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Статті в журналах з теми "Ireland; Political Legitimacy"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 7 червня 2025

Оновлено: 2 серпня 2025

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1

Guelke, Adrian. "International legitimacy, self-determination, and Northern Ireland." Review of International Studies 11, no. 1 (1985): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114354.

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‘Northern Ireland Is free to determine its own future. It is a fundamental part of the United Kingdom, If the majority of the people in Northern Ireland wish not to be obviously we would honor their wish, whether it was to be independent or to join up elsewhere. Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom because of the wish of the majority of its people.’

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2

Reid, Colin W. "DEMOCRACY, SOVEREIGNTY AND UNIONIST POLITICAL THOUGHT DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD IN IRELAND, c. 1912–1922." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 27 (November 1, 2017): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011700010x.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines ideas about democratic legitimacy and sovereignty within Ulster unionist political thought during the revolutionary period in Ireland (c. 1912–22). Confronted by Irish nationalists who claimed that Home Rule (and later, independence) enjoyed the support of the majority of people in Ireland, Ulster unionists deployed their own democratic idioms to rebuff such arguments. In asserting unionism's majority status, first, across the United Kingdom and, second, within the province of Ulster, unionists mined the language of democracy to legitimise their militant stand again

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3

Ludington, Charles C. "Between Myth and Margin: The Huguenots in Irish History*." Historical Research 73, no. 180 (2000): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00091.

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Abstract This article surveys the modern historiography of the Huguenots in Ireland. As victims of religious persecution, but also as Protestants, the historiography of the Huguenots in Ireland provides an excellent barometer for measuring contemporary political and historiographical concerns within Ireland. In the long and arduous struggles over Irish identity, religion and political control, the Huguenots have been used by some historians to represent heroic Protestant victims of Catholic, absolutist tyranny, and the prosperity‐inducing values of Protestant dissent. Alternatively, they have

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4

Teague, Paul, and Jimmy Donaghey. "Social Partnership and Democratic Legitimacy in Ireland." New Political Economy 14, no. 1 (2009): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563460802671246.

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5

Knox, Colin. "Establishing research legitimacy in the contested political ground of contemporary Northern Ireland." Qualitative Research 1, no. 2 (2001): 205–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146879410100100206.

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6

McGuinness, Esther, Desmond Ryan, and Rory O’Connell. "A Review of Employment Law in Ireland, North and South." Irish Studies in International Affairs 36, no. 2 (2025): 123–50. https://doi.org/10.1353/isia.2025.a962917.

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ABSTRACT: This article explores the evolution and current state of employment law across the two jurisdictions on the island of Ireland, a century after the 1920 Government of Ireland Act. Labour law, long debated for its legitimacy as a legal discipline, sits at the intersection of legal doctrine, political theory and social justice. The collapse of classical labour law models and the pressures of globalisation have further politicised the field. This study examines how partition and constitutional changes have affected shared legal origins, with a focus on statutory, constitutional and commo

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7

DWAN, DAVID. "ROMANTIC NATIONALISM: HISTORY AND ILLUSION IN IRELAND." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 3 (2015): 717–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000451.

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Intellectual historians often invoke “romanticism” to account for the origins and conceptual shape of nationalism. In an Irish context, however, this approach has yielded false genealogies of influence and an impaired political understanding. Cast through a “romantic” prism, nationalism is divorced from its conditions of intelligibility, becoming unhelpfully isolated from questions about sovereignty, democratic legitimacy and the nature of modern citizenship. Thus all too often the irrationality that is made part of the definition of “romantic nationalism” is a function of the way that it is i

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8

O'Sullivan, Siobhan, Amy Erbe Healy, and Michael J. Breen. "Political Legitimacy in Ireland During Economic Crisis: Insights from the European Social Survey." Irish Political Studies 29, no. 4 (2014): 547–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2014.942645.

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9

Tishunin, Evgenii. "Representation of Authority Over Ireland in the John Lynch’s “Cambrensis Eversus” (1662)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019001-0.

