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Статті в журналах з теми "International Socialist Bureau"
1
Leonov, M. M. "Socialist Revolutionary party and the Second International." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-1-42-50.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The path of the Socialist Revolutionary party to the Second International was a thorny one. Russian social democrats were zealous in creating obstacles, primarily their representative in the International Socialist Bureau (IBS) G.V. Plekhanov. His efforts to the Socialist Revolutionary groups in the 90-ies of the XIX century denied the right of representation in the international socialist community. European political parties were mentally closer to the RSDLP, and their socialist competitors were wary. The Socialist Revolutionary had to work hard to convince the parties of the International of their adherence to the ideas of socialism and of the presence of connections with the masses. The Socialist Revolutionary Party established close contacts with the SME in 1901, and at the Amsterdam Congress (1904, August) achieved what it wanted, it was accepted into the Second International. The reports of the party to the Amsterdam and Stuttgart congresses of the International served as evidence of the mass character, adherence to the ideas of socialism. The leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries, their emotional and verbose representative in the SME I.A. Rubanovich, took an active part in all the events of the International; the party became an equal member of the international socialist community. During the Basel Congress of 1912, her representative on the commission of five most influential parties was one of the compilers of the anti-war Manifesto of the International, supported by the socialists of the world. During the First World War, only a part of the party defended the ideas of internationalism. The III Congress of the Social Revolutionaries in the spring of 1917 called for the continuation of the war to a victorious end and the restoration of the II International.
2
Ellner, Steve. "Organized Labor's Political Influence and Party Ties in Venezuela: Acción Democrática and its Labor Leadership." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 31, no. 4 (1989): 91–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165995.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The nomination of Carlos Andrés Peréz as the presidential candidate of Venezuela's Democratic Action party (Acción Democrática or AD) and his triumph at the polls in December 1988 are just the latest examples of the AD Labor Bureau's success in being on the winning side in electoral contests. AD-Labor's well-demonstrated political clout underscores the importance of the relations between the Labor Bureau and the AD organization. An examination of the interaction between the two is especially in order because AD has emerged as a leading Latin American member of the Socialist International (SI) with its social democratic doctrine which assigns the working class a major role in the party and in the gradual achievement of democratic socialism.
3
Tosstorff, Reiner. "Gerd Callesen, Socialist Internationals: A Bibliography of Publications of the Social-Democratic and Socialist Internationals, 1914–2000. Bonn and Gent: Bibliothek der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2001. 167 pp. Free of charge." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904230137.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This is a very useful bibliographical tool produced by the efforts of the International Association of Labour History Institutions (IALHI). This association comprises more than one hundred archives, libraries and research centers all over the world, though the vast majority are located in Europe, and not all of them have the same importance, reflecting the geographical and political unevenness of socialism's history. This particular volume aims to list all the publications of the social-democratic internationals after 1914, i.e. from the time of the political split due to the support for World War I by most social-democratic parties. This means that the left-wing, beginning with the Kienthal-Zimmerwald movement during the war and leading to the “Communist International” from 1919 on, is not represented here. But also left-wing splits from social democracy in later years, as in the 1930s with the “London Bureau” of left-wing socialist parties (and also the Bureau's predecessors) are excluded here, as they openly campaigned against social democracy. Also, a few international workers' institutions (mainly in the cultural field) that had been founded before 1914, but tried to maintain their independence after 1914 faced with the political split, are therefore not listed as well.
4
Fluss, Sev S. "The Evolution of Research Ethics: The Current International Configuration." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 32, no. 4 (2004): 596–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2004.tb01965.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
I propose in this essay to briefly describe some of the main current stakeholders who issue guidance on the ethics of human subjects research. This will be preceded by a very brief historical introduction.Prior to World War II, as far as I have been able to ascertain, there were no international efforts to regulate human experimentation. National activities were few and far between. One exception was a Directive on Human Experimentation issued in December 1900 by the then Prussian Minister of Religious, Educational and Medical Mairs. This was followed by a Circular on innovative therapy and scientific experimentation promulgated by the then Reich Minister of the Interior in February 1931. Just over five years later, in April 1936, the Bureau of the Medico-Scientific Council of the People’s Commissariat for Health of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic (RSFSR), the main constituent Republic of the then Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, issued an Advisory Resolution on the procedures for testing new medicinal substances and methods which may present a hazard for the health and life of patients.
