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1

Jacobs, Carly M., and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse. "Belonging In a “Christian Nation”: The Explicit and Implicit Associations between Religion and National Group Membership." Politics and Religion 6, no. 2 (2013): 373–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000697.

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AbstractIf many consider the United States to be a Christian nation, how does this affect individuals who are American citizens but not Christian? We test two major hypotheses: (1) Americans consider Christians to be more fully American than non-Christians. We examine whether Americans explicitly and implicitly connect being Christian with being a true American; and (2) Christian Americans are more likely to be patriotic and set exclusive boundaries on the national group than non-Christian Americans. Among non-Christians, however, those who want to be fully accepted as American will be more pa
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2

Park, Jerry Z., and Joyce C. Chang. "Centering Asian Americans in Social Scientific Research on Religious Communities." Theology Today 79, no. 4 (2022): 398–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00405736221132859.

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Social scientific research on American Christianity typically centers the experiences and practices of White American Christians and predominantly white Christian communities or churches. Asian American Christians remain more invisible than other racial minority Christians and their churches, especially in quantitative analyses. Researchers who aim to center Asian American Christianity face several challenges in developing a comprehensive quantitative empirical study of individual believers and churches. Practically, Asian American Christian surveys require multiple language translations and a
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3

Chao, David C. "Evangelical or Mainline? Doctrinal Similarity and Difference in Asian American Christianity: Sketching a Social-Practical Theory of Christian Doctrine." Theology Today 80, no. 1 (2023): 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00405736221150397.

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This article takes Asian American Christianity to be an analytically productive religion for advancing a theory of Christian doctrine. This is in large part due to the trans-Pacific character of Asian Americans Christians who, by virtue of their racialization, make explicit the different social circumstances—from Anglo-European Christians—as well as shared ends in which Christian doctrinal commitments operate. Asian American Christians problematize the conventional wisdom assumed in the academic and public discourses concerning Christianity in the US. One of the primary set of categories in th
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4

George, Geomon. "Living in the Promised Land: The Impact of the Black Lives Matter Movement on Indian American Christians Living in the NYC Metropolitan Areas." Theology Today 79, no. 4 (2022): 435–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00405736221134015.

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Often called a “model community,” Indian Americans have taken root in American society. Indian American Christians have seen the United States of America as their “promised land.” However, living in this promise land, Indian American Christians had to overcome challenges of racism, hate crimes, and different forms of discrimination. Through case studies, interviews, and participatory observations, this article will examine the impact of the Black Lives Matter Movement among Indian Christians living in the New York City Metro area. In doing so, this article seeks to identify reasons for the per
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5

Worthen, Molly. "The Chalcedon Problem: Rousas John Rushdoony and the Origins of Christian Reconstructionism." Church History 77, no. 2 (2008): 399–437. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640708000590.

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According to the town criers of liberal American journalism, readers must wake up and do something. Hide your children—there is a movement afoot among conservative Christians to take over our country and give America a theocratic makeover. A slew of magazine articles and books—with apocalyptic titles such as American Theocracy and The Baptizing of America: The Religious Right's Plans for the Rest of Us1— announced conservative Christians' backward views on social and political issues, insidious webs of government influence, and intentions to return America to its supposedly Christian roots. Mo
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6

Herbel, Dellas Oliver. "The Americanization of Orthodox Christians’ Promotion of Religious Freedom." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 53, no. 3 (2019): 342–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05303008.

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Abstract Throughout their history in America, Orthodox Christians have promoted their religious freedom primarily through legal changes (e.g., executive orders, court decisions, or legislation). More recently, some Orthodox Christian leaders have begun to respond to the issue of religious freedom by engaging in American political discourse as established by larger conservative religious groups. Orthodox Christians now find themselves utilizing both approaches, exhibiting an Americanization of their faith by accepting the behavior patterns of native-born Americans as valid and authentic. This a
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7

Park, Jerry Z., Joyce C. Chang, and James C. Davidson. "Equal Opportunity Beliefs beyond Black and White American Christianity." Religions 11, no. 7 (2020): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11070348.

