the civil war in Yemen affected their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response? One of the important points that this conflict in Yemen tells us is the importance of local humanitarian workers when the conflict actors deny access to the areas. Without them, the work of international aid workers would be almost impossible, as the war continued around. The two humanitarian actors benefit from each other and this brings joint benefit to the Yemeni civilians. The main findings are as the war prolongs for a long time and externals actors intervene in it, followed by a humanitarian crisis affecting innocent civilians. Such a country will then be vulnerable to various pandemics. This has happened in the conflict in Yemen, as the situation is terrible and the COVID-19 pandemic disaster is coming to light there. One can state as a conclusion of the study that further research on the effect of COVID-19 could be helpful for the future to understand the real catastrophic effects this absurd conflict has brought.

Mårtensson, Saga. "Krigsskådeplatsen Jemen: där lokala, regionala och globala intressen möts : En fallstudie om orsakerna till kriget i Jemen." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8147.

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Yemen is the poorest state in the Middle East and has been in conflict during the larger part of the century. Today the country suffers from the biggest humanitarian crisis in modern history, which is a consequence of a war that took off after the Arab Spring. The causes of the war have been presented trough different narratives which claims that the war is a "proxy war" between Saudi Arabia and Iran, or as a war between Sunni and Shia Muslims, or as a consequence of Al-Qaida's extension. This study challenges these narratives and gives another explanation, which takes several aspects into account when explaining the war's causes. This study strives to answer the question "what are the causes of the war in Yemen?" and does so by using the theory of states and nations by Benjamin Miller, and by using three levels: local, regional and global. The study concludes that the war can be explained through Miller's theory of State-to-Nation Balance, due to that the state Yemen is missing a nation, and due to that groups within the state does not identify with the state. The study also discusses the impact of Iran, Saudi Arabia and USA, but it also questions Miller's concept of a nation and the adequacy of using it when studying clans and tribes.

Samadová, Jana. "Zahraniční pomoc jako proměnná v rovnici války v Jemenu." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-410397.

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This master's thesis analyses the different narratives constructed by three actors, towards the war in Yemen. The thesis will draw on the constructivist theory to answer the question: how do different actors construct the war in Yemen and the humanitarian crisis in their discourses and narratives? To answer this question, the theoretical part defines different concepts, such as identity, norms, national interest, strategic narrative and discourse. It presents the constructivist understanding of identity as a social construction, shaped by collective components of knowledge, symbols, language and norms. The empirical part attempts to identify the narratives constructed by the Houthis, Saudi Arabia and the EU towards the war in Yemen, which provoked a Saudi-led military intervention when the Houthis seized the capital and declared the establishment of a new government in March 2015. The Houthis consider the intervention as an aggression to Yemen and as the main cause of suffering of the Yemeni people. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia presents the crisis as Iran's attempt to control the country and spread its influence throughout the region. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia argues that it intervened only as a response to the demands of the internationally recognized government under president Hadi. Finally, the EU...

Malek, Sara. "Jemen en fallernade stat? : Historisk analys på Jemens maktstruktur." Thesis, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-77874.

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Abstract This paper will study the power structure of Yemen from the First World War until 2016. The study will be based on a comparative historical analysis as a method. This method allows for an in-depth understanding of why certain events occur and its impact on today's Yemen’s power structure. The work will also be in theory-consuming design, meaning the empire will be interpreted based on three different theories. These three theories’ will explain why Yemen is a weak state. The focus of the work is to study if Yemen is a functioning state and find crucial explanations for its design as we see today. The result of this study is that Yemen is a week state but not a falling one. The country stands in front of great difficulties as the country have little impact and small recourses to improve the finance state of the country, while poverty strikes. The country lacks a decentralized policy, secure institutions and good approaches to the country's natural resources. This results in starvation, conflict and uncertainty in the country. Even historical events have divide people and caused identity crisis among the people which is a root to many conflicts.

Книги з теми "Houthis":

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa. Yemen under attack by Iranian-backed Houthis: Hearing before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourteenth Congress, first session, March 18, 2015. Washington: U.S. Government Publishing Office, 2015.

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Jour, Jean. René Théwissen: Le mage de Houtain. Bruxelles: Libro-sciences, 1991.

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Phrantzē, Anteia. Houtōs ē allōs: Anagnōstakēs, Engonopoulos, Kachtitsēs, Chatzēs. Athēna: Polytypo, 1988.

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Houtin, François. François Houtin: Catalogue raisonné, 1973-2002. Chicago: Richard Reed-Amstrong Fine Art, 2003.