5
Petrova, Ivanka. "Youth labor in socialist Bulgaria - from ideology to labor practices." Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 70, no. 2 (2022): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2202037p.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The research is aimed at an important part of the state policy in socialist Bulgaria - the forced engagement of young people, future intellectuals as an unpaid or low-paid labor force in various sectors of economy. Through this compulsory employment of high school and university students in summer free months the ruling elites aim to discipline the young intelligentsia and to educate them in work habits. The main form of forced labor is the participation in youth brigades, but other alternative forms of youth labor are gradually being adopted and imposed. The text presents an ethnological study of youth seasonal labor in the sector of international tourism in the 1970s and 1980s, looking at the perspective of young intellectuals working during their summer vacations in the Youth Travel Bureau ?Orbita? as part-time tour guides of foreign groups. This form of temporary employment of young people is accepted as an alternative to the participation in youth brigades and is related to intellectual work. The aim is to analyze the main features of the labor culture of part-time guides working at the International Youth Center ?Georgi Dimitrov? near Primorsko. The officially imposed principles and norms for the work of the young collaborators are presented and their application in the working life of the guides is studied. The subjects of research are the attitudes for working with tourists, the relations in the work environment, the labor practices, the difficulties in everyday working life and the ways of overcoming them, the informal aspects of the activities. The study is based on biographical interviews with former guides between the ages of 50 and 65, conducted in 2019 and 2020. As a participant for six summer seasons in this type of work, the author also relies on the method of the reflexive anthropology. The results of the study show how the discrepancy between the expectations and intentions of the ideologues of the provided tourist services, on the one hand, and the behavior and labor practices of young people actually occurs. The examples are indicative of the changes ?from below?, through everyday strategies of young people, of the initially conceived system of the international youth tourism in socialist Bulgaria.
6
Оліцький, В’ячеслав, and Олександр Курінной. "RELATIONS OF THE PLAST WITH THE INTERNATIONAL BUREAU AND CZECH SCOUTS IN THE INTER-WAR PERIOD." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 1 (2025): 122–31. https://doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2025-01/122-131.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article aims to study the relations of the Ukrainian Plast movement with the International Bureau and the Czech Scout Association in the 1920s and 1930s to analyze forms of cooperation and exchange of experience. The study's methodological basis involves using both general and special scientific research methods, particularly problem-chronological, structural-logical, typological and diachronic analysis. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that for the first time, based on the memoirs of Plast participants in international youth events, an analysis of inter-organizational relations between Plast and other associations and historical figures, was conducted, supplemented by the history of Czech-Ukrainian scout intra-organizational relations in the interwar period. Conclusions. In the 1920s–1930s, representatives of Ukrainian scouting carried out active international communication activities with other youth associations in Europe. The first attempt to establish contact with the scouting «centre» was the correspondence of Ukrainian Plast girls with the secretary of the International Council of Guides, S.V. Riede, regarding their participation in the V International Guide Conference held in 1928 in Hungary. Although the dialogue did not achieve its goal, the Ukrainian organisation firmly stated that Ukrainians were also an integral part of the World Scout Youth movement. Transcarpathian Plast, a member of Czechoslovakia's internationally recognized Scout Federation, repeatedly participated in various jamborees. At them, Plast girls directly contacted representatives of other scouting delegations and communicated with famous figures, particularly politicians of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. The latter had a different attitude towards Ukrainians: a probable reason could be their ideological views. The relations between Plast girls and Czech scouts were heterogeneous and dynamic. Working in the same organisation, they represented the Czechoslovak Republic internationally. The memoirs of the jamboree participants describe both their joint, friendly Czech-Ukrainian interaction and conflict situations, the tendency of which increased towards the end of the 1930s.
7
Lutfiu, Nuredin, and Naser Pajaziti. "The International Court of Justice." International Journal of Religion 5, no. 5 (April 8, 2024): 298–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/epyqm125.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this scientific paper my main focus of research is based on the composition, structure and main function of judges of the International Court of Justice according to countries and geographical regions where they come from, as according to Article 9 members of the court represent the main forms of civilization and the main system legal of the world. This means customary law, civil law and socialist law (now post-communist law). hen the task and function of international judges of law is to resolve disputes between states in accordance with international law and to give advisory opinions on international legal matters. The ICJ is the only international court that adjudicates general disputes between countries, with its decisions and opinions serving as primary sources of international law. Then, we have the creation of the first permanent institution created for the purpose of resolving international disputes was the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), which included all the major world powers as well as some smaller states, and resulted in the first multilateral treaties dealing with the conduct of war. Among them was the Convention for the Settlement of International Disputes in the Pacific, which defined the institutional and procedural framework for arbitration proceedings to be conducted in The Hague, the Netherlands. Although the proceedings would be supported by a permanent bureau - whose functions would be equivalent to that of a secretariat or court register - arbitrators would be appointed by opposing states from a larger group provided by each member of the convention.
