Статті в журналах: "Politics global change"

1

Jordan, Andrew. "The politics of global atmospheric change." International Affairs 72, no. 1 (January 1996): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624791.

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2

Smith, Heather A., and Ian H. Rowlands. "The Politics of Global Atmospheric Change." International Journal 51, no. 2 (1996): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203791.

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3

Mahony, Martin, and Mike Hulme. "Epistemic geographies of climate change." Progress in Human Geography 42, no. 3 (December 9, 2016): 395–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132516681485.

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Anthropogenic climate change has been presented as the archetypal global problem, identified by the slow work of assembling a global knowledge infrastructure, and demanding a concertedly global political response. But this ‘global’ knowledge has distinctive geographies, shaped by histories of exploration and colonialism, by diverse epistemic and material cultures of knowledge-making, and by the often messy processes of linking scientific knowledge to decision-making within different polities. We suggest that understanding of the knowledge politics of climate change may benefit from engagement with literature on the geographies of science. We review work from across the social sciences which resonates with geographers’ interests in the spatialities of scientific knowledge, to build a picture of what we call the epistemic geographies of climate change. Moving from the field site and the computer model to the conference room and international political negotiations, we examine the spatialities of the interactional co-production of knowledge and social order. In so doing, we aim to proffer a new approach to the intersections of space, knowledge and power which can enrich geography’s engagements with the politics of a changing climate.

4

Mandle, Jay. "Reconciling Development, Global Climate Change, and Politics." Challenge 51, no. 6 (November 2008): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/0577-5132510605.

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5

Wehr, Kevin. "Politics, Policy, and Pollution: Global Environmental Change and Radical Environmental Politics." Journal of International Wildlife Law & Policy 8, no. 4 (October 2005): 375–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13880290500343574.

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6

Ollier, Cliff. "Global Warming and Climate Change: Science and Politics." Quaestiones Geographicae 32, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/quageo-2013-0008.

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Abstract The threat of dangerous climate change from anthropogenic global warming has decreased. Global temperature rose from 1975 to 1998, but since then has levelled off. Sea level is now rising at about 1.5mm per year based on tide gauges, and satellite data suggests it may even be falling. Coral islands once allegedly threatened by drowning have actually increased in area. Ice caps cannot possibly slide into the sea (the alarmist model) because they occupy kilometres-deep basins extending below sea level. Deep ice cores show a succession of annual layers of snow accumulation back to 760,000 years and in all that time never melted, despite times when the temperature was higher than it is today. Sea ice shows no change in 30 years in the Arctic. Emphasis on the greenhouse effect stresses radiation and usually leads to neglect of important factors like convection. Water is the main greenhouse gas. The CO2 in the ocean and the atmosphere are in equilibrium: if we could remove CO2 from the atmosphere the ocean would give out more to restore the balance. Increasing CO2 might make the ocean less alkaline but never acid. The sun is now seen as the major control of climate, but not through greenhouse gases. There is a very good correlation of sunspots and climate. Solar cycles provide a basis for prediction. Solar Cycle 24 has started and we can expect serious cooling. Many think that political decisions about climate are based on scientific predictions but what politicians get are projections based on computer models. The UN’s main adviser, the IPCC, uses adjusted data for the input, their models and codes remain secret, and they do not accept responsibility for their projections.

7

Lie, John. "Global climate change and the politics of disaster." Sustainability Science 2, no. 2 (July 27, 2007): 233–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11625-007-0026-9.

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8

Kamal Uddin, Md. "Climate Change and Global Environmental Politics: North-South Divide." Environmental Policy and Law 47, no. 3-4 (October 28, 2017): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/epl-170022.

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9

Jones, R. J. Barry. "Markets, politics and change in the global political economy." International Affairs 66, no. 4 (October 1990): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620379.

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10

Pharo, Helge. "The global 1989: continuity and change in world politics." Cold War History 12, no. 2 (May 2012): 374–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2012.686591.