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Scholars in critical race and the sociology of religion have independently drawn attention to the ways in which cultural ideologies drive beliefs about inequalities between groups. Critical race work on “abstract liberalism” highlights non-racially inflected language that tacitly reinforces White socioeconomic outcomes resulting from an allegedly fair social system. Sociologists of religion have noted that White Evangelical Christian theology promotes an individualist mindset that places blame for racial inequalities on the perceived failings of Blacks. Using data from the National Asian Ameri
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8

Baker, Josiah. "Native American Contributions to a Christian Theology of Space." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 3 (2016): 234–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0158.

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Native Christian theologians frequently contribute to a theology of space through their writings on other theological subjects. Native American traditionalism is structured spatially; mythology, rituals and ethics are entirely focused on the tribe's surroundings and the individual's responsibility in living within his or her own place. Thus, Native Christians continue this thought by expressing and exploring the Christian faith through spatial constructs. In discussing the Kingdom of God, they speak of the implications of where the Kingdom resides rather than focusing on when it will be consum
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9

Womack, Deanna Ferree. "Syrian Christians and Arab-Islamic Identity: Expressions of Belonging in the Ottoman Empire and America." Studies in World Christianity 25, no. 1 (2019): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0240.

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This essay examines the ways that Arab Christian immigrants in the late-nineteenth-century United States understood religious, cultural and national belonging. Focusing on migrants from Ottoman Syria (present day Lebanon and Syria) who referred to themselves as Syrians, it uses publications from the Arab renaissance in Beirut and early Arab American newspapers in New York to consider how these Christians grappled with their identities as subjects of the Ottoman Sultan, as Christians from various denominations, as citizens in an Islamic society and as newcomers to America. Defying Protestant mi
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10

Borja, Melissa May, and Kayla Zhang. "“Please Love Our Asian American Neighbors”: Christian Responses to Anti-Asian Racism during the COVID-19 Pandemic." Theology Today 79, no. 4 (2022): 370–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00405736221132863.

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How have American religious groups engaged in the issue of contemporary anti-Asian racism? This article examines statements issued by Christian denominations in the United States to understand how American Christians have responded to the recent rise in racist and violent attacks on Asian Americans during the COVID-19 pandemic. We found that while all of the statements condemned anti-Asian racism, Christian responses varied in significant ways: in how they understood the problem of racism, in what they prescribed as solutions, and in the degree to which they engaged in the particular experienc
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11

DeRogatis, Amy. "Christian Bodies, Blood, and Feelings in America." Church History 85, no. 2 (2016): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640716000056.

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In Emptiness: Feeling Christian in America, John Corrigan delivers a sweeping study of the dialectic between emptiness and fullness in American Christianities. He draws from an impressive breadth of sources both over time and within different forms of American Christianity to explore how Christians have integrated the feelings of emptiness and, in turn fullness, as central to their identities, beliefs and practices. At the outset of the book Corrigan explains, “The practice of Christianity that was grounded in the feeling of emptiness, however, was not ambiguous. Christians determinedly chased
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12

Daniels, David D. "Future of North American Pentecostalism." Pneuma 42, no. 3-4 (2020): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10024.

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Abstract This essay proposes first to chart the future of the pentecostal-charismatic movement in North America in terms of demographers’ projection of the movement’s numerical growth and other factors. Demographic growth is related to the continual arrival, in the near future, of pentecostal-charismatic Christians, other Christians, and potential converts to North America by way of diasporas mostly associated with the Global South. Second, within North America, these diasporas will continue to form transnational pentecostal-charismatic denominations with their international headquarters locat
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13

Feddes, David. "Islam among African-American Prisoners." Missiology: An International Review 36, no. 4 (2008): 505–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960803600408.