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Khishigt, N., L. V. Kuras, and B. D. Tsybenov. "Autonomous Mongolia and Revolutionary Russia: On the Policy of Soviet Russia Towards Mongolia in 1917–1920 (To the 100th Anniversary of the Mongolian Revolution of 1921)." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 37 (2021): 76–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2021.37.76.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the evolution of the policy of the Soviet Russia on the issue of Mongolia. The period under study begins with the attempts of Soviet Russia to establish relations with Mongolia in 1917–1918. The authors analyzed in detail the revolutionary aspect of Russian politics in Mongolia. In particular, the article studied the activities of the Section of Eastern Peoples of the Siberian Bureau of the RCP (b) and its structural unit – the Mongol- Tibetan department in 1919–1920. The Communist International in 1919–1920 gave preference to the development of the revolutionary movement in China and therefore the People's Revolutionary Party of Mongolia had to establish a close connection with the political trend in China. Thus, the documents of the Communist International emphasized the motive of the unity of interests of the working masses of China and Mongolia. The activity of the Mongol- Tibetan department was directed only to Mongolia, Tibet was not considered as the nearest object of the world socialist revolution.
9
Ambartsumyan, Karine. "Policy of Postponed Sovetization: Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and Georgia in 1920–1921." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (May 2021): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.2.9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Introduction. The author presents a brief description of the situation in the South Caucasus after the establishment of the Soviet power in Azerbaijan. A brief characteristic of the international context influencing decisionmaking in relation to Georgia and Armenia is given. The author makes a short review of historiography. Methods and materials. A list of historical sources is presented. The materials of the Archive of foreign policy of the Russian Federation and the Russian state archive of social and political history, private documents and the description of Menshevik Georgia in 1920 by Soviet scientist and publicist N.L. Meshcheryakov are the base of the research. Analysis. Based on these sources, the author explores the Soviet-Georgian relations, which are considered as interstate, since Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic legally accepted the independence of the Georgian state. A comparison of the positions of the representatives of the Caucasus Bureau and the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs revealed the difference in approaches to politics in Georgia. Moscow was against forced Sovietization and considered the Georgian Republic as a temporary buffer between Russia, on the one hand, and the forces of the Entente and Kemalist Turkey, on the other. The main directions of the Soviet-Georgian interaction were analyzed. The author, giving examples from documents, proves that Georgia was used as a center for strengthening control over Azerbaijan, consolidating success in the North Caucasus and pursuing a policy of reintegrating the South Caucasus into the Russian statehood. One of the clauses of the SovietGeorgian treaty signed in May 1920 was the creation of an associated commission. The article considers the features of its work and shows its inefficiency using the documents. Results. The author draws the conclusion that achieving independence in a wide international context was impossible for Georgia at that date. The RSFSR policy during 1920–1921 can be called the course of postponed Sovietization. It became an independent stage in the reintegration of the South Caucasus.
10
Gough, Maria. "Model Exhibition." October 150 (October 2014): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00198.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Despite the fact that it was never realized at full scale, Vladimir Tatlin's long-lost model for his Monument to the Third International (1920) remains to this day the most widely known work of the Soviet avant-garde. A visionary proposal for a four-hundred-meter tower in iron and glass conceived at the height of the Russian Civil War, the monument was to house the headquarters of the Third International, or Comintern, the international organization of Communist, socialist, and other left-wing parties and workers' organizations founded in Moscow in the wake of the October Revolution with the objective of fomenting revolutionary agitation abroad. Constructed in his spacious Petrograd studio, which was once the mosaics workshop of the imperial Academy of Art, Tatlin's approximately 1:80 scale model comprises a skeletal wooden armature of two upward-moving spirals and a massive diagonal girder, within which are stacked four revolving geometrical volumes made out of paper, these last set in motion by means of a rotary crank located underneath the display platform. In the proposed monument-building, these volumes were to contain the Comintern's legislature, executive branch, press bureau, and radio station. According to the later recollection of Tevel' Schapiro, who assisted Tatlin in his construction of the model, two large arch spans at ground level were designed so that the tower could straddle the banks of the river Neva in Petrograd, the birthplace of the 1917 revolutions.