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Mulder-Bakker, Anneke B. De kluizenaar in de eik: Gerlach van Houthem en zijn verering. Hilversum: Verloren, 1995.

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Zwarts, Kim, P. A. M. Mertens, Paul le Blanc, and P. van Galen. Heiligdom Sint Gerlach. Nijmegen: Vantilt, 2009.

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International Conference on the Environmental and Technical Implications of Construction with Alternative Materials (1997 Houthem St. Gerlach, Netherlands). Waste materials in construction: Putting theory into practice : proceedings of the International Conference on the Environmental and Technical Implications of Construction with Alternative Materials, Wascon '97, Houthem St. Gerlach, The Netherlands, 4-6 June 1997. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1997.

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International Conference on the Environmental and Technical Implications of Construction with Alternative Materials (1997 Valkenburg, South Holland, Netherlands). Waste materials in construction: Putting theory into practice : proceedings of the International Conference on the Environmental and Technical Implications of Construction with Alternative Materials, WASCON'97, Houthem St. Gerlach, the Netherlands, 4-6 June 1997. Amsterdam: Elsevier Science, 1997.

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Préaud, Maxime, and Gerd Lindner. Les visionnaires: Visionäre Grafikkunst der Gegenwart aus Frankreich : Hélène Csech, Dado, Érik Desmazières, Yves Doaré, Francois Houtin, Jacques Le Maréchal, Étienne Lodého, François Lunven, Alain Margotton, Jean-Michel Mathieux-Marie, Didier Mazuru, Georges Rubel, Gerard Trignac, Jean-Pierre Velly. Bad Frankenhausen: Panorama Museum, 2012.

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Brandt, Marieke. Faustian Bargains 2011–14. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673598.003.0008.

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This chapter summarizes the period between the end of the sixth Ṣaʿdah War in February 2010 and the Houthis’ seizure of the capital, Sanaʿa, in September 2014. It discusses the Houthi seizure of power in the Ṣaʿdah governorate and the beginning of the ‘Arab Spring’ and ‘Change Revolution’ in Yemen in 2011, the GCC Initiative, the fall of President Salih and his rapprochement with the Houthis, and the National Dialogue Conference. The Houthis’ conquest of Sanaʿa in September 2014 is the landmark event that closes this chapter.

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Частини книг з теми "Houthis":

Nevola, Luca, and Baraa Shiban. "The Role of “Coup Forces,” Saleh, and the Houthis." In Global, Regional, and Local Dynamics in the Yemen Crisis, 233–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35578-4_15.

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Kendall, Elisabeth. "Jihadi militancy and Houthi insurgency in Yemen." In Routledge Handbook of U.S. Counterterrorism and Irregular Warfare Operations, 83–94. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003164500-8.

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Christensen, Kirsten M. "The Gender of Epistemology in Confessional Europe: The Reception of Maria van Hout’s Ways of Knowing." In Seeing and Knowing, 97–120. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.mwtc-eb.3.839.

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Mandić, Danilo. "Middle East." In Gangsters and Other Statesmen, 124–45. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691187884.003.0007.

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This chapter surveys four torn states in the Middle East. Turkey and its Kurdish separatist movement regularly accuse each other of mobilizing organized crime to brutalize the other. Both are correct. The Turkish government mobilized gangsters (gunrunners, mercenaries, and assassins) as instruments of antiseparatist crackdown. Profiting on the side, these gangsters nevertheless remained patriotic and indisputably state controlled. Mafias also sustained Kurdish separatists in Turkey (through narcotics, arms, extortion, and money laundering), the Islamic State (IS) in Iraq and Syria (oil, extortion, theft, and gangs), and Gazan Palestinians in Israel (tunnel smuggling). In contrast, Yemen and the Houthis were both sabotaged in their efforts by a state dependent — but utterly disloyal — mafia operating qat and arms rackets.

Blumi, Isa. "Making Yemen Dance." In Destroying Yemen. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520296138.003.0006.

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It is in this chapter that I begin my detailed revisionist accounting of Yemen’s recent history. Crucially, I do so by emphasizing the global dynamics behind events occurring in Southern Arabia since 2000. The focus will be to identify the origins of the so-called Arab Spring in 2011. I incrementally “retell” what led to the direct confrontation between different groups in Yemen. Quickly identifying these factions may prove useful here. The most important, are a cluster of parties crudely reduced to the “Houthis” found in the Northwest in Yemen. As of March 2015, when Saudi Arabia, the US/UK and UAE initiated a war to reassert hegemony over Yemen, this coalition of parties known as “Huthis” aligned with the Ali Saleh who commands considerable support within the Yemeni military services. Their main rivals are the so-called southern separatists. These southern Yemenis have forged a precarious alliance with other rivals of the “Huthis,” including Islamist groups under the protection of competing external powers—ostensibly pitting Qatar, Saudi Arabia and UAE against each other—as well as with “President” Hadi, whom the US and Saudi Arabia/UAE claim to be the head of Yemen’s “legitimate” government.

