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1
Corntassel, Jeffrey Jay. "Remapping territorial faultlines: Conflicts between separatist groups and host states." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284616.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Contemporary military conflicts are not likely to occur between states but rather within states. Recent examples, such as the ongoing Chechen-Russian war, Kosovar resistance to Serbian ethnic-cleansing, Mayan (Zapatistas) autonomy claims in Mexico, and the Ogoni struggle for land control in Nigeria testify to the diversity and scope of ongoing state versus nation conflicts. Since most states "host" several ethnonational or indigenous groups within their borders, an examination of the conditions under which internal geopolitical faultlines (or historical/cultural divisions) transform into militarized disputes is warranted. Several theories of separatism guide the two general research questions for this project. First, what prompts some separatist groups to demand secession from the host state(s) while other groups seek greater autonomy within the host state(s)? Second, what specific group characteristics contribute to a separatist group's involvement in intrastate war? Using logistic regression analysis, the findings suggest that when a group is highly concentrated on the homeland, is represented by a political party, and has more than one host state, groups tend to demand exit over autonomy. Also, political parties appear to be a very important indicator in determining a separatist group's mobilization toward intrastate war, essentially exposing ethnonationalist faultlines and further dividing the electorate. Finally, high group concentration can lead to involvement in interstate crises, which demonstrates how intrastate conflicts can transcend state borders. Specific conflict resolution techniques are offered in conclusion to promote accommodation by both separatist groups and host states. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
2
Imranli-Lowe, Kamala. "The first Armenian Republic and its territorial conflicts with Azerbaijan." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4130/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis, which is based on extensive archival materials, explores the origins of the on-going conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan by focusing on the emergence of the first Armenian Republic in 1918 and its territorial issues with Azerbaijan, in order to understand the factors which led to this conflict. It examines the background to the creation of the first Armenian Republic by researching the location of the ‘historical Armenian homeland’, the construction and reconstruction of the notion of the ‘Armenian homeland’, the aspects facilitating the way in which the ideology and strategy of the Armenian national movement developed, and the factors instrumental in the construction of the Armenian identity. The work provides a historical background to the Armenian claims to Garabagh and Nakhchyvan and analyses the ethnic, historical, economic, geographical and security arguments used by the first Armenian Republic to substantiate its vision of the territorial delimitation between Armenia and Azerbaijan with regard to these regions at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. The thesis also considers the positions of the external powers involved in the South Caucasus vis-à-vis the Garabagh and Nakhchyvan issues and assesses the impact of their stance on the settlement of these conflicts.
3
Melikyan, Gevorg. "Paradoxical South Caucasus: Nations, Conflicts and Alliances." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281673619.
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4
Martín, i. Díaz Jordi. "Geopolitical and urban changes in Sarajevo (1995 – 2015)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/650917.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During the collapse of Socialist Yugoslavia and amid a concomitant process to ethnically divide Bosnia, Sarajevo suffered through a siege which after three-and-a-half years resulted in a completely new social, political and territorial order. Following the signing of the peace agreement in Paris in December 1995, to end the war in Bosnia, the city simultaneously experienced a transition from war to peace and from socialism to capitalism. This double transition was marked by increasing intervention from the international community, who deployed an administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina to supervise the implementation of the peace agreement. Despite the fact that no specific local peace-building mission was established in Sarajevo, the Office of the High Representative (OHR), in charge of supervising the civilian annexes of the agreement, became particularly involved in the supervision, coordination and even execution of several key processes shaping its urban transformation, in areas such as the management of land, economic transition and the reconstruction of Sarajevo’s intrinsic ethnic diversity. Thus, this dissertation analyses the role of the OHR in the urban transformation of the symbolic Bosnian capital during the post-war period with an ultimate focus on the impact of those policies, developed mostly between 1995 and 2003, in the current ethnic and spatial configuration of the city.En l’àmbit dels estudis urbans Sarajevo no és un cas d’estudi menor degut al seu simbolisme, amb un pes significatiu en la història contemporània continental, així com també per la llarga tradició de diversitat, inicialment religiosa i posteriorment ètnica, i de convivència al llarg de la seva història. Sarajevo és, de fet, un cas peculiar, sinó únic, en el sentit que la coexistència entre les diverses comunitats és una característica intrínseca de la ciutat, havent estat promoguda pels principals governs responsables dels tres períodes de major expansió urbana. Aquesta llarga tradició va rebre una de les seves principals agressions durant el col·lapse de la Iugoslàvia socialista. En el marc d’un procés de territorialització ètnica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, desenvolupat principalment pels líders polítics serbobosnians conjuntament amb els sèrbies, Sarajevo va acabar sent sotmesa a tres anys i mig de setge que van provocar una profunda transformació de l’ordre social, ètnic, polític i territorial. Després de la signatura dels acords de pau a París el desembre de 1995, coneguts com els Acords de Dayton, que van posar fi a la guerra a Bòsnia, la ciutat va emprendre el període postbèl·lic destruïda, encerclada i dividida, amb una àrea assetjada sota control del Govern de Bòsnia i Hercegovina i els sectors perifèrics, i fins i tot alguns barris centrals, sota domini de les tropes serbobosnianes.