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The paper analyzes the forms of representation of authority over Ireland in John Lynch’s “Cambrensis Eversus” (1662). In polemic with Gerald of Wales and the English/British tradition of representation of Ireland, Lynch constructed his own view on history of Ireland and authority over this land. The first level of representation is the authority of ancient Irish kings. In this sense Lynch emphasized the contract between Irish kings and people. Moreover, Lynch modernized the image of power of ancient Irish kings, using the terms and concepts of early modern intellectual discourse. The second le

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10

Barry, John. "Class, political economy and loyalist political disaffection: agonistic politics and the flag protests." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15646705882384.

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The flag protests in Northern Ireland (2012–13) offer an opportunity on the one hand to examine the politics of dispossession, national identity, decline and political violence in loyalist areas in Belfast. On the other, they are an opportunity to examine of hope, leadership and change within working class loyalism – not least, around the re-imagining of what Britishness can/could or perhaps should mean in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. This article offers an activist-academic perspective on and interpretation of the meaning and potential of those protests around how they reveal both a fract

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11

Macourt, M. P. A. "Using Census Data: Religion as a Key Variable in Studies of Northern Ireland." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 27, no. 4 (1995): 593–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a270593.

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For the first time since a question on religion was first included in the Census of Population (in 1861), the recently published results of the 1991 Census show that less than half of the population of Northern Ireland declared themselves as belonging to a Protestant Christian denomination. Discussions surrounding the future political and constitutional arrangements for Northern Ireland frequently include evidence adduced about the relative size of the two ‘tribes’ widely identified by the labels ‘Protestant’ and ‘Catholic’. The major source of that evidence comes from the question on religion

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12

Sheppard, Gail, and Matthias Beck. "The evolution of public–private partnership in Ireland: a sustainable pathway?" International Review of Administrative Sciences 84, no. 3 (2016): 579–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852316641494.

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Ireland is a latecomer to public–private partnerships, having only adopted them in 1998. Prior to the credit crisis, Ireland followed the UK model, with public–private partnerships being implemented in transport, education, housing/urban regeneration and water/wastewater. Having stalled during the credit crisis, public–private partnerships have recently been reactivated with the domestic infrastructure stimulus programme. The focus of this article is on Ireland as a younger participant in public–private partnerships and the nexus between adoption patterns and the sustainability characteristics

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13

Gray, Peter. "IRISH SOCIAL THOUGHT AND THE RELIEF OF POVERTY, 1847–1880." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 20 (November 5, 2010): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440110000095.

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ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the way in which the ‘problem of poverty’ in Ireland was encountered, constructed and debated by members of the Irish intellectual and political elite in the decades between the Great Famine and the outbreak of the land war in the late 1870s. This period witnessed acute social upheavals in Ireland, from the catastrophic nadir of the Famine, through the much-vaunted economic recovery of the 1850s–1860s, to the near-famine panic of the late 1870s (itself prefigured by a lesser agricultural crisis in 1859–63). The paper focuses on how a particular elite group – the

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14

Whiting, Matthew. "Moderation without Change: The Strategic Transformation of Sinn Féin and the IRA in Northern Ireland." Government and Opposition 53, no. 2 (2016): 288–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.19.

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This article examines how violent separatist groups moderate. Using the case of Sinn Féin and the IRA in Northern Ireland, it shows that moderation is a multidimensional process, entailing a change in strategic behaviour but not necessarily in the goals or values of a separatist group. For Irish republicans, moderation entailed giving up violent revolution and embracing peaceful reformism, but it did not require changing long-term goals, accepting the legitimacy of British rule in Northern Ireland, or distancing themselves from their history of armed struggle. Moderation was possible because b

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15

Mulcahy, Aogán, and Graham Ellison. "The language of policing and the struggle for legitimacy in Northern Ireland." Policing and Society 11, no. 3-4 (2001): 383–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2001.9964872.