Hiro, Dilip. "Multi-front Cold War between Riyadh and Tehran." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 275–312. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0013.

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When rebel Houthis, followers of Zaidi Shia code, captured Sanaa in September 2014, and expelled Yemen’s Sunni President Abd Rabbu al Hadi, alarm bells rang in Riyadh. Deputy Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman led a coalition of friendly states to intervene in the Yemeni civil war in March 2015. This ignited protest by the Shias in Saudi Arabia. Their indignation intensified when, ignoring international appeals for clemency, the Saudi government executed their revered Ayatollah Nimr al Nimr in January 2016. This led to the severance of diplomatic ties between Riyadh and Tehran. In Iraq, whereas Iran dispatched its trained Shia volunteers to fight Islamic Sate in Syria and Iraq (ISIS), Riyadh lent four jet fighters to the Pentagon in Washington’s anti-ISIS campaign. When Riyadh backed Syrian opposition with cash and weapons, Russian President Vladimir Putin sent air force units to Syria, and shored up Assad’s depleted arms arsenal. With Assad’s recapture of Eastern Aleppo, an opposition stronghold, in December 2016, Iran established superiority over Riyadh in Syria. In July 2015, Iran and six major world powers signed an accord on Tehran’s denuclearization program, titled Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). It won universal approval except by Saudi Arabia and Israel.

Moore, Cerwyn. "Sham [Syria] is Entrusted Upon your Shoulders." In Al-Qaeda 2.0, edited by Donald Holbrook, 253–62. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190856441.003.0019.

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Here Zawahiri touches upon another dynamic in the geopolitics of the region: the position of Saudi Arabia, at this stage engaged in fighting with Shia Muslim Houthi rebels in Yemen. The statement also comes in the wake of multiple Saudi-led efforts to consolidate opposition forces against the Assad regime in Damascus, including the December 2015 Riyadh Conference. Zawahiri uses the opportunity to remind his audience of Saudi treachery, listing the regime’s crimes from collusion with British colonial representatives to their harassment of the late bin Ladin. He also weaves in his continued denunciation of IS, by now making very explicit comparisons between the group and the early transgressing Kharijites

Ahram, Ariel I. "Southern Yemen." In Break all the Borders, 95–120. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917371.003.0004.

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Chapter 4 looks at the Southern Movement (SM) in Yemen. As in Libya, the Southern Movement took advantage of the ouster of a dictatorship and the crumbling of an already weak central government. The Yemen civil war, which erupted as Houthi forces from the north stormed Sana’a, gave the SM a new opportunity to take control in the south. The SM claimed the once-independent South Yemen as its direct forebear. There was disagreement within the SM about whether to seek outright secession or accept federalist devolution. Various factions within the SM vied for control over Yemen’s oil deposits and ports. The SM tried to win international support, particularly from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, claiming that it could be a force for stability.

Mahdi, Waleed F. "Echoes of a Scream: US Drones and Articulations of the Houthi Sarkha Slogan in Yemen." In Cultural Production and Social Movements after the Arab Spring. I.B. Tauris, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755634217.ch-011.

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Hiro, Dilip. "Conclusions." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 351–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0015.

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After Islamic revolutionary movement’s success in overthrowing Iran’s secular Pahlavi dynasty in 1979, Saudi royals felt that full cooperation between their theocratic kingdom and the Islamic Republic would follow. This was not to be. The basic differences between a republic and a monarchy were compounded by the two nations’ contradictory relations with America. The US, the ultimate protector of Saudi Arabia, was decried as the Great Satan by Khomeini. A détente between the two states, forged in 1994, fell apart in 2002. In the renewed rivalry, Riyadh tried to gain an upper hand by stressing Iran as a country of Shias, a minority sect in Islam. Tehran made gains by default in the aftermath of Washington’s disastrous invasion of Iraq in 2003, and as a result of the Riyadh-led diplomatic and commercial blockade of Qatar in 2017. Its strategic alliance with Syria, ruled by an Alawi president, remained intact. In the Yemeni civil war between Iran-backed Houthi rebels, occupying the capital, and the government of Riyadh-based President al Hadi, the conflict remained unresolved. Bin Salman failed to secure the expulsion of the pro-Iranian Hizbollah ministers from Lebanon’s national unity government. Overall, Tehran enjoyed superiority over Riyadh in the Middle East.