5
Lundstedt, Lydia. "Territoriality in Intellectual Property Law : A comparative study of the interpretation and operation of the territoriality principle in the resolution of transborder intellectual property infringement disputes with respect to international civil jurisdiction, applicable law and the territorial scope of application of substantive intellectual property law in the European Union and United States." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-133470.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The principle of territoriality is a truism in intellectual property (IP) law. A premise underlying the principle is the right of each state to determine the extent to which IP rights exist and are protected within its own territory to fulfil its own economic, social and cultural policy goals. This is done by giving a right to prevent others from doing within the protected territory any of the acts that are exclusively reserved to the right holder under the IP statute that granted or protects the IP right. The principle of territoriality informs that IP rights granted or protected by a state are independent from those granted or protected by other states, and that the rights conferred under each state’s IP law are limited to the territory of that state. As the principle of territoriality neatly allocated jurisdiction among states on a territorial basis, it purportedly obviated the need for private international law. Each state exercised jurisdiction over the infringement of its own rights and applied its own domestic IP law, which served the interests of the states and of the parties. With the increase in the protection and exploitation of IP rights across national borders, infringements do not remain within hermetically sealed national territories. Acts taken in one state can have effects in other states and impair the policies that the rights were designed to fulfil. This raises questions concerning the territorial scope of application of the domestic IP law, that is, whether it is interpreted with respect to a domestic tangible act, effects on a domestic policy goal or both. In addition, the transborder exploitation of IP rights raises questions of private international law with respect to whether states exercise jurisdiction and apply national law to disputes concerning infringements of their domestic rights or whether states exercise jurisdiction and apply national law to disputes arising from acts committed in their territories (or both). These determinations may depend on different factors such as the different interests taken into consideration (e.g. state or party interests), the different legal traditions upon which the legal systems are based and the characteristics and functions of the IP rights themselves. This dissertation compares the interpretation and operation of the principle of territoriality of IP law in the private law resolution of transborder IP infringement disputes in the legal systems of the European Union and the United States, two distinctly different legal systems that have significant trade and investment relations with each other. The comparison shows that while the systems are functionally similar, the principle of territoriality is interpreted and operates somewhat differently in the two legal systems.
6
Marx, Rebecca N. "What Is the Role of International Law in Resolving Territorial Conflict? An Analysis." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/734.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In my thesis, I investigate the effectiveness of international law in helping to settle territorial disputes. My hypothesis is that international bodies and laws fail to ameliorate territorial conflict because they fail to provide sufficient incentives to overcome political hurdles to resolution. To analyze this topic, I will examine three territorial disputes in Northeast Asia. The three cases in question are all quite longstanding. All three have had ample time and opportunity to be arbitrated or adjudicated by an international body. Yet this has not occurred. I will postulate reasons why they this is the case, using information drawn primarily from scholarly journals, and other reputable sources in the field of political science which are listed in the bibliography herein. I have also reviewed the text of relevant treaties that apply to the nations under examination. While all three of the cases that I describe take place in the same geographic region, one may apply the lessons learned from these three cases more globally because the same root problem that prevents these three Northeast Asian examples from being resolved through international law also exists in other cases—namely insufficient incentive to change the status quo in spite of potential consequences and unwanted concessions.
