Статті в журналах: "Jews – Egypt – History"

1

Sela, Shulamit. "The head of the Rabbanite, Karaite and Samaritan Jews: on the history of a title." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 57, no. 2 (June 1994): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00024848.

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For over a hundred years, scholars of medieval Jewish history have been interested in the history of the headship of the Jews in Egypt. The first among them, relying mostly on literary documents, believed that the ancient accounts about the establishment of the office of the head of the Jews (Nagid) could be traced back to the Fātimid occupation of Egypt (A.D. 969), while recent scholars—having at their disposal a growing stream of historical data from the Cairo Geniza—have ruled out the early establishment of the headship of the Jews (Negidut) because of the silence about this function in the Geniza documents of the first half of the eleventh century.With the rejection of the early establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, an approach developed which attempted to view the Gaon, head of the Palestinian academy, as the head of the Jews in the Fātimid empire. Now, the rise of the headship of the Jews in Egypt was seen in conjunction with the decline of the Yeshiva of Eretz Israel, at the close of the eleventh century. Lately, scholarship has been enriched by the deciphering of two new Geniza documents related to the office of the headship of the Jews which provide an opportunity for a renewed discussion of two central problems. The first touches upon the old question of putting a date to the establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, and the second, following on from the first, concerns the issue of the status of the Gaon of Eretz Israel during the Fatimid administration.

2

Silvera, Alain. "The Jews of Egypt." Middle Eastern Studies 35, no. 2 (April 1999): 172–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209908701272.

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3

Simon, Rachel, and Shimon Shamir. "Shamir, "The Jews of Egypt"." Jewish Quarterly Review 82, no. 3/4 (January 1992): 566. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454896.

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4

Nemoy, Leon, and Mourad El-Kodsi. "El-Kodsi's "The Karaite Jews of Egypt"." Jewish Quarterly Review 79, no. 1 (July 1988): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454423.

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5

Shemer, Yaron. "From Chahine’s al-Iskandariyya … leh to Salata baladi and ʿAn Yahud Misr". Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 7, № 3 (2014): 351–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00703006.

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This study examines the discursive trajectories of the cosmopolitan Egyptian Jew in the documentaries Salata baladi (Nadia Kamel, 2007) and ‘An Yahud Misr (Amir Ramses, 2012) in light of Youssef Chahine’s classic al-Iskandariyya … leh (1978). Undoubtedly, each of these films provides a complex story of Jewish life in Egypt and, taken together, these creative works offer an alternative to formulaic representations of Jews in Egyptian cinema and television. Yet, a close analysis of the three films reveals an underlying problematic rendering of cosmopolitanism in the context of the Egyptian Jewish community. Arguably, the filmmakers’ main interest in attending to the Jewish question relates more to nostalgic views of Egyptianness (of the pre-1952 Revolution era) as a cosmopolitan, multiethnic and multi-religious identity, than to a genuine interest in Jewish life, history and religion. In other words, the limited and skewed view of the Jewish community, with its near exclusion of the poor, uneducated, monolingual and religiously traditional Jewish residents of Egypt, is driven primarily by anxieties about Egyptian identity in which cosmopolitan Jews are assigned a supporting role in the play of an idealized Egypt of the past and in challenging xenophobic sentiments in the present.

6

BAREKET, ELINOAR. "The head of the Jews (ra'is al-yahud) in Fatimid Egypt: a re-evaluation." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 2 (June 2004): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04000138.

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The debate concerning the Head of the Jews (ra'is al-yahud) in the Fatimid kingdom, which has interested researchers since the late nineteenth century, has yet to reach a final conclusion. Today's researchers usually argue that this position was established in Egypt at the end of the eleventh century with the final fall of the Palestinian Yeshiva; prior to this the Head of the Jews was the gaon of Palestine, appointed by the Fatimid Imam. More recently a new argument has emerged, re-embracing the approach of J. Mann, who argued that the position of the Head of the Jews was established at the beginning of Fatimid rule (late tenth century), and the person to hold the position was a Jewish courtier from the field of finance or medicine, appointed by the Imam to be the supreme leader for all Jews in the Fatimid kingdom: Rabbanites, Karaites and Samaritans. This old–new notion is yet to be clearly proven. Such views are mainly supported by circumstantial analysis of logical arguments that arise from the Geniza documents, without real written proof, but the Geniza is known for surprises and it is possible that we will soon find unequivocal proof to show that the Head of the Jews in the Fatimid kingdom was indeed a Jewish courtier appointed by the Imam, since the beginning of the Fatimid rule over Egypt, Palestine and Syria at the end of the tenth century.

7

Friedman, David A. "Josephus on the Servile Origins of the Jews." Journal for the Study of Judaism 45, no. 4-5 (September 23, 2014): 523–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340063.

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The story of the Israelites’ slavery in Egypt and subsequent redemption is the central narrative element of the Pentateuch. Josephus’ claim that he was providing an accurate account of the Jews’ ancient history in Jewish Antiquities thus meant that he had to address the Jews’ servile origins; however, first-century Roman attitudes toward slaves and freedmen would have made this problematic for ideological and political reasons. Although Josephus added references to Jews’ slavery to the account of Jewish history in Jewish Antiquities, he appears deliberately to downplay the Jews’ servile origins at key parts of the narrative, including God’s promise to Abraham in Gen 15 and the account of the Jews’ enslavement in Exod 1. Josephus also demonstrates a concern with the servile status of Jacob’s secondary wives Zilpah and Bilhah. The account of Joseph’s life in Jewish Antiquities emphasizes his non-servile qualities and his chance enslavement. Roman hostility to slaves and freedmen, Josephus’ own personal experience of captivity, and the likely presence in Rome of Jewish freedmen might explain Josephus’ sensitivity to the Jews’ servile origins.