Дисертації з теми "International Socialist Bureau"
1
Benedetti, Andrea. "Le Bureau socialiste international : de boîte postale à organisation intégrative, 1900-1918." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Strasbourg, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024STRAG015.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cette thèse étudie le Bureau socialiste international (BSI) au prisme de l’évolution progressive de ses compétences, de sa création laborieuse dans un milieu internationaliste qui refuse toute centralisation institutionnelle, jusqu’à la survie paradoxale de l’institution pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, alors que la Deuxième Internationale s’était disloquée. Nous nous intéressons aux logiques sous-jacentes à la transformation du BSI d’un simple outil de liaison à un organe de coordination de mobilisations politiques transnationales, essayant de comprendre dans quelle mesure peut-il s’apparenter au concept contemporain d’organisation intégrative. Cela permettra de vérifier si l’évolution du BSI peut être considérée comme une redéfinition des dynamiques internationalistes elles-mêmes, visant à rendre palpable la solidarité par-delà les frontières à l’heure de l’exacerbation des nationalismes en EuropeThis thesis examines the International Socialist Bureau (ISB) through the prism of the gradual evolution of its competences, from its laborious creation in an internationalist milieu that rejected institutional centralisation, to the institution's paradoxical survival during the First World War, when the Second International had broken up. We are interested in the rationale behind the transformation of the ISB from a simple liaison tool to a coordinating body for transnational political mobilisation, in an attempt to understand the extent to which it can be likened to the contemporary concept of integrative organisation. This will enable us to ascertain whether the evolution of the ISB can be seen as a redefinition of internationalist dynamics themselves, aimed at making solidarity across borders palpable at a time of exacerbated nationalism in Europe
2
Dhermy-Mairal, Marine. "Les sciences sociales et l'action au Bureau international du travail (1920-1939)." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0118.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cette recherche doctorale porte sur l'histoire des pratiques scientifiques du Bureau international du travail de Genève entre 1920 et 1939. Celles-ci sont appréhendées comme un moment de rencontre entre deux types de préoccupations, scientifique et politique, visant à faire advenir une morale internationale fondée sur la science sociale. En posant le cadre général des recherches de l'organisation, assorti d'une description des trajectoires et d'une analyse des discours des fonctionnaires chargés de les mettre en oeuvre, cette thèse explore l'usage qui est fait de la science et de la scientificité au BIT. Cette oeuvre est ensuite scrutée par une étude de la méthode d'une enquête, l'Enquête sur la production, et aux marges par la contribution des acteurs de sciences sociales mobilisés par le directeur de l'organisation. C'est dans le cadre d'une histoire des sciences sociales et des statistiques que ces activités sont inscrites, avec une focale particulière sur les sciences sociales durkheimiennes, dont la présence est ici questionnée. L'apport propre de quatre disciples d'Emile Durkheim au travail scientifique du Bureau international du travail est étudié, dans une attention constante à leur production intellectuelle et à la forme de leur engagement. Inversement, notre travail s'intéresse à l'appropriation, par ces durkheimiens, de la finalité morale de l'organisation, comme partie intégrante de leur œuvre scientifique. Ce moment particulier d'interaction entre la science et l'action nous permet de faire tenir en un seul récit une histoire des savoir-faire administratifs du Bureau international du travail et une histoire des sciences sociales de l'entre-deux-guerresThis doctoral dissertation is about the history of scientific practices at the International Labor Organization between 1920 and 1939. They are considered as a moment of convergence between both scientific and political concerns, aimed at establishing an international moral that would be based on social sciences. We set the general organization of research at ILO, tracked civil servants and scientists trajectories, analyzed their discourses on science and scientificity. We then turned more particularly on an epistemological and political study of the "Enquiry on production", with a special focus on scientific collaborations which helped leading the enquiry. These activities are deepened through a history of statistical thinking and social sciences. On the one hand, we paid a sustained attention to the intellectual and scientific contribution to ILO's work of four disciples of the French sociologist Emile Durkheim. On the other hand, and conversely, we also looked at the moral role that was attributed to ILO by these scientists within their intellectual durkheimian's framework. This peculiar moment of interaction between science and action allows us to write a unique story which intertwines a history of administrative savoir-faire with a history of social sciences in the interwar
3
Marcobelli, Elisa. "Solidarité en crise ? : les socialistes français, allemands et italiens face aux crises internationales au temps de la Ile Internationale (1889-1915)." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0163.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