7
Vianès, Emmanuel. "Entre guerre et paix : les Administrations Internationales Post-Belligérantes." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30075.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La notion d’administration internationale post-belligérante est spécifique au sein des administrations de territoire en relations internationales, au côté des opérations de paix. Lors de situations exceptionnelles, une Autorité internationale est instaurée lors de périodes transitoires, qui oscillent entre la guerre et la paix, pour remédier à des différends territoriaux et/ou à des problèmes de gouvernance. Cette institution politique repose sur le fait qu’un acteur international est responsable de l’administration d’un territoire de manière temporaire dans une situation de post-belligérance, qu’il exerce sa fonction dans l’intérêt de la population et de la société internationale, qu’il superpose les ordres juridiques international et interne, qu’il établit des structures de gouvernance mixtes et qu’il peut intervenir dans les relations internationales au nom du territoire administré. Pour élaborer une réflexion sur ce concept, il faut faire le lien entre le droit international public et les relations internationales afin de disséquer « l’idée » et d’établir ainsi une grille de lecture. Dans la pratique, l’expérimentation en matière d’administration internationale post-belligérante se divise entre la phase plénière, le partenariat et l’appropriation locale du processus afin d’entrevoir la finalité de ce mécanisme : la construction d’une passerelle entre la prégnance de l’étatisme au sein du système international et la diffusion des normes de la société internationale. Ceci est révélé à la lumière des expériences de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, du Kosovo et du Timor orientalBeside peace operations, the concept of international post-belligerent (post-conflict) administration is a particular form of territorial administration in international relations. In exceptional situations, an international Authority is set up during transitional periods that fluctuate between war and peace to settle territorial disputes and/or problems of governance. The basis of this type of political institution is that an international actor has responsibility for the temporary administration of a territory in a post-belligerent situation, that it discharges that function in the interest of the population and of international society, that it juxtaposes the international and internal legal orders, that it establishes joint governance structures and that it can act in international relations on behalf of the territory it administers. Studying this concept entails establishing the connection between public international law and international relations so that one can dissect the “idea” and determine an approach. In practice, experimentation in the realm of international post-belligerent (post-conflict) administration comprises a plenary phase, partnership and local ownership of the process and has as its end-purpose the building of a bridge between the impact of statism in the international system and the propagation of the norms of international society. This is demonstrated in the light of the developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and East Timor
8
Uyar, Abatay Lema. "The accountability of UN post-conflict administrations for violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a3dc00e1-afe1-4503-a9de-e18af88c2982.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis explores the extent to which the UN post-conflict administrations are accountable towards the populations of the territories they administer. The post-conflict administrations temporarily assume legislative and administrative powers to support the peace processes, to help to resolve the sovereignty issues or to establish administrative structures that might be non-existent in these territories. The thesis argues that, while the exercise of these extensive powers entails the accountability of the UN, in practice this accountability is not effectively engaged. As opposed to other forms of accountability, the focus is on the international legal responsibility of the UN as the prominent and most meaningful form of accountability, in the accountability relationship between the administrator and the administered, which gives the populations of the administered territories the opportunity to challenge the acts of international administrations and seek redress. In exploring the legal responsibility of the UN and in line with Article 4 of the ILC Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organizations, which states only an act of an international organization that constitutes a breach of an international obligation entails its responsibility, this thesis initially explores the extent of international obligations arising from, and the extent of applicability of, three bodies of law. First, the thesis discusses the applicability of international humanitarian law, the fundamental principles of which have traditionally been part of UN peace operations practice. Next, it considers the applicability of the law of occupation, which shares stark factual similarities with the UN post-conflict administrations. Finally, the applicability of international human rights law, which is consistently part of the applicable law in post-conflict territories, and the protection and promotion of which is consistently included in the mandates of post-conflict administrations is examined. The thesis argues that the simultaneous application these bodies of law would help to create a legal framework to engage the accountability of UN post-conflict administrations and this legal framework should be complemented by effective accountability mechanisms.
9
Lingenfelder, Christian J. "The elephant in the room religious extremism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FLingenfelder.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Daniel Moran. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.85-91). Also available online.
10
Wierse, Kerstin A. "Post-Conflict: Peacebuilding im Kosovo : die internationale Verwaltung von Territorien als Methode des Peacebuilding." Köln ; München Heymann, 2008. http://d-nb.info/990723127/04.
Повний текст джерела
11
Wierse, Kerstin A. "Post-Conflict: Peacebuilding im Kosovo die internationale Verwaltung von Territorien als Methode des Peacebuilding." Köln München Heymann, 2007. http://d-nb.info/990723127/04.
Повний текст джерела
12
Desai, Thakira. "International humanitarian law violations occurring within the occupied Palestinian territories during the years 1982-2012." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5158.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Magister Philosophiae - MPhilThe purpose of this mini-thesis is to address International Humanitarian Law (IHL) violations occurring within the Occupied Palestinian Territories relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war. Importantly, various IHL violations that occur within the Green Line will be expanded upon. The mini-thesis will shed light on the lack of international action, specifically the inaction of the UN and the ICRC, in ending the decades of IHL violations by both the Israeli and Palestinian forces. As a means to an end, further destruction of property and loss of life that inhibits the quality of life of Palestinians and Israeli citizens trapped within the ongoing conflict, this mini-thesis will endeavour to provide solutions to ending the occupation. These solutions include: a UN Resolution directed toward the demolition of the wall; establishing permanent means of access to all basic needs; and lastly, addressing the influence of the United States of America (USA) and Egypt, respectively.