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16

Mitchell, Claire. "The Limits of Legitimacy: Former Loyalist Combatants and Peace‐Building in Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 23, no. 1 (2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180701767922.

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17

MacGiollabhuí, Muiris. "Petitions, Pamphleteering, and Thomas Paine: The International Networks of the Exiled United Irishmen, 1798–1800." Journal of American Ethnic History 44, no. 1 (2024): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.44.1.02.

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Abstract Muiris MacGiollabhuí explores the ways in which the United Irishmen's use of pamphlets and petitions—classic instruments of eighteenth-century politicking—played an important role in their transition from rebellious subjects in Ireland to Painite cosmopolitans in the United States. This process, one of deradicalization, was informed by an international network of thinkers, from Thomas Paine to James Callender. The United Irishmen drew inspiration from Painite cosmopolitanism and applied it in the United States, and in doing so, helped lay the groundwork for a new political identity th

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18

CONNOLLY, S. J. "The Church of Ireland and the Royal Martyr: Regicide and Revolution in Anglican Political Thought c. 1660–c. 1745." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 3 (2003): 484–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046903007279.

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The survival in published form of a range of sermons commemorating the execution of Charles I provides an opportunity to examine the character and limits of political debate within the Church of Ireland. After 1688 the task of condemning the regicide of 1649 without seeming to question the legitimacy of the Revolution presented serious difficulties. In the longer term the anniversary ceased to be contentious, as defenders of the Hanoverian establishment appropriated much of the traditional Anglican rhetoric of obedience to lawful authority. That appropriation provides the context for a signifi

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19

McEvoy, Kieran. "'Abject and True Remorse': Loyalism and the Politics of Regret in Northern Ireland." Irish Studies in International Affairs 35, no. 2 (2024): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2024.a922275.

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ABSTRACT: This article examines the politics of apologies from loyalist armed groups. Using the CLMC 1994 ceasefire statement as a case study, it is based on original survey data; semi-structured interviews with ex-combatants, victims and others; and archival research. It also draws on the academic literature on apologies, transitional justice, political violence, historical institutionalism, literary criticism and the sociology of legitimacy and identity. It examines the broader role of apologies in post-conflict Northern Ireland before focusing on the political and historical context of the

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20

O’DRISCOLL, Mervyn. "“It’s the economy, stupid”: Changing Irish minds on the Lisbon Treaty." Journal of European Integration History 28, no. 1 (2022): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2022-1-123.

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Ireland was Europeanised as part of a pragmatic top-down policy of modernisation. The national bargain with regional integration was built on soft Europeanism and rudimentary knowledge about the “ever closer union”. By the 21st century the vir‐ tuous Irish-EU narrative was weakening. Multiple domestic factors contributed. They included political fragmentation, affluence, and constitutional constrictions on the government’s conduct during referendum campaigns. Complacency, dis‐ traction, and an energetic single-issue party (Libertas) were some of the immediate causes of the defeat of Lisbon in

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21

Whiting, Matthew. "Book Review: Britain and Ireland: Inside the IRA: Dissident Republicans and the War for Legitimacy." Political Studies Review 12, no. 2 (2014): 315–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12053_108.

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22

Madden, Ed. "Queering Ireland, In the Archives." Irish University Review 43, no. 1 (2013): 184–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2013.0064.

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On June 16, 2008, the National Library of Ireland officially accepted the Irish Queer Archive, a community-based archive of lesbian and gay historical and cultural materials, a transfer both literal and symbolic, marking the importance of lesbian and gay history to the nation's history. This essay briefly examines the issues associated with this transfer of materials to an institutional home, a transfer that confers legitimacy and authority but also raises questions about access and inclusion (particularly gender inclusion), as well as questions about the nature and purpose of queer archives.

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23

Quinlivan, Aodh. "Reforming local government: Must it always be democracy versus efficiency?" Administration 65, no. 2 (2017): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/admin-2017-0017.