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African American prison inmates convert to Islam at a rate faster than any other demographic group in the United States. In this article, I focus on the Christian encounter with Islam among African Americans in prison. First, I examine the wider demographic and historical context influencing the rise of Islam among prisoners. I trace the tendency of African Americans initially to join heterodox Black Nationalist Islamic groups and then to move toward Sunni orthodoxy. I then explore why some African Americans, especially inmates, find Islam more attractive than other Americans do. I discuss pri
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14

Wong, Briana. "Buddhist-Christians in Cambodian America." Studies in World Christianity 25, no. 1 (2019): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0241.

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Former refugees from Cambodia, along with their American-born children, frequently travel between the two countries, thereby blurring the lines between ‘Cambodian’ and ‘American’ identities. At the same time, there exists an almost ubiquitous conception of Cambodian cultural heritage as inseparable from Buddhist religious affiliation. In this context, some Cambodian-Americans who have adopted Christianity maintain both religious identities. Engaging in religious activity at the temple and at the church, these Buddhist-Christians defy the widely held Western view of religions as mutually exclus
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15

Failinger, Marie A. "Religious Americans and Political Choices." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 3 (2007): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i3.1541.

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The Journal of Law and Religion held its 2006 Law, Religion, and Ethicssymposium, “Religious Americans and Political Choices,” at Hamline University.The event focused on reframing the divide between the so-calledreligious “Red State” and secular “Blue State” political discourses. Its objectivewas to discover what the major American faith traditions share by wayof political values and understandings about the critical issues facing theUnited States, particularly in the areas of race, poverty, environmental protection,and restorative justice.Keynoter David Gushee (Graves Professor of Moral Philo
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16

Moe, David Thang. "The Hidden Stories of Burmese American Christians: Understanding their Imagination of Identity." International Bulletin of Mission Research 48, no. 3 (2024): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23969393241246190.

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As compared to other Asian Christians in the US, Burmese immigrant Christians are relatively recent arrivals to the US. Their stories are largely hidden and not widely discussed in the emerging field of Asian American contextual theological formations. The aim of this article is, therefore, to unlock the hidden stories of Burmese American Christians and to put their lived stories and unheard voices into the discourses of Asian American theologies. In the first section, the article explores when and how Burmese American Christians migrated to the US and how they imagine their ethnic and ecclesi
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17

Walker, Anthony R. "The first Lahu (Muhsur) Christians: A community in Northern Thailand." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 11, no. 2 (2010): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2010.3650.

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Universiti Brunei DarussalamBetween 10 to 20 per cent of all the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Lahu people now subscribe to one or another version of the Christian religion.The largest proportion of present-day Lahu Christians inherited the genre of this Western religion propagated by American Baptist missionaries in the former Kengtung State of Burma (from 1901 to 1966), in Yunnan (from 1920 to 1949), and in North Thailand (from 1968 to 1990). For this reason, it is often thought that pioneer American Baptist among the Lahu, William Marcus Young (1861–1936), was the first to induct a representative
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18

Rabin, Shari. "Jews in Church: Rethinking Jewish-Christian Relations in Nineteenth-Century America." Religions 9, no. 8 (2018): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9080237.

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Studies of Jewish-Christian relations in the nineteenth century have largely centered on anti-Semitism, missionary endeavors, and processes of Protestantization. In this literature, Jews and Judaism are presented as radically separate from Christians and Christianity, which threaten them, either by reinforcing their difference or by diminishing it, whether as a deliberate project or as an unconscious outcome of pressure or attraction. And yet, Jews and Christians interacted with one another’s religious traditions not only through literature and discussion, but also within worship spaces. This
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19

Robison, Lee. "American Christians Visit Mt. Nebo." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 29, no. 2 (1996): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45226191.

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20

Myers, William R. "America's Christian Nationalism, Theological Anomalies, and Constructive Responses." Theology Today 80, no. 2 (2023): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00405736231172681.