8

Hacham, Noah. "The Letter of Aristeas: A New Exodus Story?" Journal for the Study of Judaism 36, no. 1 (2005): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570063054012150.

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AbstractA common opinion views the purpose of the Letter of Aristeas as strengthening the self-identity of Egyptian Diaspora Jewry by sanctifying the Greek translation of the Torah. As Orlinsky has shown, this view is supported by linguistic and thematic parallels between Aristeas and biblical descriptions of the giving of the Torah. The linguistic and thematic associations, however, do not only apply to this specific biblical episode, but also to the entire book of Exodus including the exodus story itself. The author of Aristeas transformed the biblical stories of the exodus and the giving of the Torah into a new foundation story of Egyptian Jewry. In doing so, the new story disregards the biblical hostility to Egypt and instead expresses sympathy for the Ptolemaic king who released the Jews from slavery, settled them in Egypt and initiated the Torah translation into Greek. The aim of Aristeas was to offer a religious justification for the residence of Jews in Egypt.

9

Inbar, Efraim, and Ian S. Lustick. "Israel's Future: The Time Factor." Israel Studies Review 23, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isf.2008.230101.

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A Debate between Efraim Inbar and Ian S. LustickTime is on Israel's Side Efraim InbarFrom a realpolitik perspective, the balance of power between Israel and its neighbors is the critical variable in the quest for survival in a bad neighborhood. If Israel’s position is improving over time and the power differential between the Jewish State and its foes is growing, then its capacity to overcome regional security challenges is assured. Moreover, under such circumstances there is less need to make concessions to weaker parties that are in no position to exact a high price from Israel for holding on to important security and national assets such as the Golan Heights, the settlement blocs close to the “Green Line,” the Jordan Rift, and particularly Jerusalem.With a Bang or a Whimper, Time Is Running Out Ian S. Lustick Israel’s existence in the Middle East is fundamentally precarious. Twentieth- century Zionism and Israeli statehood is but a brief moment in Jewish history. There is nothing more regular in Jewish history and myth than Jews “returning” to the Land of Israel to build a collective life—nothing more regular, that is, except, for Jews leaving the country and abandoning the project. Abraham came from Mesopotamia, then left for Egypt. Jacob left for Hauran, then returned, then left with his sons for Egypt. The Israelites subsequently left Egypt with Moses and Joshua, and “returned” to the Land. Upper class Jews who did not leave with the Assyrians left with Jeremiah for Babylon, then returned with Ezra and Nehemiah.

10

Ginat, Rami. "Jewish Identities in the Arab Middle East: The Case of Egypt in Retrospect." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 3 (July 18, 2014): 593–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000646.

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Much work has been done in recent decades on the histories of the Jews of Arab lands across a variety of time periods, reflecting an increasing interest in the historical past of the Jews of the “Orient.” While diverse, this literature may be divided into several general groups. The first comprises studies written by Western and Israeli scholars and encompasses a broad spectrum of Arabic-speaking countries. This literature has explored, among other things, issues relating to the way of life and administration of ethnically and culturally diverse Jewish communities, their approaches to Zionism and the question of their national identities, their positions regarding the Zionist–Israeli–Arab conflict in its various phases, and the phenomena of anti-Semitism, particularly in light of the increasing escalation of the conflict. It includes works by Israeli intellectuals of Mizrahi heritage, some of whom came together in the late 1990s in a sociopolitical dissident movement known as the Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow Coalition. The target audience of this movement was Mizrahi Jews: refugees and emigrants from Arab countries as well as their second- and third-generation offspring. The movement, which was not ideologically homogeneous (particularly regarding approaches to the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict), took a postcolonialist approach to the Zionist narrative and enterprise, and was critical of the entrenchment of the Ashkenazi (European-extraction) Jews among the elites of the emerging Israeli society. The movement had scant success in reaching its target population: the majority of Mizrahi/Sephardi Jews living in Israel. Nevertheless, it brought to the fore the historical socioeconomic injustices that many Jews from Arab countries had experienced since arriving in Israel, whether reluctantly or acquiescently.

11

Shaham, Ron. "Jews and the Shari'a Courts in Modern Egypt." Studia Islamica, no. 82 (1995): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595584.

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12

Hanson, Ann Ellis, and Aryeh Kasher. "The Jews in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt: The Struggle for Equal Rights." American Historical Review 92, no. 2 (April 1987): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866643.

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13

Jakab, Eva. "Joseph Mélèze Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt from Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 116, no. 1 (August 1, 1999): 590–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1999.116.1.590.

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14

Halls, Katharine. "On the Mediterranean and the Nile: the Jews of Egypt." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 19, no. 3 (May 27, 2020): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2020.1767343.

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15

Laskier, Michael M. "Egypt and Beyond: The Jews of the Arab Countries in Modern Times - Gudrun Krämer. The Jews in Modern Egypt, 1914–1952. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1989. x, 319 pp." AJS Review 16, no. 1-2 (1991): 199–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003172.

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Gudrun Krämer's study on the Jews of Egypt is divided into five sections: Communal Structure and Composition; Communal Organization; Socioeconomic and Political Change (1914–1918); Jewish Reactions to Political Change: Egyptian Patriotism, Communism, and Zionism; and The Beginning of the End: Egyptianization, the Arab-Israeli War, and the Burning of Cairo.