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11

Thakur, Ramesh. "Breaking through the Global Politics of Climate Change Policy." Washington Quarterly 43, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2020.1770971.

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12

Nunan, Timothy Alexander. "The Global 1989: Continuity and Change in World Politics." Europe-Asia Studies 64, no. 6 (July 3, 2012): 1155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2012.692519.

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13

Shirkey, Zachary. "Constructing Global Order: Agency and Change in World Politics." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 4 (March 2019): 653–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01345.

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14

Wapner, Paul. "Horizontal Politics: Transnational Environmental Activism and Global Cultural Change." Global Environmental Politics 2, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15263800260047826.

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Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) engage in a host of activities to influence world political affairs. They lobby states, pressure economic actors and alter cultural frames to shape widespread thought and behavior. Most scholars of international relations ignore the cultural dimension of NGO work either because it seemingly lacks clear political significance or because alterations in cultural life are difficult to gauge. In this article I demonstrate that, while less direct and obvious, NGO cultural challenges may have, ironically, more political relevance than conventional forms of activism and engagement. Additionally, I show that, notwithstanding formidable methodological challenges, there are ways to measure shifts in broad ideational frameworks—even across borders—and scholars can adopt these in productive ways. I develop both these points through a study of environmental NGOs. The article's findings, however, can be generalized beyond environmental organizations to all types of NGOs.

15

Bliakher, L. "The Costs of Global Leadership and Neighborhood International Politics." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-1-21-34.

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The article examines the trends in international relations that have emerged in recent years, including during the pandemic. According to the author, a clear international space structure in the vein of Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-system, with equally clear rules of the game in such space is associated with the presence of an enforcer. The enforcer here is a country or group of countries that impose certain forms of communication on the international space, making the behavior of agents of the international political space predictable. Such a position for the enforcer, among other things, makes it possible to obtain beneﬁ ts (material and status ones) that exceed its costs. This situation was not least determined by the relative homogeneity of the international space actors (States). However, in reality, as shown in the article, there are many more variants of polities in the world, which, under certain conditions, were convenient to imitate state political institutions. The conditions change is leading to actualization of such polities. The actualization of diversity results in a sharp escalation of the enforcer’s costs, a drop in their eﬀ ectiveness and the attractiveness of the enforcer’s position itself. The leader bears more and more signiﬁ cant costs ceases to perform its functions. Here, in place of the institutional system set by the enforcer, comes a diﬀ erent way of organizing international relations – interpersonal trust, which arises and is strengthened by personal communication. Until recently, such “decisionmakers’ clubs” were not as bright as the enforcer, but they connected the global world. However, the pandemic also disrupts this type of communication or rather complicates it. As a result, the hierarchy of problems changes. The problems of domestic politics and the international problems that aﬀ ect them come to the fore. Global politics is being replaced by “neighborhood” politics. In the age of the world without a global leader and regional players rivalry, tomorrows “weight” of one country depends on how eﬀ ectively it will be able to ﬁ t in the new type of political structure.

16

Edwards, Paul N. "Global comprehensive models in politics and policymaking." Climatic Change 32, no. 2 (February 1996): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00143706.

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17

PATERSON, MATTHEW. "Car culture and global environmental politics." Review of International Studies 26, no. 2 (April 2000): 253–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500002539.

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This article develops emerging critical approaches to global environmental politics by starting with the question, posed by Julian Saurin: ‘If degrading practices occur as a matter of routine, how do we account for this?’. Through an analysis of the global political economy of the car, it shows that widespread social practices which systemically produce global environmental change are simultaneously deeply embedded in the reproduction of global power structures. It focuses on three interconnected aspects of this global political economy—the role of the car industry in processes of globalization, its role in reproducing capital accumulation in the twentieth century, and the promotion of the car over its alternatives by states.

18

Chakrabarty, Dipesh. "The Politics of Climate Change Is More Than the Politics of Capitalism." Theory, Culture & Society 34, no. 2-3 (February 8, 2017): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276417690236.