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Abstract The financial crisis from 2008 has had a profound impact on Irish local government. Councils were faced with a disastrous combination of factors - declining funding from central government, difficulties in collecting commercial rates as businesses struggled, and a drastic fall in revenue from development levies. Staffing levels in the local government sector were reduced by over 20 per cent, significantly more than the losses suffered by central government ministries and departments. Yet the financial crisis also offered an opportunity for reform and a fundamental reappraisal of subna

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24

MacCarthaigh, Muiris, and Niamh Hardiman. "Exploiting conditionality: EU and international actors and post-NPM reform in Ireland." Public Policy and Administration 35, no. 2 (2019): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076718796548.

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Between 2008 and 2015, Ireland undertook unprecedented and systemic public sector reforms in a polity not traditionally considered a prominent reformer. While some of these reforms comprised part of the loan programme agreement with EU and international actors, many others did not. This article argues that the crisis in Ireland provided a window of opportunity to introduce reforms that political and administrative elites had previously found difficult to implement. The authority of the Troika was invoked to provide legitimacy for controversial initiatives, yet some of the reforms went further

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25

Milne, Oliver, Terry Bouricius, Greg Flint, and Arthur Massicot. "The design space of sortitional institutions." Journal of Sortition 1, no. 1 (2025): 93–108. https://doi.org/10.53765/3050-0672.1.1.093.

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In recent years, citizens' assemblies have been successfully used in many countries to issue advisory pronouncements, recommendations for action, and even — in Ireland — to produce proposals to be put to referendum. But the citizens' assembly is not the only form of sortitional body available to contemporary constitutional reformers. This paper attempts to provide an overview of the design space of viable forms, indicate how that variety of forms allows sortitional bodies to effectively serve many different political functions, and briefly address the question of how to secure legitimacy for s

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26

Donnelly, Martin. "Improving Governance." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R89—R93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000123.

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Executive SummaryGovernment post-Brexit will face sustained and difficult challenges as the UK adjusts to its new situation. Yet these challenges risk being exacerbated by fundamental changes in UK political debate that are affecting the perceived legitimacy and effectiveness of the system and structures of government. These include erosion of the clear distinction entrenched for the last 150 years between political choices by elected representatives and impartial administration by the civil service; the disruption of traditional deliberative processes by digital and social media; and increase

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27

Jones, Brad A. "“In Favour of Popery”: Patriotism, Protestantism, and the Gordon Riots in the Revolutionary British Atlantic." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 1 (2013): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.60.

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AbstractIn 1778, in response to news of the American alliance with France, the British government proposed a series of Catholic relief bills aimed at tolerating Catholicism in England, Scotland, and Ireland. Officials saw the legislation as a pragmatic response to a dramatically expanded war, but ordinary Britons were far less tolerant. They argued that the relief acts threatened to undermine a widely shared Protestant British patriotism that defined itself against Catholicism and France. Through an elaborate and well-connected popular print culture, Britons living in distant Atlantic communit

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28

Moriarty, Elaine. "Telling Identity Stories: The Routinisation of Racialisation of Irishness." Sociological Research Online 10, no. 3 (2005): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1111.

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During the last decade, the emergence of what has been coined ‘the celtic tiger economy’, the Good Friday Agreement on Northern Ireland and net immigration following decades of emigration, represent critical moments in Irish history that have opened up the question of identity in Irish public culture. This paper examines the processes involved in mediating who belongs and who doesn't belong in early 21st century Irish society by examining the creation and circulation of an urban legend in Dublin in 2004. I consider how such a story gains legitimacy, bestows meaning and constructs reality, to e

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29

Morgan, Hiram. "Hugh O'Neill and the Nine Years War in Tudor Ireland." Historical Journal 36, no. 1 (1993): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016095.