16

Parker, Victor. "On the Historical Value of 2 Maccabees." Klio 102, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2020-0004.

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Summary2 Maccabees provides solid historical information concerning the activities of Antiochus IV in Egypt and Palestine in the 160s B.C. This information both supplements and partially corrects the corresponding account in 1 Maccabees. Since the Jews in Palestine used the so-called Babylonian Seleucid Era (instead of the Macedonian Seleucid Era as Klaus Bringmann has argued), the presentation of events in 1 Maccabees becomes highly problematic at points, and it is once again 2 Maccabees which points the way toward a solution.

17

Verburg, Jelle, Tal Ilan, and Jan Joosten. "Four Fragments of the Hebrew Bible from Antinoopolis, P.Ant. 47–50." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 105, no. 2 (December 2019): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513320905848.

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An expedition of the Egypt Exploration Society in 1913–14 discovered four fragments of the Hebrew Bible (from the books of Kings and Job). This article presents the first critical edition of the fragments. With a few minor exceptions, the fragments conform to the Masoretic Text. The possible datings of these fragments range from the third to the early eighth centuries ce. Very little is known about the transmission of the text of the Hebrew Bible in the so-called ‘silent’ or ‘dark’ period between the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Cairo Genizah. The fragments also testify to the presence of a Jewish community in Egypt – which was virtually eradicated after the revolt of 115–17 ce. The article gives a brief overview of the extant documentary and epigraphic evidence to reconstruct the forgotten story of Jews at Antinoopolis in Late Antiquity.

18

Slavet, Eliza. "A Matter of Distinction: On Recent Work by Jan Assmann." AJS Review 34, no. 2 (November 2010): 385–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009410000656.

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The study of memory and its collaborators (history, narrative, and trauma) has been at the center of both the German- and English-language academic worlds for at least the last fifteen years. While many of the “canonical” texts overlap, the anxieties and implications of recent scholarship have often been quite distinct, particularly in discussions of the memory and history of the Holocaust, and more generally, anti-Semitism, Jews, and Judaism. This phenomenon is played out in the debates about Jan Assmann's work, particularly since the publication of Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism (1997).

19

Van Der Toorn, Karel, and Karel Van Der Toorn. "Anat-Yahu, Some Other Deities, and the Jews of Elephantine." Numen 39, no. 1 (1992): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852792x00177.

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AbstractThis contribution discusses the problem of the origin of the goddess Anat-Yahu and the related issue of the cultural background of the Jewish colony at Elephantine. It is argued that Anat-Yahu has been modeled after Anat-Bethel. Contrary to a current opinion, neither Bethel nor Anat-Bethel can be regarded as Phoenician gods. They are late Aramaean gods whose cult is confined to North Syria. Anat-Yahu must be regarded as an Aramaean creation, elicited by the identification of Yahu with Bethel. The latter identification was one of the results of the Aramaean migration to Samaria, either enforced or voluntary, at the end of the 8th century. The theory here proposed assumes that the Jews and Aramaeans of the colonies at Elephantine and Syene originated predominantly from Northern Israel. The ultimate origins of the Aramaean settlers go back to North Syria. The Jewish character of the Elephantine colony is secondary. It can be accounted for by the Judaean transit of Israelite colonists on their way to Egypt and the secondary influx of actual Judaeans. Yet, despite the common designation of the Elephantine colony as "Jewish", its religion is in fact Israelite.

20

VAN DER HORST, PIETER W. "The first pogrom: Alexandria 38 CE." European Review 10, no. 4 (October 2002): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798702000388.

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The first pogrom documented in history took place in Alexandria in the year 38 CE. The only document describing this event is an eyewitness account by the Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria. It is a problematic source because the concern of the author is largely theological and also because he fails to inform the reader about the causes of the violence. These causes must be sought in the combination of a growing tendency among Alexandrian intellectuals to depict Jews as criminal misanthropes, and the Jewish tendency to side with the Roman occupiers of Egypt.

21

Kenney, Jeffrey T. "Enemies near and far: The image of the Jews in Islamist discourse in egypt." Religion 24, no. 3 (July 1994): 253–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/reli.1994.1022.

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22

Stillman, Norman A., and Michael M. Laskier. "The Jews of Egypt, 1920-1970: In the Midst of Zionism, Anti-Semitism, and the Middle East Conflict." American Historical Review 98, no. 4 (October 1993): 1302. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166749.

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23

Klorman, Bat-Zion Eraqi. "Jewish and Muslim Messianism in Yemen." International Journal of Middle East Studies 22, no. 2 (May 1990): 201–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800033389.

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The last three messianic claimants to appear in the Jewish diaspora appeared in Yemen in the 19th century. At this time and place the mutual influences of Jews and Muslims were notable both in messianic movements and in literary expression. Muslim society in Yemen was aware of the messianic tension among the Jews, and individual Muslims even took part in each of the known messianic movements. Conversely—and this is the subject of this article—Jewish society, at least on the popular level, was receptive to Muslim apocalyptic ideas and beliefs and integrated them into Jewish apocalyptic anticipations.The belief in messianism and the sharing of ideas on redemption or of the golden age in the eschatological era (i.e., at the End of Time) have long been maintained by the Jews. Some of the concepts that served as paradigms for later messianic speculations were derived from the Bible. For instance, the concept of rescue—the rescue by God of the Israelites from slavery in Egypt—became the example of God's intervention to help his people and mirrored the rescue at the End of Days. Likewise, the Davidic kingdom was believed to be the fulfillment of an ancient covenant between God and the Israelites—and, therefore, the Davidic kingdom became in the history of Jewish messianism the paradigm for how the future kingdom would be, how the covenant would be fulfilled. Also, the term “messiah” (mashiah)—i.e., the anointed one—was originally the official title for the Davidic kings and the early root for the later messiah; hence, it would be a Davidic descendant who would lead the Jews into the messianic age.