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Discussion of global climate change is shaped by the intellectual categories developed to address capitalism and globalization. Yet climate change is only one manifestation of humanity’s varied and accelerating impact on the Earth System. The common predicament that may be anticipated in the Anthropocene raises difficult questions of distributive justice – between rich and poor, developed and developing countries, the living and the yet unborn, and even the human and the non-human – and may pose a challenge to the categories on which our traditions of political thought are based. Awareness of the Anthropocene encourages us to think of humans on different scales and in different contexts – as parts of a global capitalist system and as members of a now-dominant species – although the debate is, for now, still structured by the experiences and concepts of the developed world.

19

Schlosberg, David. "Political Challenges of the Climate-Changed Society." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 01 (January 2013): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096512001357.

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We are at a turning point when it comes to the political implications of climate change. Given the reality of a future in a climate-changed world, it is time for us—broadly as a species, but particularly as academics—to move beyond the foci of the last few decades on the politics of preventing climate change through global agreements. There is a growing literature on the obvious need to slow the impacts of climate change, develop postcarbon energy systems, and design new forms of global environmental governance. Beyond these immediate needs, however, climate change poses a range of new problems and requires a broader research agenda for a climate-challenged politics.

20

Jinnah, Sikina. "Climate Change Bandwagoning: The Impacts of Strategic Linkages on Regime Design, Maintenance, and Death." Global Environmental Politics 11, no. 3 (August 2011): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00065.

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The entrée of climate change politics to the center stage of international relations has been accompanied by broad range of strategic linkages, which have produced various institutional interactions. This special issue takes stock of the wide range of ways that international regimes are strategically linked to climate change politics. We do this with a view to better understand both how climate change is shaping the global environmental political landscape, and is being shaped itself through strategic linkages to regimes both within (i.e. forests, biodiversity, fisheries, and desertification) and beyond (i.e. security and human rights) the environmental realm. The contributions that make up this special issue explore when, how, and by whom regime linkages should be pursued, how linkage politics are affecting regime development and function, and in turn how these changes are shaping the evolution of global environmental politics and problem solving writ large.

21

Purdon, Mark. "Advancing Comparative Climate Change Politics: Theory and Method." Global Environmental Politics 15, no. 3 (August 2015): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_e_00309.

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Central to this special issue is the notion that the methods and conceptual tools of comparative politics can improve our understanding of global climate change politics. Building on recent advancements in the field of comparative environmental politics, the special issues offers a more comprehensive treatment of climate change politics in developed countries, emerging economies and least developed countries. In this introduction, I distil the key features of comparative politics, advocate for the more rigorous application of comparative methods in climate politics scholarship and highlight three groups of political factors—institutions, interests and ideas—that hold considerable promise in explaining climate change politics at the domestic level. The introduction concludes with an appeal to (re)think how international and domestic politics interact. Examples drawn from the articles assembled for this special issue are used to substantiate the claims made.

22

Weber, Alexander. "GLOBAL CLIMATE CHANGE IN THE AGENDA OF THE WORLD POLITICS." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 45, no. 2 (2007): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2007-45-2-92-102.

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23

Keohane, Robert O. "The Global Politics of Climate Change: Challenge for Political Science." PS: Political Science & Politics 48, no. 01 (December 31, 2014): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514001541.

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24

Wilenius, Markku. "From Science to Politics: The Menace of Global Environmental Change." Acta Sociologica 39, no. 1 (January 1996): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169939603900102.

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25

Luscombe, Amy. "Global commons, local decisions: the comparative politics of climate change." Australasian Journal of Environmental Management 19, no. 2 (June 2012): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14486563.2012.677218.

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26

Dimitrov, Radoslav S. "Global commons, domestic decisions: The comparative politics of climate change." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 17, no. 3 (September 2011): 280–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2011.638191.

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27

Zhang, Haibo. "Global Commons, Domestic Decisions: The Comparative Politics of Climate Change." Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 15, no. 3 (June 2013): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13876988.2013.798987.