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From both the political right and left, the Charlottesville March re-awakened American interest in theocracy. American Christians became interested in something called Christian Nationalism. America's theocratic ideas had surfaced during American colonialism and later as the Protestant church operationalized a theocratic formational process called Christian nurture. That theological idea became an unhelpful, theocratic, theological anomaly. In similar fashion, the evangelical movement's support of an autocratic, presidential candidate had its roots within another unhelpful, theocratic theologi
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21

Brown, Candy Gunther. "Christian Yoga: Something New Under the Sun/Son?" Church History 87, no. 3 (2018): 659–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640718001555.

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Between the 1960s and 2010s, yoga became a familiar feature of American culture, including its Christian subcultures. This article examines Christian yoga and public-school yoga as windows onto the fraught relationship between Christianity and culture. Yoga is a flashpoint for divisions among Christians and between them and others. Some evangelicals and pentecostals view yoga as idolatry or an opening to demonic spirits; others fill gaps in Christian practice by using linguistic substitution to Christianize yoga. In 2013, evangelical parents in California sued the Encinitas Union School Distri
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22

RUSSELL, JAMES. "Evangelical Audiences and “Hollywood” Film: Promoting Fireproof (2008)." Journal of American Studies 44, no. 2 (2010): 391–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187580999140x.

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By any criteria, Evangelical Christians constitute a significant segment of the American population, but they have always been a difficult audience for the American film industry to target, because many Evangelicals view themselves as ideologically opposed to Hollywood – a fraught relationship often referred to as the “Culture Wars.” This essay uses the recent hit Fireproof (2008) to examine the complex relationship between Hollywood, Evangelical audiences and independent Christian film producers.
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23

Blosser, Joe. "And It Was Good: Building an Ethics of Sufficiency." Journal of the Society of Christian Ethics 41, no. 1 (2021): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jsce202152639.

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To follow Jesus’s command to love our neighbors in our neoliberal age, Christians must cultivate new theological and economic stories that urge practices of sufficiency—ways of living with “enough.” The neoliberal version of the United States’s origin story of the American Dream, built on individual responsibility and meritocracy, knows no end to monetary accumulation. And the ways neoliberal rationality colors the Christian creation story can reinforce the drive toward endless accumulation. There are ways of living and practicing Christian stories, however, that can cultivate the kind of comm
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24

Bowman, Matthew. "Sin, Spirituality, and Primitivism: The Theologies of the American Social Gospel, 1885–1917." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 17, no. 1 (2007): 95–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2007.17.1.95.

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AbstractThis article seeks to draw attention to an often overlooked aspect of the social gospel. Rather than explaining social gospelers as theological liberals who took an interest in social problems, as many historians have done, this essay argues that they were possessed of a unique theology, one which welded evangelical ideas of conversion and experiential Christianity with liberal postmillennial hopes. Their devotion to combating social ills should be understood, therefore, not solely as a secular commitment to social justice or a nebulous allegiance to Christian charity but also as a the
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25

Park, Sue Kim. "Jeong: A Practical Theology of Postcolonial Interfaith Relations." Religions 11, no. 10 (2020): 515. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11100515.

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This article examines Korean American Christians’ involvement in interfaith relations from a practical theology perspective. The author begins the research with the broad question, “What is going on with Korean American Christians in interfaith engagement?” and interrogates more specifically the methods through which they participate in it. Gathering results from ethnographic research, the author claims that Korean American Christians build interfaith relationships through jeong, a collective sentiment many Koreans share. Jeong is an emotional bond that develops and matures over time in interp
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26

Miller, Daniel D. "American Christian Nationalism and the Meaning of “Religion”." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 34, no. 1-2 (2021): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341533.