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ABSTRACTThe Tudor regime faced its greatest challenge in Ireland at the turn of the sixteenth century. The extension of royal authority had run into fierce opposition from a confederacy of Gaelic lords led by Hugh O'Neill. The Tudors stigmatized such resistance as rebellion but the fact that it was taking place in a dependent kingdom in which the monarch was not resident quickly rendered it a war of liberation. This prompts comparison with the other great independence struggle of the early modern period – the Dutch revolt. In both cases the language of faith and fatherland came to the fore. In

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30

Bruce, Steve. "Religion and Violence: What can Sociology Offer?" Numen 52, no. 1 (2005): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527053083412.

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AbstractThis essay presents a sketch of a sociological approach to the study of possible links between religion and violence. It aims to avoid two unhelpful positions: the structural social science that denies religion causal status and explains everything by circumstance and the popular commentary that gives too much weight to very specific religious ideas. It suggests that instead of trying to explain rare and exotic political action we look for possible links between large abstract features of religious traditions and key features of the culturally-produced social backgrounds which inform h

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31

Kissane, Bill. "Defending democracy? The legislative response to political extremism in the Irish Free State, 1922–l39." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 134 (2004): 156–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004272.

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The Irish Free State was both victim and survivor of the general crisis of European democracy in the inter-war era. Born into civil war in 1922, it saw repeated bouts of instability and political violence, the emergence of radicalised movements on the left and right in the 1930s, and the subsidence of political unrest late in that decade. In this period the state’s reliance on emergency legislation to deal with subversion was obviously an indication of the persistence of unrest, and such laws have usually been seen as an inescapable part of the state’s pursuit of authority and legitimacy. On t

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32

Ganiel, Gladys. "Power from the Periphery?" Journal of the British Association for the Study of Religion (JBASR) 21 (December 18, 2019): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18792/jbasr.v21i0.38.

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This article develops the concept of ‘extra-institutional religion,’ which was first introduced in the 2016 book Transforming Post-Catholic Ireland. It describes how the author’s research for a biography of Fr Gerry Reynolds, a Redemptorist based in Belfast’s Clonard Monastery during the Troubles, helped advance the concept by fostering insight into the importance of links between faith-inspired activists and institutional religion. It also develops the concept’s theoretical potential, arguing that it may be well-placed to contribute to wider change by balancing two paradoxical structural stre

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33

O'Brien, Justin. "Inquiring for truth and the re-engineering of the corporate contract." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 61, no. 1 (2020): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v61i1.439.

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The British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, has called for a global re-negotiation of a social contract between investment banking and wider society. Given the scale of the losses now borne by the taxpayer as a consequence of the global financial crisis in jurisdictions as diverse as Iceland, the United Kingdom, Ireland and the United States, the proposal has undoubted rhetorical strength. It is also exceptionally difficult to render operational, not least because of (purposive) ambiguity over what constitutes and who should decide terms of reference. Moreover, piecemeal change may not only not

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Hernán, Tena Cortés. "Evaluating Ireland's Deposit Return Scheme: Policy, Behaviour, and Response." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE HUMANITY & MANAGEMENT RESEARCH 04, no. 05 (2025): 849–59. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15348594.

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This study analyses the early implementation of Ireland’s Deposit Return Scheme (DRS) through the lens of Edgar Morin’s complex thinking. Adopting a mixed-methods approach, it explores the economic, behavioural, and environmental impacts of the DRS in its first ten months, drawing on survey data, official statistics, stakeholder feedback, and media discourse. The find-ings reveal a nuanced landscape: while return rates have increased, significant tensions persist around cost perception, infra-structural access, and public frustration. Particularly among rural consumers and small re

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35

Gannon, Seán William. "‘Irish … but nothing Irish’: The performance of Ireland on the British colonial stage." Scene 8, no. 1-2 (2020): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/scene_00028_1.