13
Kambou, G. Benoît. "Le conflit territorial entre le burkina-faso et la République du Mali devant la justice internationale." Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010294.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Pour regler definitivement le conflit territorial qui les oppose depuis 1961 a propos de la delimitation d'une partie de leur frontiere commune, conflit qui a degenere en decembre 1974 en affrontement arme, le burkina-faso et la republique du mali ont decide en 1983, apres l'echec d'un reglement politique sous l'egide de l'o. U. A. , de porter leur differend devant une chambre speciale de la cour internationale de justice. Ils conclurent a cet effet un compromis. Ce texte demande a la cour de proceder a la fois a la delimitation et a la demarcation de la frontiere litigieuse sur la base du principe de l'intangibilite des frontieres africaines. Les ecritures des parties reveleront que la cour est priee d'appliquer non seulement le droit international mais egalement le droit colonial francais et l'equite infra-legem. Mais avant de statuer, la cour a du ordonner le 10 janvier 1986 des mesures conservatoires du fait de l'affrontement qui a mis aux prises les deux armees en decembre 1985. Le 22 decembre 1986, apres d'enormes difficultes rencontrees dans l'appreciation des moyens de preuves que les parties lui ont fournis, elle rendit son arret. Il en ressort que la cour n'a pas entierement adjuge aux parties leur conclusions. En effet, fondee sur le principe de l'uti possidetis, cette decision judiciaire a confere un caractere declaratoire aux deux textes qui ont ete les chevaux de bataille des parties. Il s'agit de l'arrete gubernatorial no 2728 ap du 27 novembre 1935 invoque par le mali, et de la lettrecirculaire no 191 cm2 du 19 fevrier de la meme annee. Cette derniere est l'une des pieces maitresses du raisonnement du burkina. Les deux pays n'en ont pas moins accepte le trace frontalier resultant du dispositif de l'arret dont l'importance juridico-politique est incontestable.
14
Kambou, G. Benoît. "Le Conflit territorial entre le Burkina-Faso et la République du Mali devant la justice internationale." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376063568.
Повний текст джерела
15
Galley, Kossi Kouma Elavagno. "Le règlement juridictionnel des différends territoriaux en Afrique." Toulouse 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998TOU10052.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La charte de l'O. N. U. Fait obligation aux états de rechercher la solution de leurs différends non seulement par des voies politiques et diplomatiques mais également par voie d'arbitrage ou de règlement judiciaire, c'est-à-dire par des moyens pacifiques. Nombre de pays africains décolonisés dans les années soixante éprouvaient une grande méfiance à l'égard des modes de règlement aboutissant à des solutions obligatoires ou contraignantes. Les solutions politiques et diplomatiques, surtout dans le cadre de l'O. U. A. , leur paraissant préférables. Mais cette attitude des états africains est due à plusieurs causes. Car en réalité, si on connait l'existence d'une "dialectique de la palabre" chez les peuples africains, les véritables raisons de la méfiance longtemps entretenue par ces états vis-à-vis des procédés juridictionnels de règlement relevaient d'une protection jalouse de leur souveraineté. À l'égard de la cour internationale de justice en particulier, cette méfiance fut longtemps justifiée par l'orientation européocentriste de celle-ci. Mais un changement s'est opéré. Désormais, le recours à l'arbitrage ou au mode de règlement judiciaire semble avoir la faveur des états africains. Plusieurs ont choisi la solution arbitrale pour la délimitation de leurs frontières maritimes. D'autres ont opté pour le règlement judiciaire des différends concernant la délimitation de leurs frontières terrestres. Un des plus célèbres concerne la Libye et le Tchad, après des années de guerre. La présente étude analyse les solutions dégagées dans nombre de ces affaires en relation avec le principe de l'intangibilité des frontières et démontre outre mesure que le droit international contribue très efficacement au règlement des différends entre états. Cette situation infirme l'image trop répandue selon laquelle le droit international ne joue aucun rôle efficace dans le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, puisque le règlement juridictionnel renforce la coopération internationale, au point même de donner naissance à une nouvelle forme d'aide au développement. Il n'est donc pas douteux que si la frontière sépare et crée des conflits, la preuve est aussi faite dans certains cas qu'elle unit.
