Книги: "Parliamentary regimes"

1

Blandford, Owyn Hodgson. Manual electoral y técnica parlamentaria: Para las regiones autónomas. Bluefields [Nicaragua]: Bluefields Indian & Caribbean University, 1995.

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2

Malcolmson, Patrick. The Canadian regime: An introduction to parliamentary government in Canada. 2nd ed. Peterborough, Ont: Broadview Press, 2002.

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3

Myers, Richard. The Canadian Regime: An Introduction to Parliamentary Government in Canada. North York, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 2016.

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4

Malcolmson, Patrick. The Canadian regime: An introduction to parliamentary government in Canada. 4th ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009.

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5

Gole, Susan. Maps of the Mediterranean regions published in British Parliamentary papers, 1801-1921. Nicosia: Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation, 1996.

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6

Australia. Islands in the sun: The legal regimes of Australia's external territories and the Jervis Bay Territory (Parliamentary paper / Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia). Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1991.

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7

Laver, Michael. Legislatures and Parliaments in Comparative Context. Edited by Donald A. Wittman and Barry R. Weingast. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199548477.003.0007.

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This article discusses legislatures and parliaments in a comparative context. The first section begins with a study of parliamentary politics. It then moves on to legislative politics in the separation-of-powers regimes. The final portion of the article revisits this distinction in the context of the different types of empirical technique that can be used to measure policy positions of elected politicians.

8

Corni, Gustavo. State and Society. Edited by R. J. B. Bosworth. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199594788.013.0016.

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This article compares the state and society ruled by Adolf Hitler in Germany and Benito Mussolini in Italy. In regard to fascism's accession to power in Italy, another factor separated it from the Nazi path. There were some similarities between the two cases: a constitutional monarchy with a crumbling parliamentary system on the one hand, and a parliamentary and democratic republic with its own deepening crisis on the other. Yet, the institutional weakness of the Weimar state was so great and its lack of legitimacy so pervasive that it did not take a great effort on Hitler's part to shake himself free. Notwithstanding some similarities, most blatantly the tactical alliance with sectors of the old ruling elites, there was a profound difference in the acquisition of power between the two regimes. Hitler could always rely on an ample popular consent, hardened by the Nazis' promise of economic recovery.

9

Hill, James, and Great Britain. Sugar Regime (Parliamentary Debates: [1994-95). Stationery Office Books, 1995.

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10

Fischer, Conan. Remaking Europe after the First World War. Edited by Nicholas Doumanis. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199695669.013.10.

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Victorious Allied governments legitimized wartime sacrifice with promises of domestic prosperity and a peaceful international order. An American-sponsored League of Nations would mediate relations between liberal-democratic nation states. However, although parliamentary government was consolidated across north-western Europe, the peace fell short, failing to accommodate Bolshevik Russia or reach a legitimate settlement with a new and fragile German democracy. Paris deemed the settlement inadequate; the US Congress refused to ratify the German treaty and remained outwith the League; China and Japan were estranged by blatant European racialism and colonialism. All of Europe struggled to restore economic life and eastern Europe experienced famine. Rather than parliamentary democracy, militarist and oligarchic regimes eventually took power across this region, where societies remained largely pre-industrial and ethnically unstable. In Italy, a new authoritarian, militaristic mass movement, fascism, took power, providing an early model of sorts for Hitler’s National Socialists. However, the League of Nations survived and, generations later, liberal democracy has consolidated across Europe.

11

Thompson, Patrick, and Great Britain. Cotton Regime Reform (Parliamentary Debates: [1994-95). Stationery Office Books, 1995.

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12

Stolleis, Michael. European Twentieth-Century Dictatorship and the Law. Edited by Heikki Pihlajamäki, Markus D. Dubber, and Mark Godfrey. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198785521.013.47.

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Between 1900 and 1920 some of the great old political orders broke down, the Chinese and the Russian Empire, the monarchy of the Habsburgs, and the German Reich. Uncertainties and anxieties about the future caused a broad deviation from the ideas and promises of liberalism, parliamentary democracy, and international law. Everywhere anti-liberal authoritarian movements organized themselves. The contribution concentrates on the German law under the Swastika, especially on the ambivalences between the traditional rule of law and the destructive dynamic of the SS-state, which led into emigration, the Second World War, and the Holocaust. The German example is paradigmatic, no doubt. But the observations can be universalized in a world with an increasing number of authoritarian regimes.