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Abstract American Christian nationalism highlights the entanglements of identity and power as they relate to the category of “religion.” Like many populist movements, Christian nationalism emerges out of a power-devaluation crisis stemming from the diminishment of White Christians’ social and political hegemony, coalescing around the affirmation that the US is a properly “Christian” nation. However, an examination of Christian nationalism reveals that the meaning of “Christian” within Christian nationalism cannot be captured by traditional measures of individual religiosity that tacitly presup
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27

DM, Hong. "Korean Christians Americanized." Philosophy International Journal 6, no. 3 (2023): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.23880/phij-16000310.

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With the introduction of zoom and cell group Bible study and fellowship gathering with church members from 6 to 10, congregation members of each Korean church have come to appreciate the diversity within each consistory encompassing multigenerational American born Koreans, foreign expats, diplomats, immigrants from middle class and up from the greater Seoul, South Korea area, political refugees and migrant workers who categorically entered this country with Republic of Korea visa but who originally were able to date back their earlier life from Communist Regimes such as Siberia, China, Vietnam
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28

Maskell, Caleb J. D. "“Modern Christianity Is Ancient Judaism”: Rabbi Gustav Gottheil and the Jewish-American Religious Future, 1873–1903." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 23, no. 2 (2013): 139–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2013.23.2.139.

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AbstractGustav Gottheil was a person of great influence in the development of American Reform Judaism, but his story has been largely forgotten. From 1873 to 1903, he was rabbi at Temple Emanu-El, the largest and wealthiest Reform Congregation on the Upper East Side of Manhattan. A prolific author and public teacher, he was “a striking and dominating figure … in American Judaism at large.” He was also controversial, criticized by some for his perceived openness to the ideals, institutions, and elites of American liberal Christianity. One editorialist wrote that he was “frequently accused of …
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29

Bieber, Kenneth, and Jaco Beyers. "The Allegiance of White American Evangelicals to Donald Trump." Exchange 49, no. 2 (2020): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341559.

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Abstract This article discusses why American evangelical Christians, particularly white evangelicals, have granted overwhelming support to Donald Trump, first as a presidential candidate in 2016, and then as president since his inauguration in January 2017. The loyalty afforded to him by this voting bloc results in an abandonment of the values and priorities of the greater Christian mission, exchanging faithful discipleship for political expediency. While this demographic of voters does not explicitly renounce the Christian faith or their belief in the authority of Scripture, the concerns exhi
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30

Wilkins, Jeremy D. "Political Responsibility in Time of Civil War." Lonergan Review 11 (2020): 13–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/lonerganreview2020112.

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In this article I propose to do five things. First, I describe the present confusion disturbing the tranquility of the American polity. Next, I hypothesize that an important source of civil confusion is that American civildiscourse is generally conducted in two different moral languages. Neither of these is adequate to the reality of the human good, and their speakers are, perhaps increasingly, given to misunderstanding one another. Third, I propose some reasons why not only misunderstanding but even outright hostility seems to be growing. Fourth, I suggest that if we Christians are to be of g
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31

Jarrard, Clayton. "Envisioning Care: Responses to the Traumas of “Truth” in an Online Queer Christian Community." Journal for Undergraduate Ethnography 12, no. 2 (2022): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/jue.v12i2.11407.

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In light of the antagonistic histories of Christianity and the LGBTQ+ community in the U.S., a common hardship experienced by queer Christians is the shame of isolation. Many queer Christians are steeped in queerphobic faith communities, lacking resources to help themselves. Digital spaces have become an innovative way to forge connections around this distinct point of tension between faith and lived experience. In this digital ethnography of an online queer Christian community, care is witnessed to be formative for many, and vital for some. Community members adapt approaches to care in the on
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32

Clark, Christopher. "Heavens on Earth: Christian Utopias in Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century America." Studies in Church History 46 (2010): 396–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000723.