16
Marley, Jonathan M. "Whose line is it anyway? : understanding the military role in delivering rights based policies in post-conflict territories." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3357/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The post-conflict territories of the Western Balkans have been subjected to an unprecedented level of international attention since the mid-1990s. The EU, NATO and OSCE in particular converged on the region intent on redefining their image - if not purpose - in the first major crisis of the post-Cold War era. Responding to the horrific inter-ethnic violence that defined conflict in the region, International Organisations continually emphasised the importance of upholding standards regarding the protection of, and respect for, ethnic minorities. While literature acknowledges that military forces were deployed to establish and maintain a safe and secure environment for post-conflict peacebuilding to emerge, few scholars have explored the substance of the military role beyond the separation of former warring factions and provision of a secure humanitarian space. This research demonstrates that military actors adapted their approaches to contribute across the spectrum of the peacebuilding effort, including on rights based issues; specifically ethnic minority returns and participation. On the basis of case studies in Kosovo and Bosnia Herzegovina, the thesis adopts an empirical approach to exploring the reasons for military engagement on these issues and their respective successes and failures. It examines the sources that projected ideas on ethnic minority issues – international policy development, peace treaty composition, and domestic acceptance – and how they influenced military decision making processes. Through post-conflict phases it analyses the domestic footprint of international intervention – international administration and civil-military actors – and discusses thematically the means of military engagement, the receptiveness of domestic actors at multiple levels and the nature of compliance. Acknowledging the overarching civilian framework for intervention, where from the outset the prospective of NATO and EU membership were held forth as the 'prize' for a successful return to 'a Europe of integration, democracy and ethnic pluralism', it establishes the utility of strategic mechanisms – conditionality and normative pressure – in military hands acknowledging the potential for linkage to enlargement frameworks. It argues that in spite of principled objections, military operations can and do have influence in delivering policy on rights based issues.
17
Kamara, Mactar. "L'Organisation de l'Unité Africaine (OUA) / Union Africaine et le règlement des conflits territoriaux et frontaliers : contribution à l'étude de l'Uti possidetis en droit international public." Paris 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA010280.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Face à la multiplication des différends territoriaux et frontaliers au lendemain des indépendances et pour éviter que ceux-ci ne dégénèrent en conflits inter étatiques ouverts avec comme conséquence un embrasement généralisé de tout le continent noir, l' Assemblée des chefs d'Etat et de Gouvernement de l'Organisation de l'Unité Africaine (QUA), réunie au Caire (Egypte) en 1964, proclama solennellement le principe de l'intangibilité des frontières héritées de la colonisation (uti possidetis juris). Ceci étant, si le principe de 1''uti possidetis a permis de geler la plupart des conflits interafricains liés au territoire et à la frontière, il n'en a pas toujours été ainsi, de sorte qu'il a pu encourir le reproche de porter en lui-même les germes d'une aggravation de la situation. Il n'empêche que l'OUA en a toujours fait un principe de règlement pacifique des différends, avec cette conséquence qu'il bénéficie encore d'un véritable primat juridique en droit international africain.
18
Björk, Martin. "En geopolitisk återkomst : Kultur, ekonomi och territoriell konstruktion i samband med inomstatliga konflikter." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-21098.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Through geopolitical theory this thesis explores how conflicts within states can be read and understood according to an analytical model determining one or several possible causes for the conflict. The model is created by the author and reflects geopolitical theory by giving three possible explanations to an intrastate conflict: culture, economy or territorial construction. The aim of the thesis is testing this model on two selectively chosen case studies – i.e. two intrastate conflicts – namely: the upcoming referendum in Scotland and the terror attack at Tiananmen Square in China. These conflicts are compared by applying the model on each case and then providing a qualitative analysis through it. This comparison has shown that the geopolitical model of conflicts can be used in determining the cause or several possible causes for an intrastate conflict, and by doing so determining the need for geopolitical perspective to better understand states as actors in international relations.
19
Neves, Júnior Edson José. "Morrer pelo paraíso : o terrorismo internacional na Caxemira : entre a guerra por procuração e o Jihadismo instrumental : 1989-2009." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/25409.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio.This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.
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McCallister, Gerald L. Jr. "Ethnic Similarity and Rivalry Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700063/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Research on ethnicity and conflict treats the concept of ethnicity as defining the actors in these conflicts, whereas research on the construction and maintenance of ethnic identity explores why ethnicity unifies individuals into a single social group. What happens when this unifying concept is divided between two enemy countries? How does this situation influence peace settlements over territorial issues, armed conflict, and economic relations between these countries? To answer these questions, I create a continuous measure of ethnic similarity between rivals. I find that ethnic similarity can facilitate cooperation and exacerbate conflictual interactions between rivals, but governments will seek to limit interactions with their rival when the cross border ethnic groups are minorities. In addition, I create categorical predictors of ethnic similarity, which reveal nuances in these relationships. Specifically, rivalries sharing a pan-ethnic identity are more likely to engage in conflict regardless of actual ethnic similarity, and dyads with a majority in one country sharing ethnicity with a minority in another country are less likely to fight once in a state of rivalry. This is because a quid pro quo exists between these rivals where one rival can reduce oppression of the minority in exchange for the other rival not supporting secessions by their co-ethnics. These pairs of rivals also are more likely to attempt peace settlements. Contested nations, which are rivalry-dyads with similar ethnic majorities, are both the most likely of the ethnically similar rival categories to engage in militarized interstate disputes, but also engage in larger amounts of interstate trade.