13

Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal. 5. Democracies. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the key features of modern democracy as well as its origins. It first explains what democracy means in the field of comparative politics before discussing different models of democracy, including presidential democracy, parliamentary democracy, and democracies oriented towards consensus or majoritarian rule. It then describes the conditions — economic and political, domestic, and international — that allow some countries to become democratic but preserve others under the rule of dictatorships. In particular, it analyses the variables that facilitate the democratization of dictatorships and the factors that place democracies at risk of becoming authoritarian regimes. Finally, it reflects on the future of democracy and looks at the challenges that lie ahead for new generations of citizens.

14

Baier, Gerald, Tom Bateman, Richard Myers, and Patrick Malcolmson. Canadian Regime: An Introduction to Parliamentary Government in Canada. University of Toronto Press, 2021.

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15

Hill, James, and Great Britain. Reform of the Rice Regime (Parliamentary Debates: [1994-95). Stationery Office Books, 1995.

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16

Baier, Gerald, Tom Bateman, Richard Myers, and Patrick Malcolmson. Canadian Regime: An Introduction to Parliamentary Government in Canada. University of Toronto Press, 2021.

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17

Malcolmson, Patrick. The Canadian Regime: An Introduction to Parliamentary Government in Canada. 2016.

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18

Myers, Richard, and Patrick Malcolmson. The Canadian Regime: An Introduction to Parliamentary Government in Canada. 3rd ed. Broadview Press, 2005.

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19

Myers, Richard, and Patrick Malcolmson. The Canadian Regime: An Introduction to Parliamentary Government in Canada. 2nd ed. Broadview Press, 2001.

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20

Myers, Richard, and Patrick Malcolmson. The Canadian Regime: An Introduction to Parliamentary Government in Canada. University of Toronto Press, Higher Education Division, 2012.

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21

Graham, Helen, and Alejandro Quiroga. After the Fear was Over? What Came After Dictatorships in Spain, Greece, and Portugal. Edited by Dan Stone. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199560981.013.0025.

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What Spain, Greece, and Portugal have in common in the twentieth century is the manner in which their internal processes of change – rural to urban, agrarian to industrial – were intervened in and inflected at crucial moments and with enduring effect by the force of international political agendas. By the 1960s, in all three countries, the fearful imaginaries of traditionalists still saw a disguised form of communism in the ‘godlessness’ of Americanisation, social liberalisation, and anti-puritanism. This article adopts a tripartite structure (1945: survival; 1970s: transition; after 1989: memory) in order to explore why, how, and with what consequences Southern European political establishments with clear Nazi links or empathies not only survived the collapse of Adolf Hitler's new order, but were also able to persist as dictatorial and authoritarian regimes into the 1970s. It then interrogates the nature of the subsequent transitions to parliamentary democracy, paying particular attention to the continuities. It is remarkable, even today, how few Western European or North American commentators understand the brutality beneath the burlesque of dictatorship in Southern Europe.

22

Mills, Iain, and Great Britain. Reform of the Fruit and Vegetable Regime (Parliamentary Debates: [1995-96). Stationery Office Books, 1995.

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23

George, Walker, Purves Robert, and Blair Michael. Part II Financial Services Regulation, 8 Individual Accountability. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198793809.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the individual accountability regime for the UK's banking sector. It begins with an overview of the individual accountability regime as well as its key aspects, focusing on the Independent Commission on Banking and the Parliamentary Commission on Banking Standards. It then considers the Financial Services (Banking Reform) Act 2013 and the Senior Managers' Regime, along with the financial institutions within scope of the Senior Managers' Regime. It also describes the rules of the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) and Prudential Regulation Authority (PRA) concerning the Senior Managers' Regime, and more specifically the Allocation of Responsibilities, senior management functions, applications and notifications with respect to the Regime, and fitness and propriety. Finally, it looks at the Certification Regime, UK branches of overseas banks, and extension of the Senior Managers' Regime to all other financial services firms.

24

Petrović, Predrag, Petrović Pejić Nikić, Marija Ignjatijević, Bojan Elek, Luka Šterić, and Marija Pavlović. Security Sector in a Captured State: Act Two. Edited by Predrag Petrović and Jelena Pejić Nikić. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/ezzq8253.