L'opposition à la guerre de la IIe Internationale se résume souvent à un mot : « l'échec » ; celui de 1914. Or, ce jugement est réducteur et tend à lire toute l'existence de cette organisation en fonction de l'événement qui a marqué sa fin. Cette thèse propose d'étudier l'évolution de l'Internationale sans projeter sur celle-ci le déclenchement funeste de la Première Guerre mondiale : elle analyse le combat contre la guerre des socialistes français, allemands et italiens, au sein de l'Internationale et dans chaque espace national. L'attention est particulièrement centrée sur le positionnement des socialistes pendant les crises diplomatiques internationales qui se succédèrent au début du XXe siècle. Il en ressort un constat ambivalent. D'un côté, les efforts de l'Internationale contre la guerre ne peuvent plus être considérés comme un échec. L'institution a bien réussi à créer un sentiment communautaire se fondant sur la volonté de s'opposer à la guerre. Alors que les crises se succédaient, elle apprit à répondre à ces situations de troubles internationaux. D'un autre côté, cependant, la performativité de cette opposition à la guerre changeait en fonction de l'implication directe de la France, de l'Allemagne ou de l'Italie dans les crises diplomatiques en cours. Lorsqu'un pays courrait un danger, ses socialistes exprimaient des sentiments de défiance à l'égard des camarades étrangers, ce qui empêchait ponctuellement l'Internationale de prendre des initiatives efficaces contre les dangers de la situation internationaleOpposition to the war by the Second International has often been considered a failure. This judgment, however, is reductive and tends to read the whole history of this organization on the basis of its position in 1914. In this study the International is investigated independently of the outbreak of the First World War. Our focus is on the struggle against the war by French, German, and Italian Socialists within the International and independently of it. Particular attention is paid to the international diplomatie crises that foliowed one anotheruntil 1914. The resuit is ambivalent. On the one hand, the Internationale efforts against the war no longer appears as a failure. The institution succeeds in creating a sensé of community based on the will to oppose the war. While the crises corne and go, it learns to respond to international crises. On the other hand, the performativity of the opposition to the war changes when France, Germany, and Italy are directly involved in diplomatie crises. When a country is in danger, its socialists express feelings of mistrust towards foreign comrades, which temporarily prevents the International from taking effective initiatives against the dangerous international situation
4
Yáñez, Andrade Juan Carlos. "L’OIT et l’Amérique du Sud (1919-1949) : la construction d’un laboratoire social régional." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0153.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La recherche se propose comme objectif central l’étude de la formation d’un laboratoire social régional dans l’Amérique du Sud, dans le contexte de l’internationalisation du social induit par la multiplication des congrès, de la constitution de réseaux d’intellectuels progressistes et, notamment, par la création des premières organisations internationales. L’idée est d’étudier comment se mettent en pratique les circulations, les cadres de relations, les transferts et les programmes d’action transnationale lentement incubés dans les premières années du XXe siècle autour d’une nouvelle institution, qui portera les valeurs sociales universelles comme marque d’origine : l’Organisation Internationalisation du Travail (OIT). L’Amérique du Sud est une région riche pour l’étude de ce type d’expériences. En ce qui concerne l'organisation de la thèse nous avons choisi de la diviser en deux parties : a) Une première partie concerne la problématique de l’internationalisation du social, dont je pose la question de l’importance de l’Amérique du sud dans la consolidation de l’OIT au-delà de l’Europe. B) Une deuxième partie, qui comprendre les trois derniers chapitres, analyse les possibilités que l’Amérique du Sud a offertes au développement de l’expertise du BITThis research is proposed as a central objective the study of the formation of a regional social laboratory in South America, in the context of the internationalization of social produced by the multiplication of the conference, the networking of progressive intellectuals and especially the creation of the first international organizations. The idea is to study the circulation, relationships, transfers and transnational action programs incubated slowly in the early years of the twentieth century around a new institution which has universal social values as a mark of origin: International Labour Organization (ILO). South America is an important region for the study of such experiences. The organization of the thesis is divided into two parts: a) The first part includes the problem of the internationalization of the social, where the importance of South America in the consolidation of the ILO beyond Europe. B) The second part, comprising the last three chapters, analyzes the possibilities that South America offers expertise to the development of the BIT
5
CAYET, Thomas. "Organiser le travail, organiser le monde : étude d'un milieu international d'organisateurs-rationalisateurs durant l'entre-deux-guerres." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5744.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Defence date: 28 October 2005Examining board: M. Bo Strath, prof. à l'Institut Universitaire Européen, directeur de thèse ; M. Gilles Postel-Vinay, directeur d'études à l'EHESS, co-directeur ; M.me Victoria De Grazia, prof. à Columbia University ; M. Patrick Fridenson, directeur d'études a l'EHESS
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
6
Cournier, Marine. "Sociétés minières canadiennes et violations des droits de l’homme à l’étranger : le Canada respecte-t-il les prescriptions internationales en la matière?" Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10446.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La présente étude a pour objectif de vérifier si le Canada respecte les prescriptions internationales en matière de droits de l’homme et d’entreprises vis-à-vis de l’encadrement qu’il exerce sur les sociétés minières canadiennes évoluant à l’étranger.