24

Ezra, Daniel Stökl Ben. "Weighing the Parts A Papyrological Perspective on the Parting of the Ways." Novum Testamentum 51, no. 2 (2009): 168–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853608x323055.

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AbstractA comparison of the ideological composition of the Qumran library and Christian libraries from ancient Egypt, reconstructed from pre-Constantinian papyri, reveals a profound difference in the amount of group-specific material: ca. 28% Qumran “sectarian” at Qumran vs. ca. 60% “Christian” books in ancient Egyptian Christian libraries. Even for the second century, where we have much less data, the divide is quite great. If we take Qumran as example for a Jewish sectarian library, still focused largely on the Hebrew Bible and writings shared with other Jews, Christian libraries portray an independent group-specific identity, quite early on.

25

Kramer, Gudrun, and Yaaqov Landau. "Toledot yehude mizrayim ba-tequfa ha-otmanit (1517-1914). The Jews in Ottoman Egypt, 1517-1914." Die Welt des Islams 32, no. 2 (1992): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1570841.

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26

Zinger, Oded. "“She Aims to Harass Him”: Jewish Women in Muslim Legal Venues in Medieval Egypt." AJS Review 42, no. 1 (April 2018): 159–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009418000107.

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Jewish women in medieval Egypt made extensive use of Muslim legal venues. By amassing and analyzing a sizable corpus of Geniza documents and contemporary responsa, this study explores how women accessed these venues, why they did so, and the response of the Jewish community. Complementing the traditional explanations given to Jewish use of Muslim legal venues, such as legal difference and greater enforceability, I argue that Muslim legal forums offered Jewish women a way of resisting the pressures they often faced in Jewish communal institutions and at home. For its part, the Jewish leadership used a variety of measures to prevent women from using Muslim legal venues; women who persisted were castigated more harshly than men were. This study also sheds light on Jewish women's points of contact with broader Islamic society and the relationship between Jews and the Islamic state.

27

Hassan, Tammam. "The Children of Israel in Ancient Egypt as Taken from the Holy Qur'an." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 2, no. 1 (January 2000): 218–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2000.2.1.218.

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The Qur'an gives us many details about the history of the migration of the Children of Israel and their expulsion from Egypt. In this article, their history is traced through the Qur'an from the many different verses which provide us with these details. The article begins with the advent of Yūsuf to Egypt as a child and the beginning of his prophethood. His message was believed by some Egyptians, but after the expulsion of the more tolerant Hyksos, those believers of Asian origin and the Jews among them were persecuted. Mūsā was born into this atmosphere of persecution and evidence is discussed that the Pharaoh of Mūsā was Ramses and his wife Nefertari. Having accidentally killed someone, Mūsā was persecuted and forced to flee, but subsequently on Mount Sinai received the message to go back to Pharaoh. He called upon the Children of Israel to adopt his faith, but only a few of them did. Finally they fled, but on the shore of the Gulf of Suez (al-cayn al-sukhnā) Pharaoh caught up with them and there occurred the miracle of the passing over the sea and the drowning. The Israeli followers passed the Gulf and headed for Sinai, but were lost in the wilderness for forty years before they reached the land of Canaan in Palestine. Many Qur'anic verses show that the Children of Israel suffered punishment because their faith was shaken and they committed sins.

28

Stewart, Jon. "Hegel's Analysis of Egyptian Art and Architecture as a Form of Philosophical Anthropology." Owl of Minerva 50, no. 1 (2019): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/owl2019501/26.

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In his different analyses of ancient Egypt, Hegel underscores the marked absence of writings by the Egyptians. Unlike the Chinese with the I Ching or the Shoo king, the Indians with the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, the Persians with the Avesta, the Jews with the Old Testament, and the Greeks with the poems of Homer and Hesiod, the Egyptians, despite their developed system of hieroglyphic writing, left behind no great canonical text. Instead, he claims, they left their mark by means of the architecture and art. This paper explores Hegel’s analysis of the Egyptians’ obelisks, pyramids, sphinxes, etc. in order to understand why he believes that these are so important for understanding the Egyptian spirit. This analysis illustrates Hegel’s use of history and culture in the service of philosophical anthropology.

29

Harris, Ron. "The business of identity: Jews, Muslims, and economic life in medieval Egypt, by Phillip I. Ackermann-Lieberman." Mediterranean Historical Review 31, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 92–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2016.1173836.

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30

Nemoy, Leon, and Michael M. Laskier. "The Jews of Egypt, 1920-1970: In the Midst of Zionism, Anti-Semitism, and the Middle East Conflict." Jewish Quarterly Review 86, no. 1/2 (July 1995): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454847.

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31

Yehoshua, A. B. "From Myth to History." AJS Review 28, no. 1 (April 2004): 205–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404000121.