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In the past year and a half it has become clear that Serbia is a captured state and that the security sector is one of the most important means of preserving and cementing the situation. Security institutions have become an instrument for preserving the power of the ruling party; they participated in breaking up opposition protests, secret surveillance, intimidation and discrediting those that criticise the government. They also made sure that suspicious business deals of people close to the ruling party ran smoothly, and that the main actors involved in these activities were never held to account, either politically or legally. The trend of increasing expenditures for the security sector by additional redistribution of funds through budget rebalances has continued. The National Assembly, which - by way of its committees - should be one of the main institutions of democratic control of the security sector, has become an instrument for expressing support for the ruling party, and for public attacks on and discreditation of anyone who criticises the work of the government. The above is a consequence of the fact that the opposition has boycotted the parliamentary elections in June 2020 due to the absence of minimum conditions for holding fair elections. To legitimise the existing situation, the ruling party continues to maintain and strengthen foreign policy ties with undemocratic regimes.

25

Shamshad, Rizwana. The Parliamentary Debates on Bangladeshi Migrants (1971–2009). Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199476411.003.0006.

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The chapter on parliamentary debates analyses the continuing debates about Bangladeshis that took place in the national parliament of India and how their presence was viewed and debated by different sectarian and secular regional and national political parties’ representatives. The Lok Sabha debate texts from 1971 to 2011 have been analysed in this chapter. It discusses the debates on Bangladeshi migrants before, during and after the previous NDA regime. The parliamentary debate provides a window to the readers through which it is possible to obtain a picture of what has been going on over the years in the main arena of Indian politics. It also gives a sense of the lively debates conducted by Indian politicians on the issue of Bangladeshi migration into India, the opponents and their allegations and the proponents who defended and sympathised with the migrants.

26

Somfalvy, Esther. Parliamentary Representation in Central Asia: MPs Between Representing Their Voters and Serving an Authoritarian Regime. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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27

Somfalvy, Esther. Parliamentary Representation in Central Asia: MPs Between Representing Their Voters and Serving an Authoritarian Regime. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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28

Somfalvy, Esther. Parliamentary Representation in Central Asia: MPs Between Representing Their Voters and Serving an Authoritarian Regime. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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29

Somfalvy, Esther. Parliamentary Representation in Central Asia: MPs Between Representing Their Voters and Serving an Authoritarian Regime. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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30

Somfalvy, Esther. Parliamentary Representation in Central Asia: MPs Between Representing Their Voters and Serving an Authoritarian Regime. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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31

Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Asia and the Pacific Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.70.

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This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.

32

Nathalie, Bernard-Maugiron. Part 4 Constitutionalism and Separation of Powers, 4.2 Strong Presidentialism: The Model of Mubārak’s Egypt. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199759880.003.0020.

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This chapter discusses the amendments to the Egyptian Constitution which provided the President with broad executive and legislative powers. It describes how the failure of the parliamentary checks and balances mechanisms further increased the presidential or one might even say authoritarian nature of the Egyptian regime. The revolution on January 25, 2011 deposed the president and destroyed the constitution. Egypt now faces the challenge of achieving constitutional reform and constructing the transition process from an authoritarian to a democratic rule.

33

Schimmelfennig, Frank, Thomas Winzen, Tobias Lenz, Jofre Rocabert, Loriana Crasnic, Cristina Gherasimov, Jana Lipps, and Densua Mumford. The Rise of International Parliaments. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198864974.001.0001.

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International parliamentary institutions (IPIs) are on the rise. Around the world, international organizations have increasingly established or affiliated parliamentary assemblies. At the same time, IPIs have generally remained powerless institutions with at best a consultative role in the decision-making process of international organizations. This book pursues the question why the member states of international organizations create IPIs but do not vest them with relevant institutional powers. It argues that neither the functional benefits of delegation nor the internalization of democratic norms provide convincing answers to this question. Rather, IPIs are an instrument of strategic legitimation. By establishing IPIs that mimic a highly esteemed domestic democratic institution, governments seek to ensure that audiences at home and in the wider international environment recognize their IOs as democratically legitimate. At the same time, they seek to avoid being effectively constrained by IPIs in international governance. In a statistical analysis covering the world’s most relevant international organizations and a series of case studies from diverse world regions, we find two major varieties of international parliamentarization. IOs with general purpose and high authority create and empower IPIs to legitimate their region-building projects domestically. Alternatively, IOs are induced to create parliamentary bodies by international diffusion.