En 2011, le Conseil des droits de l’homme de l’ONU a adopté des «Principes directeurs» afin de mettre en oeuvre le cadre de référence « Protéger, Respecter, Réparer » du Représentant spécial chargé de la question des droits de l’homme et des sociétés transnationales et autres entreprises. Selon ce cadre de référence, les États ont des obligations de protection et de réparation alors que les entreprises ont seulement la responsabilité de respecter les droits humains. Après six années de travail, le Représentant spécial John Ruggie, a fait le choix de formuler dans ses «Principes directeurs» des directives non contraignantes à l’égard des États et des entreprises afin de les aider à remplir leurs obligations et responsabilités vis-à-vis des droits de l’homme. Selon, l’ONU, cet instrument de portée universelle est le plus élaboré en la matière, si bien qu’il est recommandé aux entreprises et plus particulièrement aux États de s’y conformer lors de l’élaboration de leurs politiques respectives en
matière d'activité économique et de droits humains.
Il convient donc de vérifier d’une part si l’encadrement exercé par l’appareil législatif et
gouvernemental vis-à-vis des sociétés minières canadiennes évoluant à l’étranger est conforme au principe directeur «Protéger». D’autres part, il convient de vérifier si les recours judiciaires et extrajudiciaires disponibles au Canada remplissent les exigences du principe directeur «Réparer». Cette double analyse permettra de conclure que le Canada respecte dans les grandes lignes ces «Principes directeurs» mais qu’il pourrait faire bien plus notamment en terme d’accès à des réparations effectives pour les victimes étrangères de minières canadiennes.This study propose to assess whether Canada meets the international requirements of business and human rights in relation to the supervision it has on Canadian mining companies operating abroad. In 2011, the Human rights Council adopted the Special Representative’s Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights in order to implement the United Nations “Protect, Respect and Remedy” Framework. According to this framework, States have obligations to protect and remedy while companies only have responsibilities to respect human rights. After six years of work, the Special Representative on Business and Human rights, John Ruggie, has chosen to give in its Guiding Principles non- binding recommendations in order to help States and businesses to encounter their obligations and responsibilities towards human rights. According to the UN, this universal instrument is the most developed in the field. Thus, it is strongly recommended that companies and especially States, comply those «guiding principles» when they elaborate their respective policies on economic activity and human rights. It is therefore necessary to check first if the supervision exercised by the legislature and the government on Canadian mining companies operating abroad succeeds to comply with the "Protect" principles. On the other hand, it must be checked whether the judicial and extrajudicial remedies available in Canada meet the requirements of the «Remedy" principles. This dual analysis will led to conclude that Canada meets broadly the "Guiding Principles" but could do much more, especially in terms of access to effective remedies for foreign victims of Canadian mining companies.
Книги з теми "International Socialist Bureau"
1
Zhivka, Kŭneva Damyanova, Dyumon Pol, and Pobornikova Stoyanka, eds. Bŭlgarskite sotsialdemokrati i mezhdunarodnoto sotsialistichesko byuro: Korespondentsiya 1900-1914. [Sofiya]: Mikom, 1996.
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2
She hui dang guo ji zhu wen jian, 1900-1907 (Guoji gongchanzhuyi yundongshi wenxian). Zhongguo ren min da xue chu ban she, 1990.