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If we were to unravel the foundation of Jewish identity into its primary components, we would discover that beyond the religious commandments, beyond the various national sentiments, beyond the sense of belonging and connection to the Land of Israel and the Hebrew language, beyond certain historical and family memories that uniquely determine the Jewish identity of each individual, the common basis of all Jewish identities, in their various dosages and strengths, comprises several fundamental stories—stories that have shed any clear indicia of historical time and place and have become myths, metastories, which can no longer be changed, only interpreted. These myths, such as the binding of Isaac (the akedah), the story of the exodus and other bible stories, the stories of the destruction of the Temple (and recently, in a certain sense, the Holocaust), have become the infrastructural components of Jewish consciousness and identity, both religious and secular. They have served for millennia as effective ingredients in the preservation of the identity of many Jews, scattered among various lands and continents, in the midst of various peoples and religions and assorted civilizations, and for centuries without being specifically dependent on the clear historical context of a defined territory or language. These myths are the most primary basis for the existence of diaspora Jewish identity, which makes possible the preservation of Jewish identity “outside history,” in the famous phrase of Gershon Scholem, notwithstanding the terrible toll that this existence has taken on the Jewish people in the end. The power of these myths lies in the fact that one's connection to them can be immediate, in all places and at all times, and beyond their original linguistic form; this connection finds succinct expression in the sentence, “In every generation, a person is obligated to regard himself as if he himself left Egypt.”

32

Walker, Paul E. "Al-Ḥākim and the Dhimmīs". Medieval Encounters 21, № 4-5 (1 грудня 2015): 345–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342201.

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Dhimmī (non-Muslim subjects, mostly Christians and Jews, who were afforded protection by the Islamic state) persecution in Islamic Egypt included most notably that instigated by the Fatimid caliph al-Ḥākim from about 395/1004 until near the end of his reign in 411/1021. This ruler imposed burdensome restrictions and sumptuary regulations on Jews and Christians, causing significant numbers of them to adopt Islam. He also commenced the state-sponsored destruction of churches and synagogues, most famously the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. And yet, near the end, this same caliph relented, mitigating the severity of his previous policies. A general picture of what happened already exists, but the precise chronological order of these events and many of the exact details remain vague. Most importantly, we continue not to have a reason for his radically new policy. Al-Maqrīzī’s various accounts provide useful evidence although they hardly suffice. The Jewish reaction is far from clear. Two Christian histories, those by the Melkite Yaḥyā ibn Saʿīd of Antioch and the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, confirm many particulars. However none of this information explains why. Was al-Ḥākim moved to act as he did in response to, or in imitation of, the strikingly similar set of restrictive regulations imposed long before under the so-called “Pact of ʿUmar”?

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Kim, Kyu Seop. "The Meaning of the Firstborn Son in Joseph and Aseneth." Journal for the Study of Judaism 49, no. 3 (March 13, 2018): 404–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12492202.

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AbstractDespite its potential significance, scholars gloss over the concept of the firstborn son in Joseph and Aseneth with little regard to its meaning. The title of the firstborn son (πρωτότοκος) reminds us of the rivalry and the conflict between Israel and Egypt in Exodus. In particular, the death of the firstborn son of Pharaoh evokes the destruction of the firstborn Egyptians in Exodus. One of the main motifs in Joseph and Aseneth is the rivalry between Joseph and the firstborn son of Pharaoh; Joseph the firstborn son is described as the victor of the competition. The death of the firstborn son of Pharaoh alludes to the destruction of the firstborn sons of the Egyptians in Exodus 11. Therefore, the motif of the firstborn son in Joseph and Aseneth refers to Israel’s self-perception with regard to the superiority of the Jews over the gentiles (or Egyptians) as seen in Exodus.

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Reed, Annette Yoshiko. "ABRAHAM AS CHALDEAN SCIENTIST AND FATHER OF THE JEWS: JOSEPHUS, ANT. 1.154-168, AND THE GRECO-ROMAN DISCOURSE ABOUT ASTRONOMY/ASTROLOGY." Journal for the Study of Judaism 35, no. 2 (2004): 119–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006304773787447.

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AbstractThis article analyzes Josephus' approach to Abraham and astronomy/astrology in Ant. 1.154-168. This retelling of Genesis 12 describes Abraham as inferring the one-ness of God from the irregularity of the stars, thereby implying his rejection of "the Chaldean science" for Jewish monotheism. Soon after, however, Josephus posits that the patriarch transmitted astronomy/astrology to Egypt, appealing to the positive connotations of this art for apologetic aims. Towards explaining the tension between these two traditions, I first map the range of early Jewish traditions about Abraham and the stars, and then consider the Hellenistic discourse about astral wisdom as the domain of ancient "barbarian" nations, as it shaped Hellenistic Jewish traditions that celebrate Abraham's astronomical/astrological skill. I conclude with Josephus' own cultural context, proposing that the attitudes towards astronomy/astrology among his Roman contemporaries may help to account for the ambivalence in his characterization of Abraham as both Chaldean scientist and father of the Jews.

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Walz, Terence. "Pensée 4: The Fruit of the Africanist Contribution." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 2 (May 2009): 198–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380909062x.

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Recently I completed an initial foray into the underutilized 1848 census of Egypt that was commissioned by Muhammad ʿAli in the last years of his long rule. This enormous unpublished document provides a fascinating bird's-eye view of Cairo in the middle of the 19th century, permitting one to snoop into thousands of households, great and small, in Egypt's greatest and largest city to see a population undergoing profound social transformation. Here we find ordinary Egyptians, each identified by gender, age, nationality, civil status, occupation, religion, and relationship to the head of the household, living in houses, tenements, wakalas (caravansaries/residential hotels), mosques, and slums in a fantastic maze of streets, alleys, and byways. Here may be located various nationalities that contributed to the city's rich tapestry: Turks, Armenians, Syrians, Nubians, Sudanese, and Maghribis; Christians as well as Muslims and Jews; merchants and artisans; and soldiers, servants, and slaves.