34

Tismaneanu, Vladimir. What was National Stalinism? Edited by Dan Stone. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199560981.013.0023.

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As a political variety within Leninism, different from what is usually called national communism, national Stalinism systematically opposed any form of liberalisation, let alone democratisation. Reactionary and self-centered, it valued autarky and exclusiveness. The fundamental values of such a regime are political voluntarism, sectarianism, radicalism, cult of hierarchy and authority, scorn for parliamentary democracy, and constitutionalism. This article first analyses the origins and the model for national Stalinism, and then looks at four cases amongst Eastern European countries in the post-Stalin era: Romania, Albania, Bulgaria, and Poland. In contrast to Nikolai Lenin, for Joseph Stalin, the complete, irreversible victory of socialism in Russia was not contingent upon the success of proletarian revolutions in the West.

35

Roger, Mccormick, and Stears Chris. Part IV Regulatory and Other Developments in the UK 2010‒2016, 14 Financial Services (Banking Reform) Act 2013. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198749271.003.0015.

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This chapter charts the passage of the Financial Services (Banking Reform) Act 2013. The Banking Reform Act was enacted in December 2013 and comprises of 8 parts and 10 schedules. The Act was intended to deliver on the government’s plan to create a more robust, better regulated and managed banking system, that supports the economy, customers and small businesses. The Banking Reform Act implemented the recommendations of the Independent Commission on Banking (on banking-sector structural reform) and the key recommendations of the Parliamentary Commission on Banking Standards (on behaviour, culture, and professional standards within the banking industry). The Act amended the FSMA, the Insolvency Act 1986, and the Banking Act 2009. It also provided the legislative platform for an enhanced accountability regime within financial services.

36

Australia. Taxing relaxing: Report on the inquiry into the impact of Australia's taxation regime on the tourism industry (Parliamentary paper / the Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia). Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1995.

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37

Needell, Jeffrey. The Sacred Cause. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503609020.001.0001.

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This work is focused on the abolitionist movement in Rio de Janeiro. It offers a careful reconstruction of the movement’s context and evolution in Rio, and the related formal parliamentary history. An understanding of the nature of the political parties of the Brazilian monarchy, the role of the crown, and the significance of ideology and individual statesmen has been brought to bear in order to comprehend how the regime actually interacted with abolitionism and how both the movement and the regime shaped each other as a consequence. One cannot understand the movement’s history as something apart from the elite political world that it challenged and changed. A central element in this study is an examination of the role of racial identity and racial solidarity in the abolitionist movement’s history. Previous analyses of the movement have always argued that the movement was an urban, middle-class, white movement (with a few significant Afro-Brazilian leaders), one that only gathered Afro-Brazilian mass support over time. A more careful analysis of the evidence transforms our understanding, disclosing Afro-Brazilian middle-class membership and the Afro-Brazilian masses present and mobilized in the movement from its beginning to its end. This study interweaves the imperial capital’s Afro-Brazilian components, its parliament and monarchy, and the nature and evolution of a reformist movement. It explains how the seemingly impossible was made possible: how an urban political movement ended slavery and did so within the confines of a monarchy dominated and maintained by elite

38

Lodge, Hugo D. Blackstone’s Guide to The Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Act. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844778.001.0001.

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The Blackstone's Guide Series delivers concise and accessible books covering the latest legislative changes and amendments. Published soon after enactment, they offer expert commentary by leading names on the scope, extent, and effects of the legislation, plus a copy of the Act itself. They offer a cost-effective solution to key information needs and are the perfect companion for any practitioner needing to get up to speed with the latest changes. Following the UK withdrawal from the European Union, the Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Act 2018 was enacted to enable the UK to continue to implement a regime originating in the EU. This book covers the implementation of a new system for the enforcement of sanctions, including a new mechanism for an appropriate minister to review listings of designated persons and a mechanism for review of that ministerial decision by the High Court. This guide covers the background and Parliamentary scrutiny through to enactment. It offers an approachable commentary to the statute, enabling practitioners to get to grips with the key provisions and the implications for practice. As with all Blackstone's Guides, this book will be in two parts; the first providing detailed commentary on the effects and scope of the Act and the second providing a full copy of the Act itself.

39

Allen, Thomas. New and Complete History of the County of York. HardPress, 2020.

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Книги з теми "Parliamentary regimes"

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