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In the rich and complex history of American Christianity, utopias in one form or another have played a constant part. From the early puritan settlements onwards, North America has played a distinctive role in the Christian imagination — as a place of refuge, as a place for experimentation, as the founding-spot for new sects, churches, and denominations. Among the experimenters have been many groups of Christians in America who have, over more than two centuries, gathered themselves into communal organizations — what participants and commentators now call ‘intentional communities’. Their number
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33

Stasson, Anneke. "The Legacy of Irma Highbaugh." International Bulletin of Mission Research 42, no. 3 (2017): 262–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939317739820.

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Irma Highbaugh (1891–1973), an American Methodist missionary, used her thirty years of experience in China’s Christian home movement to help Christians throughout Asia develop Christian home literature and train leaders in marriage and family counseling. Her publications and presence at international missionary conferences stoked interest in Christian home missiology, and she put her stamp on that missiology. She was notable for believing that both men and women should be involved with Christian home work and for insisting that significant funds and professionally trained personnel should be d
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34

Crump, David M. "Echoes of Slavery, Racial Segregation and Jim Crow: American Dispensationalism and Christian Zionist Bible-Reading." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 23, no. 1 (2024): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2024.0324.

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The apologetics of pro-slavery, pro-segregation Christians in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were identical to the methods of biblical interpretation used by Dispensationalist Christian Zionists today. The ideology's specific rules of ‘literal interpretation’ and ‘antecedent theology’ led both groups to similar conclusions about slavery and racial segregation, on the one hand, and Jewish privilege and Palestinian displacement, on the other. Abolitionist efforts to promote a Christ–like hermeneutic rooted in Christian morality points the way forward to correcting modern theologies, such
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35

Crump, David M. "Worshipping Jerusalem: Colonial Christianity Among Colonisers and the Colonised." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 24, no. 1 (2025): 37–48. https://doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2025.0350.

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Both Jewish and Palestinian Christians remain separated in Palestine-Israel, as if Paul's promise of church unity in One New Person (Ephesians 2:14–16) was somehow inapplicable to the Middle East. Christian Zionism has erected new walls of hostility, aggravating the traditional antagonisms that separated immigrant, European colonisers from the colonised, Palestinian natives. American evangelicalism, which is dominated by the ideology of Christian Zionism, has a sizeable role to play in confusing these issues and keeping Israelis and Palestinians apart. After interviewing numerous Christian lea
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36

Guenther, Alan M. "Ghazals, Bhajans and Hymns: Hindustani Christian Music in Nineteenth-Century North India." Studies in World Christianity 25, no. 2 (2019): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0254.

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When American missionaries from the Methodist Episcopal Church arrived in India in the middle of the nineteenth century, they very soon published hymn-books to aid the Christian church in worship. But these publications were not solely the product of American Methodists nor simply the collection of foreign songs and music translated into Urdu. Rather, successive editions demonstrate the increasing participation of both foreigners and Indians, of missionaries from various denominations, of both men and women, and of even those not yet baptised as Christians. The tunes and poetry included were i
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37

Slagle, Amy A. "A View from the Pew: Lay Orthodox Christian Perspectives on American Religious Diversity*." Russian History 40, no. 2 (2013): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04002004.

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This study offers an analysis of how Orthodox Christians in America today grapple on a daily basis with the pluralism of the American religious landscape. Based on interviews conducted with converts and “cradle Orthodox” in the Greek, Ukrainian, Carpatho-Russian, and American (Orthodox Church in America) Churches, Slagle constructs an image of the imagined and actual worldviews of Orthodox practitioners in Southwest Pennsylvania and Northern Ohio—a region of the US with dense and well-establish Orthodox communities. Slagle finds a range of exclusivist and inclusivist attitudes among the Orthod
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38

Mirza, Mahan. "Earth Empire and Sacred Text." American Journal of Islam and Society 28, no. 4 (2011): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v28i4.1229.