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In a perceptive essay on Scottish national and imperial identity, Richard J. Finlay framed what he termed the ‘transplantation of “Highlandism”’ to the colonies through Scottish societies, Highland dancing clubs and Burns nights as the ‘performance of Scotland’ overseas. Using a range of documentary archival sources and written and oral personal testimonies, this essay applies Finlay’s idea to Irish communalization in the twentieth-century British dependent empire. The transient ‘imperial Irish’ diasporas that Irish soldiers, settlers, colonial servants and missionaries comprised formed an int

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36

LEVY-SHILAT, BARAK. "Indivisible Territory and the Politics of Legitimacy: Jerusalem and Northern Ireland by Stacie E Goddard." Nations and Nationalism 17, no. 1 (2010): 217–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2010.00481_7.x.

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37

Hassner, Ron E. "Indivisible Territory and the Politics of Legitimacy: Jerusalem and Northern Ireland by Stacie E. Goddard (Cambridge University Press, 2009.)." Journal of Politics 72, no. 4 (2010): 1256–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381610000733.

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38

Meade, Rosie R. "The re-signification of state-funded community development in Ireland: A problem of austerity and neoliberal government." Critical Social Policy 38, no. 2 (2017): 222–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317701611.

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This article analyses the changing rationalities and techniques through which the Irish state seeks to govern community development; specifically, how the displacement of its flagship Community Development Programme by the Social Inclusion and Community Activation Programme has been justified and operationalised. Adopting a governmentality perspective, it explains how community development came to be constructed as an anti-poverty strategy and why it should also be understood as a ‘technology of government’. This article argues that the changing governmentalities shaping Irish community develo

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Pignon, Freddy. "The Gaelic Athletic Association and Home Rule." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 3, no. 2 (2020): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v3i2.2398.

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When Michael Cusack founded the Gaelic Athletic Association in 1884, the political debate in Ireland was dominated by Home Rule. The creation of the GAA may have found inspiration in the growing nationalist movement led by Charles Stewart Parnell, but the Irish Parliamentary Party may also have been bolstered by the sporting organisation’s ideal of reviving the national identity through the preservation of its traditional games. The GAA undoubtedly conferred legitimacy on the political movement which peaked in December 1885 with a wide electoral success and then with the introduction of the fi

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Dwan, Renata. "Chronicle of a Death Foretold? The War in Ukraine and the UN Security Council." Irish Studies in International Affairs 34, no. 1 (2023): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/isia.2023.a918355.

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ABSTRACT: The UN Security Council's divisions over Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 have captured international headlines. There has been less attention on the implications of the war for the Security Council's primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security. This paper examines the ways in which the Security Council has addressed conflict between states as well as civil wars and the continuities reflected in its approach to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. It then explores some of the ways in which the Council's management of conflict-related crises might evolve

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Sasley, Brent E. "Book Review: Goddard, S. E. (2009). Indivisible Territory and the Politics of Legitimacy: Jerusalem and Northern Ireland. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press." Comparative Political Studies 43, no. 12 (2010): 1682–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414010371913.

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Saideman, Stephen M. "Indivisible Territory and the Politics of Legitimacy: Jerusalem and Northern Ireland. By Stacie E. Goddard. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 304p. $85.00." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (2010): 986–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001921.

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Dr., Gheorghe Dumitru. "TOWARDS A UNSC 2.0 WITH A DIFFICULT PATH AHEAD Between the Resilience Acquired During the Eighty Years of Existence And Today's Acute Need For Reform." ISRG Journal of Arts Humanities & Social Sciences (ISRGJAHSS) II, no. III (2024): 103–22. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.11216144.

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<em>The following narrative, through its analysis and final conclusions, doesn’t intend, in any way, to infringe upon <strong>the UNSC’s legitimacy,</strong> in the sense that “Legitimacy—the perception of audiences that an organization is normatively appropriate—is essential for any organization to achieve its objectives. Enhanced order, stability, and effectiveness are typical benefits associated with legitimacy, and these benefits accrue not only to international organizations but also to other public and private organizations.”<strong>[1]</strong> O

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de Londras, Fiona, and Kanstantsin Dzehtsiarou. "II. GRAND CHAMBER OF THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS,A, B & C v IRELAND, DECISION OF 17 DECEMBER 2010." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 62, no. 1 (2013): 250–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589312000620.