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GIL, MOSHE. "Institutions and events of the eleventh century mirrored in Geniza letters (Part I)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 2 (June 2004): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04000114.

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This article is based on letters from the Geniza. The writers were merchants who dealt in imports and exports between Egypt and other countries of the Mediterranean basin. These merchants were part of the Jewish elite and maintained close ties with the Muslim authorities. They enjoyed considerable status with these authorities, who co-operated with the merchants, especially in the transport of goods; some of the high officials were, in fact, ship-owners. The administration of the time took a great interest in imports and exports, and would at times confiscate goods required by the army. The article reviews a series of citations from letters thus examining the relationship between the merchants and the authorities. The second part deals with the evidence of the droughts found in the merchants' letters; it is interesting to compare the details on droughts with the information in the Arabic sources. The third part discusses the information contained in the Geniza documents on the conquest of Jerusalem (638). This is followed by a discussion of two figures who are also known from Arabic sources: Manasseh b. Abraham Ibn al-Qazza¯z, and Barjawa¯n. The letters also reflect the restrictive measures against Jews and Christians in the days of Caliph al-Ha¯kim.

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Starr, Deborah A. "Aimée Israel-Pelletier. On the Mediterranean and the Nile: The Jews of Egypt. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2018. 226 pp." AJS Review 43, no. 2 (November 2019): 492–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009419000795.

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Catlos, Brian A. "Accursed, Superior Men: Ethno-Religious Minorities and Politics in the Medieval Mediterranean." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 4 (October 2014): 844–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000425.

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AbstractOne of the most salient features of the medieval Mediterranean is that it was a zone of intense interaction and long-term cohabitation of members of various ethno-religious communities whose relations are usually conceived of as fundamentally adversarial. Yet Christians, Muslims, and Jews lived amongst each other in both the Christian- and Muslim-ruled Mediterranean, even during the era of the crusades. Typically, such relationships have been presented as either fundamentally hostile, or cordial, and as related to the “tolerance” that host cultures were inclined to demonstrate as a consequence of their own religious orientation. This paper takes a different, phenomenological approach by focusing on a specific manifestation of this interaction: the emergence of out-group political elites in confessionally defined societies. Through the medium of three case studies—a powerful Jew in Islamic Spain, a powerful Muslim in Norman Sicily and a powerful Coptic Christian in Fatimid Egypt—I demonstrate that the status of minority elites was related to concrete political circumstances grounded in the particular environment of the region, and that, despite cultural differences that might have distinguished them, these societies developed near-identical strategies for engaging with minority elites. The language of religious polemic, exclusion, and marginalization was present, but it tended to serve as a post factum rationalization for repression rather than its cause, and tended to be deployed decisively only in certain circumstances. This provides new insights not only into Muslim-Christian-Jewish relations, but the fundamental nature of Mediterranean history and society.

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Bareket, Elinoar. "Jewish Inter-Communication in the Mediterranean Basin in the Eleventh Century as Documented in the Correspondence of 'Eli Ben 'Amram." European Journal of Jewish Studies 2, no. 1 (2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247108786120882.

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AbstractOver the years a variety of topics related to the Jewish experience in the Middle Ages have been studied. One topic that has still not been researched thoroughly, on its own, is the means of internal communication. The primary channel for conveying messages between individuals and between communities all over the Jewish world was the Jewish letter, which constitutes a literary genre of its own.Within the realm of this correspondence, poems, which mainly accompanied the letters, but were often sent by themselves, constitute a special and interesting sub-genre of their own. It appears that the writing of poems for purposes of communication was one of the necessary qualifications, which a community leader had to have in order to withstand the constant pressure of heading a demanding community that closely scrutinized his actions. Another fact worthy of mention is that in the Middle Ages the Jews living in the lands of Islam were multi-cultured, or put another way, multi-lingual, or at least bi-lingual. The poems were all written in Hebrew, whereas some of the letters were written in Hebrew, others in Judeo- Arabic, and still others only in Arabic.Since the Genizah documents prove beyond a doubt that letters were written not only by leaders and high-ranking figures, but also by members of the middle and lower classes, it would not be incorrect to say that most of the Jews of the Middle Ages were literate, at least in two languages. Another noteworthy fact is that the authors, no matter what their social status, frequently quoted passages from the Bible, Mishnah, Talmud, and Midrash. Many of these quotes were written from memory (since they deviate slightly from the original), which attests to a basic education acquired in all levels of society. The higher the person's rank, the more time they had to devote to broadening their education, but even ordinary people did not deny themselves basic education.The fundamental assumptions are examined on the basis of the correspondence of 'Eli ben 'Amram, who headed the Jerusalem Congregation (kahal) in Fustat, Egypt, in the second half of the eleventh century (1055–1075). Evidently he did not overlook any leader in the Jewish world, inside or outside Egypt, who he could utilize for his political, social, and economic purposes. 'Eli ben 'Amram was an untiring correspondent. Dozens of examples of his writing were discovered, and are still being discovered in the Genizah, identified mainly by means of his handwriting; in his poems, he often signed the beginning of the lines, which helps the identification process.

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Azimirad, Afshin. "Cesarean Section Beyond Cesar’s Borders: A Mini Review on the Cultural History of Cesarean Section High Prevalence Rates in the Middle East." Archives of Iranian Medicine 23, no. 5 (May 1, 2020): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/aim.2020.23.