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There is a new trend in the progressive quarter of American EvangelicalChristianity to form common bonds with Muslims. From this impulsestem books such as Miroslav Volf’s Allah: A Christian Responseand Carl Medearis’ Muslims, Christians, and Jesus: Gaining Understandingand Building Relationships, as well as organizations such as RickLove’s Peace Catalyst and Yale Divinity School’s Reconciliation Program.David Johnston’s robust Earth, Empire and Sacred Text falls withinthis trend (although these are by no means monolithic attempts and each must be evaluated on its own terms). As an Evangelical
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39

Williams, Daniel K. "When the Canaanite Conquest Met the Enlightenment: How Christian Apologists of the English Enlightenment Harmonized the Biblical Canaanite Conquest with the Moral Values of the Eighteenth Century." Church History 90, no. 3 (2021): 579–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721002146.

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AbstractThis article examines British and American Christian apologists’ reinterpretation of the biblical account of the Canaanite conquest in response to concerns about natural rights and ethical behavior that emerged from the English Enlightenment. Because of Enlightenment-era assumptions about universal rights, a new debate emerged in Britain and America in the eighteenth century about whether the divine order for the biblical Israelites to slaughter the Canaanites was morally right. The article argues that intellectually minded Christians’ appropriation of Enlightenment values to reframe t
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40

Nadel, Alan. "God's Law and the Wide Screen: The Ten Commandments as Cold War “Epic”." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 108, no. 3 (1993): 415–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/462612.

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Cecil B. deMille's Ten Commandments can be read as a major product of American cold war ideology, highlighting and localizing the foci of America's political, theological, and economic conflicts. The apparatus of wide-screen technology resolves these conflicts visually by mediating a series of gazes in an economy that equates God's perspective with American interests during the cold war and those interests with the rigidity of gender roles, the commodification of women, the representation of “true” Jews as proto-Christians, and the reclamation of the Middle East as legitimately within the Amer
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41

Bremer, Thomas S. "Black Robes and the Book of Heaven." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 1 (2021): 80–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10014.

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Abstract Protestant and Catholic sources tell different stories about four Nez Perce emissaries from beyond the Rocky Mountains who arrived in St. Louis in the fall of 1831. Although their respective historical accounts reveal little about why native peoples would find it advantageous to send a delegation to an American frontier town asking for help, they reveal much about the contrasts between these rival groups of American Christians in the nineteenth century as well as their common objectives in Christianizing the American west. A third version of Christian missionaries arriving in the inte
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42

Farrell, James J. "Thomas Merton and the Religion of the Bomb." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 5, no. 1 (1995): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1995.5.1.03a00040.

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In 1958, C. Wright Mills delivered his “Pagan Sermon to the Christian Clergy,” a piece in which he challenged American churches to consider their complicity in the coming of World War III. Mills complained that “the verbal Christian belief in the sanctity of human life… does not itself enter decisively into the plans now being readied for World War III.… Total war ought indeed be difficult for the Christian conscience to confront, but the Christian way out makes it easy; war is defended morally and Christians easily fall into line—as they are led to justify it—in each nation in terms of Christ
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43

Kime, Bradley. "Infidel Deathbeds: Irreligious Dying and Sincere Disbelief in Nineteenth-Century America." Church History 86, no. 2 (2017): 427–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000579.

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This article inquires into the piecemeal, provisional de-marginalization of American irreligion and analyzes the social stakes and strategies of dis/belief's invocation during the long nineteenth century. It does so by considering the era's corpus of American deathbed narratives. It argues that late-century irreligionists mimed and subverted the deathbed strategies of their Christian detractors to convince a skeptical American audience to concede the contested sincerity of their disbelief. For much of the nineteenth century, Christian-produced infidel deathbed narratives mapped the mixture and
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44

Escobar, Samuel. "Latin American Christians in the New Christianity." Review & Expositor 103, no. 3 (2006): 579–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730610300307.

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45

Thuesen, Peter J. "American Christians and the Emptiness of Death." Church History 85, no. 2 (2016): 360–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071600007x.