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Al, Smadi Morsee. "Le droit international à l'épreuve de la question palestinienne : quel état palestinien ?" Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00861869.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La question palestinienne est depuis un siècle sans solution. Les Palestiniens qui, tout comme les peuples arabes de la région, espéraient obtenir leur indépendance à l'issue de la 1ère Guerre mondiale se sont vus placés sous Mandat britannique octroyé par la Société des Nations. Depuis la Palestine est la terre d'un affrontement de deux nationalismes ; arabe palestinien d'un côté et juif sioniste de l'autre. L'intervention de l'ONU en vue de résoudre la question par le partage de la Palestine (un Etat arabe et un Etat juif) n'a pas apporté la solution. Au contraire, cela a aggravé la situation. Plusieurs guerres ont éclaté créant des situations humaines terribles notamment en ce qui concerne les réfugiés palestiniens et l'occupation des territoires palestiniens en 1967. De plus, le conflit israélo-arabe a pris un caractère durable. Depuis 1967 le Droit International dans son organisation actuelle se trouve tantôt inappliqué tantôt bloqué. En effet, Bien que les droits nationaux du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination et à l'indépendance étatique aient été reconnus et à mainte reprise rappelés fussent l'occupation israélienne perdure. L'échec du Droit International dans le règlement de la question a laissé place à des négociations politiques, entre Israël et les Palestiniens représentés par l'OLP, et qui se sont soldées par la mise en place d'un régime transitoire vers la formation d'un Etat palestinien souverain. La dynamique d'Oslo a consolidé le droit du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination, notamment par la territorialisation de la direction palestinienne dans les Territoires Occupés et l'instauration des structures institutionnelles autonomes, pouvant servir de base à la construction étatique. Toutefois, forcé de constater une inertie dans les négociations, qui durent depuis dix-huit ans, et un non respect du calendrier établi par les Accords. Aussi, plusieurs éléments mettent en doute la possibilité d'un Etat souverain et indépendant sur les frontières de 1967 : le durcissement de la position israélienne sur la question territoriale ; la volonté manifeste d'Israël de conserver le contrôle sur une partie de la Cisjordanie ; le refus d'évacuer les territoires selon le calendrier ; la multiplication des faits accomplis ; la poursuite de la colonisation et la construction du mur de séparation dans les Territoires Occupés.
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Betabelet, Wouloungou Julie Roselyne. "Ressources, territoires et conflits : élevage bovin et exploitation minière dans l'Ouest centrafricain." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H104.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La République centrafricaine traverse depuis plusieurs décennies des crises sociopolitiques et militaires. Celles-ci ont atteint leur apogée en 2013 autour des affrontements entre la Séléka, une rébellion du nord et les AntiBalaka, un regroupement de milices locales. L’État n’a plus de contrôle sur l’ensemble de son territoire morcelé et tenu par des groupes armés. À partir du cas de l’Ouest centrafricain, cette thèse montre que les conflits armés ont des répercussions profondes sur les rapports des populations aux ressources et aux territoires. Ils ont un fort potentiel de destruction de certaines activités économiques telles que l’élevage bovin et la mine artisanale. Non seulement on assiste à une réorganisation des espaces de production des ressources pastorales et minières, mais le conflit induit également une trajectoire de décentralisation de l’accès aux ressources par les armes. Le contrôle par les armes a des incidences sur les acteurs, les réseaux et les flux de commercialisation. Nos travaux portent sur les dynamiques de l’Ouest centrafricain durant la période 2013-2017. Ils s’appuient notamment sur une étude de cas à l’échelle de la commune d’élevage de Niem-Yellewa, qui montre de quelle manière les ressentiments entre les groupes dominants, les luttes de pouvoirs entre les dirigeants locaux et les groupes armés en quête de ressources, s’agrègent pour générer, entretenir et faire perdurer un conflit localThe Central African Republic has been experiencing sociopolitical and military crises for several decades. Those reached their peak in 2013 when clashes between the Séléka, a rebellion in the north and the AntiBalaka, a group of local militias, arose. The state no longer has control over the entire territory which is fragmented and held by armed groups. Presenting the casestudy of West Central African Republic, this thesis shows that armed conflicts have profound implications on people's relations to resources and territories. These conflicts also tend to destroy some economic activities such as cattle farming and artisanal mining. Not only it induces the reorganization of the production areas of pastoral and mining resources, but it also triggers a tendency for a decentralized access to resources via weapons. Such armed control impacts actors, networks and marketing flows. Our works focus on the dynamics of West Central Africa during the period 20132017. They are essentially based on a case study at the scale of the pastoral area of NiemYellewa, which shows how resentments between the dominant groups and power struggles between local leaders and the armed groups looking for resources, aggregate to generate, maintain and perpetuate a local conflict