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1
Jajeśniak-Quast, Dagmara. "When Backwardness Became an Advantage: Professional Stays Abroad in the West as Midwife of the Transformation in Poland." In Roadblocks to the Socialist Modernization Path and Transition, 271–98. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37050-2_11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractSocialist Poland was one of the few countries in the Eastern Bloc that was able to make targeted use of professional and scientific exchange programmes with the West. Thanks to Poland’s membership since the founding of the UN and the country’s qualification as a “developing country”, Poland was able to build on the programmes and grants of international organisations, above all the Technical Bureau of the United Nations and the foundations much more than, for example, the GDR or Czechoslovakia. Thus, in the case of Poland, Gerschenkron’s theory of the “advantage of backwardness” can be used to explain the transformation process. In the process of system transformation, the role of professional stays abroad by Polish experts and scientists in the West, since the late 1960s, should not be underestimated. Thanks to a liberal travel policy, the experts from Poland had an enormous advantage over the other countries in the Eastern Bloc. Many of those experts formed the post-communist elite after 1989—the “midwifes” of the transformation.
2
Damjanova, Živka, and Paul Dumont. "Le dossier « Bulgarie » dans les archives du Bureau socialiste international." In Russes, slaves et soviétiques, 403–13. Éditions de la Sorbonne, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.79644.
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3
Horn, Gero-Rainer. "An International United Front?" In European Socialists Respond to Fascism, 37–52. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195093742.003.0003.
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Abstract Hitler’s smooth accession to power triggered a profound sense of disorientation within the Social Democratic and the Communist Internationals, thus creating a favorable opening facilitating moves toward unity. Most historians date the beginning of this attempt to reach an international understanding to 19 February 1933, when the LSI bureau published an appeal-”TotheWorkers of the World”-calling for a cessation of hostilities between the two Internationals and a common effort to counter the growing threat of fascism and war. Yet there is reason to believe that the very first recorded international initiative was a Communist move. According to Jonathan Haslam, “On 13 February, two weeks after Hitler became chancellor, French, German and Polish communist leaders issued a joint communique to the social demo crats offering a united front of action against fascism.” Undoubtedly, the explicit appeal of the LSI raised the stakes considerably higher. It took the Comintern two weeks to respond. When it finally issued its proclamation on 5 March 1933, it rejected any attempt to engage in top-level negotiations and instead called on each national Communist Party to enter separate united front negotiations for each individual count ry.3 In turn, the next LSI executive meeting on 18-19 March decided to recommend to its “affiliated Parties to refrain from any separate negotiations ... until results have been achieved by agreement between the two lnternationals,” thereby effectively ending the official moves toward an alliance in times of great need. The Comintern quickly switched back to its tactics of united fronts “from below,” and Aldo Agosti is undoubtedly on the mark when he infers: “The position adopted by the leadership of the LSI could not but have the effect of reinforcing the position of the most tenacious advocates of the theory of ‘social fascism’ within the leading circles of the Comintern.”6 But an interesting and little-known aftermath of this exchange suggests that the brief rapprochement of the LSI and the Comintern carried more promise than most participant observers suspected at the time. The postscript to the document exchange saw the French writer and political activist Henri Barbusse emerging from the sidelines to enter center stage, if behind closed curtains.
4
Horn, Gero-Rainer. "Transnational Consciousness Within the European Left." In European Socialists Respond to Fascism, 117–36. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195093742.003.0007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Since its inception, social democracy has been an international phenomenon, organized in national sections but with multiple links and avenues of exchange connecting the varied strands across political frontiers. Regular international congresses were held to coordinate the political responses to the challenges of the day, although, in practice, it remains to be determined what, if any, impact the decisions reached at the international gatherings had on the daily practice of national parties. Certainly by the 1930s the social democratic International was little more than an empty shell. Yet some form of international center continued to exist, and regular meetings of the LSI executive and bureau were held in frequent succession. The memoirs of Adolf Sturmthal, a key employee of the LSI in Zurich and, later, Brussels, are a fascinating reminder of the impressive international contacts maintained between social demo crats in Europe up to the outbreak of World War 11.1 Personal contacts were, however, only one dimension facilitating potential intellectual cross-fertilization and exchange. A well-developed network of social democratic publications reinforced the public committrnent to an internationalist perspective. In each of the five countries under review, social democrats controlled a plentiful and generally lively party press with, in each case, one national daily newspaper as the informational backbone, at least for as long as conditions of legality prevailed. A network of foreign correspondents kept each national section abreast of information from abroad. German, Austrian and Spanish social democracy furthermore published important theoretical journals with significant attention to international events. Rudolf Hilferding’s Zeitschrift für Sozialismus (ZfS) provided a much-needed forum for reflections on the tragedy of German labor. As much of its readership was dispersed among the few remaining democracies in Europe, there existed more than purely intellectual reasons for heightened attention to what used to be considered “foreign affairs.” Theoretical analyses of fascism, the changing nature of the state and the strategies of united and popular fronts stood side by side with up-to-date assessments of the latest Comintern twists, politics in Spain and the most recent programmatic in novations of the British Labor Party.