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The use of ‘European consensus’ as a decision-making mechanism of the European Court of Human Rights has been condemned and praised in almost equal measure.1On the one hand, some scholars argue that the way in which so-called ‘consensus’ is identified is generally unsound and lacking in rigour.2It is also claimed that European consensus is overly subjective in its nature3and, in any case, that it undermines the principle that the Convention has an autonomous meaning determined by the Court and separate to what member States do or interpret it as meaning.4On the other hand there are scholars wh

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Wall, Oisín. "‘Embarrassing the State’: The ‘Ordinary’ Prisoner Rights Movement in Ireland, 1972–6." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (2019): 388–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419863846.

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This article explores the early years of the campaign for ‘ordinary’, not politically-aligned, prisoners’ rights in Ireland. It argues that this campaign has often been overshadowed by the activities of ‘political prisoners’, who only constituted a small minority of prisoners in the period. The article follows the development and changing tactics of the ordinary prisoners’ movement, through the rise and fall of the Prisoners’ Union (PU) (1972–3) and into the early years of the Prisoners’ Rights Organisation (PRO) (1973–6), which would become the longest-lasting and most vocal penal reform orga

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Rafalska, A. M., and V. O. Bukina. "Brexit: Causes and consequences of the British referendum." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 3 (July 18, 2023): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2023.03.5.

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The British vote in the June 2016 referendum to leave the European Union shook the entire European continent and beyond. It was one of the most important events in Europe since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and could very well mean the beginning of the end of the European Union as everyone knew it. On the eve of the election campaign, it was announced that the country wants to “take back control” of its borders, money and laws, which caused a resonance among voters. The vote comes after decades of growing hostility to the European project, which has ensured the supremacy of EU law in cer

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O'Keeffe, Tadhg. "Starting as we mean to go on. Why we need a theoretically informed historical archaeology in Ireland." Archaeological Dialogues 13, no. 2 (2006): 208–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203806252097.

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Dr Horning's paper touches issues of fundamental importance both to contemporary Ireland as a place of historically rooted cultural contestation and to the discipline of historical archaeology in Ireland. It has a core message: archaeologists can blunt some of those sharp edges of cultural-political division that originated in Plantation-era settlement by revealing how historical sites that seem on the surface to belong on one or other aggrieved side in the island's history are susceptible to more nuanced, and arguably more legitimate, interpretations.

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Evans, Jocelyn, and Jonathan Tonge. "Religious, Political, and Geographical Determinants of Attitudes to Protestant Parades in Northern Ireland." Politics and Religion 10, no. 04 (2017): 786–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000487.

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Abstract Although violence over Northern Ireland's constitutional position has largely subsided, the problem of sectarian animosity between sections of the Protestant Unionist British and Catholic Irish Nationalist population remains. One such area of communal contestation is attitudes to Protestant parades, organized mainly by the Orange Order. For many Protestants, Orange Order marches are legitimate cultural, religious, and political expressions of Protestant culture, loyalty to the British Crown and a pro-United Kingdom position. For many Catholics, the Orange Order is seen as a sectarian

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Regan, Aidan. "Rethinking social pacts in Europe: Prime ministerial power in Ireland and Italy." European Journal of Industrial Relations 23, no. 2 (2016): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680116669032.

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In Ireland and Southern European countries, social pacts were widely seen as a mechanism to mobilize broad support for weak governments to legitimate difficult reforms in the context of monetary integration. I retrace the politics of these pacts in Ireland and Italy to argue that it was less the condition of ‘weak government’ that enabled the negotiation of tripartite pacts, than the intervention of a ‘strong executive’: the prime minister’s office. Social pacts were pursued as a political strategy to enhance prime ministerial executive autonomy. In the aftermath of the euro crisis, this means

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Sharp, Paul. "External challenges and domestic legitimacy: Ireland's foreign policy, 1983–87*." Irish Political Studies 4, no. 1 (1989): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907188908406462.

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