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Moussavou, Chiberth Aulaire. "Les aires protégées et le développement durable au Gabon : entre sollicitations internationales et réalités locales. Le cas du parc national de Loango." Thesis, Poitiers, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012POIT5014/document.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La conservation de la nature est de nos jours une préoccupation planétaire. Pour la concrétiser, la création d'aires protégées est encouragée depuis le sommet de la Terre de Rio de 1992, surtout dans les pays des bassins forestiers. Avec Rio, le développement durable devient fondamental. Afin d'apporter sa contribution pour cette cause internationale, et par la même occasion diversifier son économie, le Gabon, pays du bassin forestier du Congo, crée treize parcs nationaux en 2002. À travers ces aires protégées, c'est 11 % de son territoire qu'il consacre à la conservation de la biodiversité. Notre étude est une analyse de de la conservation de la nature, précisément à travers le parc national de Loango, dans un pays qui fonde son développement économique sur l'exploitation des ressources naturelles. Elle aborde l'application de la gestion participative entre des acteurs qui ne perçoivent pas la ressource naturelle de la même façon. Elle examine l'impact social, économique et culturel d'un objet géré selon des normes internationales avec peu de considération des réalités locales. Nous soulignons aussi la difficulté du Gabon à choisir entre développement économique national et conservation. Cette difficulté est souvent engendrée par la demande internationale. L'étude soulève également la question de l'acceptabilité sociale, manifestée par des conflits entre acteursSince nature conservation has become an issue of global concern, efforts have been made to encourage the creation of protected areas since the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, especially in forest basins countries. After Rio, sustainable development has become crucial. In order to make its contribution to this international cause and at the same time diversify its economy, Gabon, country of the Congo Basin forest, created thirteen national parks in 2002. Altogether, the 13 protected sites represent 11 % of the national territory classified for the conservation of Gabon's rich biodiversity. Our study is based on the analysis of this challenge, more precisely in the Loango National Park and in a country whose economic development is fully dependant on its natural resources. It deals with the application of the participative management between the different actors concerned who have different perceptions of natural resources. It examines the social, economic and cultural impact of something which is managed according to international standards and with very little consideration for local realities. We also underline the difficulty Gabon faces in choosing between its national economic development and conservation. This difficulty is often caused by international demands. The study also raises the question of social acceptability expressed by conflicts between actors
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Laastad, Dyvik Synne. "Performing gender in the 'theatre of war' : embodying the invasion, counterinsurgency and exit strategy in Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/46848/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis offers a critical feminist reading of the war in Afghanistan, from invasion, through the practice of counterinsurgency, to the training of the Afghan National Army as a central part of NATO's exit strategy. Empirically it focuses on the discourses, policies and practices of the US and Norwegian militaries in Afghanistan. It draws on a range of material including military doctrine and policy, parliamentary discussions, public policy documents, interviews, political statements and soldiers' memoirs. Deploying the theoretical framework of performative gender with an emphasis on embodiment, it shows how particular gendered bodies are called into being and how the distinct practices of war in Afghanistan produce and rely on a series of multiple, fluid and, at times, contradictory performances of masculinity and femininity. It demonstrates how gendered performances should not be considered superfluous, but rather integral to the practices of war. It illustrates this, first, by examining the production of the (in) visible ‘body in the burqa' alongside the ‘protective masculinity' of Western politicians in the legitimation of the invasion; second, through the ‘soldier-‐scholars', ‘warriors' and the Female Engagement Teams (FETs) in practices of ‘population‐centric' counterinsurgency, examining the ways in which counterinsurgency is a gendered and embodied practice; and third, through the remaking of the fledgling Afghan National Army (ANA) recruits in the NATO exit strategy. The thesis furthers feminist studies on gender and war in International Relations by emphasising the multiplicity of gendered bodies and performances by problematizing singular notions of masculinity and femininity. It contributes to existing literature that reads the war in Afghanistan as a neocolonial and biopolitical practice, enhancing these readings by paying attention to the gendering of bodies and their performances, thereby expanding critical investigations into late modern ways of war and counterinsurgency.