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My office is the antithesis of emptiness. I am not sure how many books I have managed to cram into a 9 by 12 room, but suffice it to say I have used every available space, even to the point of violating the university's fire code. A year ago, when the fire marshal came around for a routine inspection, he informed me that I could not stack books all the way to the ceiling on top of 6-foot bookshelves but had to leave at least 12 inches' clearance. He told me he would be back for a repeat inspection in a couple of months. This forced me to do some culling—an excruciating task. So over spring bre
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46

Greene-Hayes, Ahmad. "“A Very Queer Case”." Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 26, no. 4 (2023): 58–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2023.26.4.58.

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In this article, I present the case of Clementine Barnabet, an Afro-Creole teenager who was arrested in 1911 and convicted in 1912 for allegedly committing “Voodoo murders” in southwest Louisiana and Texas. The press, the police, and other Louisiana officials, along with an author employed by the Louisiana Writers’ Project in the 1930s, used racialized and sexualized hyperbole to deem Barnabet a participant in a “Voodoo cult,” purportedly called the Church of the Sacrifice. Moreover, in their quest for information about Barnabet and her beliefs, white Americans also imagined a monolithic Black
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47

Ostrander, Richard. "The Battery and the Windmill: Two Models of Protestant Devotionalism in Early-Twentieth-Century America." Church History 65, no. 1 (1996): 42–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170496.

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In 1912, Andrew Murray, an influential spokesperson for the Keswick theology prevalent in American fundamentalism, decried the sorry state of spirituality among modern Christians. How many there are, he exclaimed, who “say that they have no time and that the heart desire for prayer is lacking; they do not know how to spend half an hour with God! … Day after day, month after month passes, and there is no time to spend one hour with God.” Closing his jeremiad, Murray exclaimed, “How many there are who take only five minutes for prayer!” A few years later, Herbert Willett and Charles Clayton Morr
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48

White, Lauren Smelser. "For Comparative Theology's Christian Skeptics:An Invitation to Kenotic Generosity in the Religiously Pluralistic Situation." Harvard Theological Review 109, no. 2 (2016): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816016000018.

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In present–day North America, with mosques and temples springing up a few streets from synagogues, cathedrals, and steepled church houses, a state of religious plurality is becoming undeniably more pronounced. In the wake of 9/11, the tensions ushered in by this shifting landscape are also increasing—not least for Christian believers who have shadowy notions of the religious “other” and are concerned about the realities of a pluralistic, post–Christian American society. Meanwhile, Christian scholars and practitioners engaged in the burgeoning field of comparative theology view this pluralistic
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49

Womack, Deanna Ferree. "Images of Islam: American Missionary and Arab Perspectives." Studies in World Christianity 22, no. 1 (2016): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2016.0135.

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This article examines the story of Protestant missions in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Ottoman Syria, a region of the Ottoman Empire that included present day Syria and Lebanon. It moves the study of the American Syria Mission away from Euro-centric modes of historiography, first, by adding to the small body of recent scholarship on Arab Protestantism and mission schools in Syria. Second, it focuses on Islam and Christian–Muslim relations in Syrian missionary history, a topic that has received little scholarly attention. Arguing that Muslims played an active part in this history eve
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50

Koschorke, Klaus, and Adrian Hermann. "‘Beyond their own dwellings’: The Emergence of a Transregional and Transcontinental Indigenous Christian Public Sphere in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries." Studies in World Christianity 29, no. 2 (2023): 177–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2023.0433.

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This article deals with a largely ignored or overlooked type of historical sources which, at the same time, are of utmost importance for a future polycentric history of World Christianity: journals and periodicals from the Global South in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries published not by Euro-American missionaries but by local Christians. At the end of the nineteenth century, indigenous Christian elites in Asia and Africa increasingly began to articulate their own views in the colonial public of their respective societies. They founded their own journals, criticised serious sh
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