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Cesarean section rates have risen significantly in some Middle Eastern countries like Iran, Turkey, and Egypt. Therefore, this review aims to investigate the cultural background for the high cesarean section rates in some Middle Eastern countries to provide the obstetricians and policymakers a better perspective on the crisis. Firstly, the dimensions of the current crisis in the Middle East are discussed. Then, three famous medieval authors are investigated; Ferdowsi (Shahnameh; the birth of Rostam, the Persian superhero, through the cesarean section), Abu Rayhan Biruni (The Remaining Signs of Past Centuries), and Ibn Abi al-Hadid. All these medieval sources try to teach how proud is the one who is born through a cesarean section, and thus a person born vaginally is of a lower rank and therefore less respected. Then, the influencing ancient resources dealing with this subject are reviewed: the birth of Asclepius, the Greek god of medicine, by his father Apollo through a section on the mother’s corpse, and Talmud of the Jews. In ancient times, a birth through the cesarean section was a pure birth, or a gift from gods and restricted to divinities. Hoping to gain a new and comprehensive understanding of this current crisis in the Middle East, the World Health Organization (WHO) guidelines on reducing the prevalence of cesarean section are subsequently introduced. The C-section prevalence has increased significantly in the Middle East; comprehensive national, regional, and international policies are highly demanded.

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Lev, Efraim. "Mediators between Theoretical and Practical Medieval Knowledge: Medical Notebooks from the Cairo Genizah and their Significance." Medical History 57, no. 4 (September 23, 2013): 487–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2013.56.

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AbstractThis article presents a plethora of fragments from the medical notebooks found in the Cairo Genizah that comprise a unique source of historical data for scholarly study and for a better understanding of the ways in which medieval medical knowledge in Egypt was transferred from theory to practice and vice versa. These documents provide the most direct evidence we have for preferred practical medical recipes because they record the choices of medical practitioners in medieval Cairo. Since the language most commonly used in them was Judaeo-Arabic, they were evidently written by Jews. The medical genre in the notebooks was primarily pharmacopoeic, consisting of apparently original recipes for the treatment of various diseases. There are also a few notebooks on materia medica. The subject matter of the Genizah medical notebooks shows that they were mostly of an eclectic nature, i.e. the writers had probably learnt about these treatments and recipes from their teachers, applied them at the hospitals where they worked or copied them from the books they read. Foremost among the subjects dealt with were eye diseases, followed by skin diseases, coughs and colds, dentistry and oral hygiene, and gynaecological conditions. The writers of the Genizah notebooks apparently recorded the practical medical knowledge they wished to preserve for their future use as amateur physicians, students, traditional healers or professional practitioners.

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‫يوسف‬, ‫يوحنا نسيم‬. "‫ساويس أسقف الأشمونين أول من كتب من الأقباط باللغة العربية‬ (Severus, Bishop of Ashmunein, first Coptic Bishop to write in Arabic)". Abgadiyat 6, № 1 (2011): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-90000004.

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As an introduction, our study will start with a historical context of Egypt in the Abbasids and Fatimids periods. We will highlight the artistic and literary environment. We will expose the different religious factions, viz. Muslims, Christians and Jews. We will overview the life of Severus, or at least what is known about him before his ordination as a Bishop of Ashmunein such as his nickname (Kunya), his education and his employment. We will discuss the different sources related to his life. Severus from the tenth century, was one of the first Christians who wrote in Arabic. He wrote several treatises, tackling different subjects, such as dogmatic theological subjects and apologetic texts against others as well as a treatment of psychology. We will discuss the reasons of the choice to use Arabic. We will discuss his works and his vocabulary and we will give a list of his works that survive. We will give a brief summary of each book. We will argue about some books ascribed to him such as the History of the Patriarchs and the Order of Priesthood. Our conclusion stresses that freedom and prosperity allow Severus to expose his ideas. (Please note that this article is in Arabic).

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Feferman, Kiril. "Nazi Germany and the Karaites in 1938–1944: between racial theory andRealpolitik." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549468.

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This article explores the policies of Nazi Germany towards the Karaites, a group of Jewish ancestry which emerged during the seventh to the ninth centuries CE, when its followers rejected the mainstream Jewish interpretation of Tanakh. Karaite communities flourished in Persia, Turkey, Egypt, Crimea, and Lithuania. From 1938 to 1944, the Nazi bureaucracy and scholarship examined the question of whether the Karaites were of Jewish origin, practiced Judaism and had to be treated as Jews. Because of its proximity to Judenpolitik and later to the Muslim factor, the subject got drawn into the world of Nazi grand policy and became the instrument of internecine power struggles between various agencies in Berlin. The Muslim factor in this context is construed as German cultivation of a special relationship with the Muslim world with an eye to political dividends in the Middle East and elsewhere. Nazi views of the Karaites’ racial origin and religion played a major role in their policy towards the group. However, as the tides of the war turned against the Germans, various Nazi agencies demonstrated growing flexibility either to re-tailor the Karaites’ racial credentials or to entirely gloss over them in the name of “national interests,” i.e. a euphemism used to disguise Nazi Germany's overtures to the Muslim world.

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Biggs, Frederick M., and Thomas N. Hall. "Traditions concerning Jamnes and Mambres in Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 25 (December 1996): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001940.