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Prawer, Nadav. "Does Arbitration Solve Conflicts? Determining the Impact of the Legalisation of International Territorial Disputes." Thesis, 2017. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/42241/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mechanisms for resolving international conflicts are central to the maintenance of global stability and avoidance of conflict escalation. Whilst a range of methods of dispute resolution exist, comparatively little is known about the conditions in which binding dispute resolution is most useful, as measured by both effectiveness and efficiency. The transformation of disputes from political to legal frameworks has been heavily associated with high rates of resolution; however little is known of the causes or replicability of these results. In this thesis, I test the hypothesis that most arbitrations and adjudications in international territorial conflicts must be reconceptualised as conflict management attempts rather than resolution mechanisms. I show, using a combination of data analysis and research into historical records, that the existing paradigms for explaining and predicting national behaviours in selecting methods of dispute resolution are not supported by empirical assessment of the data, and that new, party- centric measures of efficiency and effectiveness for dispute resolution are needed. I further propose useful methods of maximising the appropriate use of arbitration, through predetermination of dispute resolution methods to be employed between parties and the reliance on massively multilateral treaties. I also analyse the use of arbitration in other settings within international disputes and show that the resolution of bilateral disputes over territory have only limited prospects for resolution using existing arbitration approaches and structures.
As a result, I propose several conceptual changes to classic conflict resolution studies theory and practice.
Firstly, I propose a renewed emphasis and clear distinction between conflict resolution, transformation and management, with each involving different skills and seeking different outcomes. Secondly, I propose that analysis of international conflict mechanisms incorporate broader metrics, including the benchmarking of difficulty of resolution of conflicts and a party- centric approach to evaluating costs of resolution processes. Thirdly, I propose new approaches to data-collection to allow an understanding of the ongoing changes in conflict intensity and nature when evaluating resolution methods and their relative success and usefulness.
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Doix, Vincent A. "Les difficultés d’application du droit international au conflit du Haut-Karabagh : effectivités et causes géopolitiques." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Conflit présenté comme gelé, la guerre du Haut-Karabagh n’en est pas moins réelle, s’inscrivant dans une géopolitique régionale complexe et passionnante, nécessitant de s’intéresser à l’histoire des peuples de la région, à l’histoire des conquêtes et politiques menées concomitamment. Comprendre les raisons de ce conflit situé aux limites de l’Europe et de l’Asie, comprendre les enjeux en cause, que se soit la problématique énergétique ou l’importance stratégique de la région du Caucase à la fois pour la Russie mais également pour les Etats-Unis ou l’Union Européenne ; autant de réflexions que soulève cette recherche. Au delà, c’est l’influence réciproque du droit international et du politique qui sera prise en compte, notamment concernant l’échec des négociations actuelles. Les difficultés d’application du droit international à ce conflit sui generis se situent à plusieurs niveaux ; sur le statut de la région principalement, mais également sur les mécanismes de sanctions et de réparations devant s’appliquer aux crimes sur les personnes et les biens et qui se heurtent à la classification difficile du conflit.The Nagorno-Karabagh conflict, often described as frozen, reveals the certainty of a war encompassed in complex regional geopolitics. To understand this complexity, one must look closer to the history of peoples, of conquests and of ruling politics over this region. Not only are to be understood the energy issues, but also the strategic importance regarding the interests of Russia, the United States or the European Union. Here is the purpose of this research. Also, the relationship between international law and politics is of a particular importance, especially regarding the difficulties of the current negotiations. The difficulties in regard of the application of international law to this sui generis conflict are to be seen at different levels; concerning the statute of the province, as well as the mechanisms of sanctions and compensations that must be applied over crimes on people and goods, facing the issue of the definition of this conflict.
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Meshel, Tamar. "Awakening the 'Sleeping Beauty of the Peace Palace' - The Two-dimensional Role of Arbitration in the Pacific Settlement of Interstate Territorial Disputes Involving Armed Conflict." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/43233.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Interstate arbitration is commonly viewed as an essentially judicial process, suitable for the resolution of legal questions but inappropriate to deal with “political” issues. This conception, however, arguably flies in the face of both the origins and historical function of interstate arbitration and the complex legal-political nature of most interstate disputes. This paper offers an alternative account of interstate arbitration, which views it as a sui generis hybrid mechanism that combines “legal” and “diplomatic” dimensions to effectively resolve all aspects of interstate disputes. The paper examines this proposed account by analyzing four complex interstate territorial disputes that were submitted to arbitration and assessing the extent to which these two dimensions were recognized and employed, and how this may have affected the resolution of the disputes. Based on this analysis, the paper offers a two-dimensional operative framework intended to guide states and arbitrators in the resolution of future complex interstate disputes.