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Carter, Eric D. "Networks." In In Pursuit of Health Equity, 46–67. University of North Carolina PressChapel Hill, NC, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469674452.003.0003.
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Abstract This chapter examines the international networks that influenced ideas and policy in social medicine in the 1930s and 1940s in Latin America, focusing on institutional networks organized by the League of Nations Health Organization, the International Labor Organization, and the Pan-American Sanitary Bureau. After examining the architecture of these networks, this chapter traces their influence on social and health policy in Latin America. Closer scrutiny of a series of international conferences and local media accounts of them reveals that international networks were not just “conveyor belts” for policy ideas from the industrialized countries of the US and Europe into Latin America; rather, there was often contentious debate over the relevance and appropriateness of health and social policy models in the Latin American context. The chapter also examines the role of a small group of Latin American socialists, who were mostly peripheral to the episteme of international health but would influence social medicine in the 1930s and even more so in the long run.
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Horn, Gero-Rainer. "The Promise of the Plan." In European Socialists Respond to Fascism, 74–95. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195093742.003.0005.
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Abstract On Sunday evening, 23 August 1931, an extraordinary assembly of men and women gathered in the Amsterdam Koloniaal lnstituut for a conference which was to last until Friday morning, 29 August 1931. Economic experts arrived from all five continents to participate in the deliberations of the meeting, called to debate “World Social Economic Planning: The Necessity for Planned Adjustment of Productive Capacity and Standards of Living.” While the topic was certainly not a standard theme for international congresses at the time, and whereas the geographic spectrum rep resented lent an unusual dimension to this gathering, what was perhaps most remark able was the breadth of social and professional interests represented at this meeting. Economists and industrialists, statesmen and trade unionists, journalists and architects, factory inspectors and factory owners, engineers and communists; a remarkable assortment of individuals hailing from every imaginable social and professional background assembled in the Koloniaal Instituut for what became known as the 1931 World Social Economic Planning Congress. Among the well-known per sonalities present were RudolfWissell, the former German secretary of labor; Fritz Naphtali, the head of the German trade union research association; Friedrich Pol lock, a leading member of the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research; French jour nalist and politician Bertrand de Jouvenel; Dutch social democrat F. M. Wibaut, the eminencegrise behind Amsterdam’s exemplary municipal housing development project; Albert Thomas, the director of the Geneva International Labor Bureau; the Brookings Institute economist Lewis L. Lorwin; Valeri V. Ossinsky, the leading Soviet economic expert; H.S. Person, the managing director of the American Frederick Taylor Society; and leading industrialists from many countries. It was an unprecedented meeting of minds concerned about the state of disarray of economies and societies in 1931. Person formulated the concerns of the participants in the following manner: “We have come to the conclusion that individualistic enterprise has in deed constructed a magnificent and efficient economic machine, but that it has finally reached a stage of evolution in which individualistic industry is unable to keep it in order and operate it properly.
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Reid, Peter H. "The Peace Corps and Tanzania." In Every Hill a Burial Place, 47–59. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179988.003.0008.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Peace Corps was founded in 1961. The first problem faced was whether any country would ask for volunteers. To address this problem, Sargent Shriver, the first Peace Corps director, traveled early on to Africa to encourage requests and met Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere, who asked for engineers, and the second group of volunteers to arrive overseas landed in Tanzania in 1961. Tanzania became independent from Great Britain in 1961. The journey to independence, how it was governed in 1966 at the time of the Kinsey case, and relations between the United States and Tanzania are examined, with a discussion of the roles of Julius Nyerere, Paul Bomani, and Lady Marion Chesham. The case presents a potential international disaster for this country, still in its infancy, at a time when there are already strains over Nyerere’s “African socialism” and America’s role in the Congo.