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In the dramatic confrontation between Moses and Pharaoh that preceded the Israelites' departure from Egypt, Pharaoh's magicians played a prominent role: they turned their rods into serpents, if only to have them devoured by Moses's serpent, and then matched the first two plagues brought down on the Egyptians before failing to perform the third (Ex. VII. 11–VIII. 19). Although not named here or elsewhere in the Old Testament, they were identified in II Timothy III.8 as ' ιανν⋯ς and ιαμβρ⋯ς (the Latin forms are usually ‘Iannes’ or ‘Iamnes’ and ‘Mambres’) in a remark that suggests that a considerable tradition had already arisen concerning them: ‘Now just as jannes and Mambres resisted Moses, so these also resist the truth, men corrupted in mind, reprobate concerning the faith.’ Two fragmentary Greek papyri (Pap. Vindob. G 29456 verso, in the Nationalbibliothek, Vienna; and Pap. XVI, in the Chester Beatty Library and Gallery of Oriental Art, Dublin), dated to the third and fourth centuries respectively, confirm the existence of at least one early apocryphon about the brothers. The problem of interpreting these fragments, however, is complicated by a bewildering array of references to the two in various languages, which results from both the importance of Exodus to Jews and Christians, and the connection of the brothers to magic. Albert Pietersma and R. Theodore Lutz note that ‘the precise relationship between the loose traditions and the written composition’ is ‘not yet entirely clear’.

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Sanders, P. "MARK R. COHEN. Poverty and Charity in the Jewish Community of Medieval Egypt. (Jews, Christians, and Muslims from the Ancient to the Modern World.) Princeton: Princeton University Press. 2005. Pp. xi, 287. $39.50." American Historical Review 112, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.1.312.

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46

Fromherz, Allen. "A Vertical Sea: North Africa and the Medieval Mediterranean." Review of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (2012): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100003001.

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An extraordinary letter was discovered in a neglected pile of medieval diplomatic correspondence in the Vatican Libraries: a letter from Al-Murtada the Almohad, Muslim Caliph in Marrakech to Pope Innocent IV (1243–1254). The letter, written in finest official calligraphy, proposes an alliance between the Caliph and the Vicar of Christ, the leader of an institution that had called for organized crusades against the Islamic world. While the history of Pope Innocent IV’s contacts with the Muslim rulers of Marrakech remains obscure, the sources indicate that Pope Innocent IV sent envoys south to Marrakech. One of these envoys was Lope d’Ayn. Lope became Bishop of Marrakech, shepherd of a flock of paid Christian mercenaries who were sent to Marrakech by that sometime leader of the reconquista, Ferdinand III of Castile, in a deal he had struck with the Almohads. Although they now had Christians fighting for them and cathedral bells competing with the call to prayer, the Almohads were powerful agitators of jihad against the Christians only decades before. Scholars know only a little about Lope d’Ayn’s story or the historical context of this letter between Caliph Murtada and the Pope. Although very recent research is encouraging, there is a great deal to know about the history of the mercenaries of Marrakech or the interactions between Jews, Muslims and Christians that occurred in early thirteenth century Marrakech. The neglect of Lope d’Ayn and the contacts between the Papacy and the Almohads is only one example of a much wider neglect of North Africa contacts with Europe in the secondary literature in English. While scholarship in English has focused on correspondence, commerce and travel from West to East, between Europe, the Levant and Egypt, there were also important cultural bridges being crossed between North and South, between North Africa and Europe in the Medieval Western Mediterranean.

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Beinin, Joel. "Michael M. Laskier, The Jews of Egypt, 1920–1970: In the Midst of Zionism, Anti-Semitism, and the Middle East Conflict (New York: New York University Press, 1992). Pp. 340." International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 1 (February 1993): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058116.

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Bogumil, Tatiana. "Biblical Plots in the Siberian Text." Проблемы исторической поэтики 18, no. 4 (November 2020): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/j9.art.2020.8742.

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The article describes and systematizes biblical plots characteristic of the Siberian text in Russian culture. The colonization of Siberia was accompanied by the Christianization of its autochthons. The influence of the church on the formation of the local literary tradition was very strong. The regional specifics of Siberia (nature, history, ethnos) influenced the selection of biblical motifs and plots in the works about this space. The comparative approach made it possible to identify and chronologically organize the following biblical themes paradigmatic for the Siberian text: apostolic / missionary. Christological initiation, exodus, the prodigal son. Biblical stories related to Siberia were inverted over time, and religious semantics were supplanted by other topics. The single core that allows to amalgamate these plots and motives is the idea of transformation (of oneself, another person, space). Hypothetically, each plot has its own period of maximum productivity, followed by a recession. The missionary plot and the plot of Christological initiation were revised in the 17th century and remained productive until the end of the 19th century. The narrative of the search for Belovodye, isomorphic to the exodus of Jews from Egypt, arose at the end of the 18th century. It was active until the end of the 20th century. The motive of the prodigal son was relevant in the middle of the 19th century in the work of the regionalists and, later, their heirs. Globalization and informatization processes and the blurring of spatial and cultural boundaries gradually make this plot irrelevant. It is possible to expand the “canonical” spectrum of biblical images, motifs, and plots for the Siberian text by engaging new material.

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Brinner, William M. "Mark R. Cohen. Jewish Self-Government in Medieval Egypt: The Origins of the Office of Head of the Jews. ca. 1065–1126. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980. xxi, 385 pp." AJS Review 10, no. 2 (1985): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400001379.

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Simon, Rachel. "Michael M. Laskier. The Jews of Egypt 1920–1970: In the Midst of Zionism, Anti-Semitism, and the Middle East Conflict. New York: New York University Press, 1992. xiv, 326 pp." AJS Review 20, no. 1 (April 1995): 245–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400006656.

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