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28

Tinch, Rob. "Book Review: Global climate change: the science, economics and politics." Holocene 14, no. 4 (May 2004): 638–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095968360401400422.

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29

Schaffrin, André. "Book Review: Comparative Politics: Global Commons, Domestic Decisions: The Comparative Politics of Climate Change." Political Studies Review 10, no. 1 (January 2012): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2011.00252_6.x.

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30

Chen, Lincoln C., Winifred M. Fitzgerald, and Lisa Bates. "Women, Politics, and Global Management." Environment: Science and Policy for Sustainable Development 37, no. 1 (February 1995): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00139157.1995.9929208.

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31

Moore, Cerwyn. "On Cruelty: Literature, Aesthetics and Global Politics." Global Society 24, no. 3 (July 2010): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2010.485563.

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32

WANG, Sidan. "Climate Change Discourses in the UK General Election in 2015." Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies 04, no. 01 (March 2016): 1650002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2345748116500020.

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There is a wide range of researches on climate change policy and politics at the European and global level. However, the existing studies ignore the importance of understanding climate change discourses and politics in the UK particularly during the General Election. The General Election in 2015 will influence the post-2015 climate change politics and policy in the UK. Further, the UK’s potential withdrawal from the EU poses a threat to the existing arrangement of climate change politics. This paper argues how different climate change discourses among main political parties influence climate policy options in the UK.

33

Dauvergne, Peter. "Cancer and Global Environmental Politics: Proposing a New Research Agenda." Global Environmental Politics 5, no. 3 (August 1, 2005): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1526380054794943.

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More than six million people die of cancer every year. Over the next two decades, the World Health Organization predicts global cancer rates will rise to 10 million deaths annually. What is the impact of the global political and economic processes of environmental change on cancer rates? Why, given the strong intuitive reasons to worry about the carcinogenic effects of global environmental change, is there so little research on this topic? What is the political role of science, corporations, nongovernmental organizations and international institutions on cancer research and cancer rates? What is the impact of global patterns of trade, financing, production and consumption on research and rates? This article charts the current social science literature on cancer and global environmental change with the hope of encouraging scholars of global environmental politics to pursue a new research agenda around questions like these.

34

Selin, Henrik, and Stacy D. VanDeveer. "US climate change politics and policymaking." Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change 2, no. 1 (December 23, 2010): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/wcc.94.

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35

Dolšak, Nives, and Aseem Prakash. "The Politics of Climate Change Adaptation." Annual Review of Environment and Resources 43, no. 1 (October 17, 2018): 317–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-environ-102017-025739.

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Climate action has two pillars: mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation faces collective action issues because its costs are focused on specific locations/actors but benefits are global and nonexcludable. Adaptation, in contrast, creates local benefits, and therefore should face fewer collective action issues. However, governance units vary in the types of adaptation policies they adopt. To explain this variation, we suggest conceptualizing adaptation-as-politics because adaptation speaks to the issues of power, conflicting policy preferences, resource allocation, and administrative tensions. In examining who develops and implements adaptation, we explore whether adaptation is the old wine of disaster management in the new bottle of climate policy, and the tensions between national and local policy making. In exploring what adaptation policies are adopted, we discuss maladaptation and the distinction between hard and soft infrastructure. Finally, we examine why politicians favor visible, hard adaptation over soft adaptation, and how international influences shape local policy.

36

Ross, Andrew A. G. "Realism, emotion, and dynamic allegiances in global politics." International Theory 5, no. 2 (June 4, 2013): 273–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175297191300016x.

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This article appeals to classical realism for new insights into the role emotions play in shifting the terrain of political allegiance in global politics. Although undetected in readings emphasizing rational statecraft, realists such as Hans Morgenthau and Reinhold Niebuhr were centrally concerned with human emotions and their political impact. While following the intellectual currents of their time in regarding emotions as fixed impulses, these realists’ deep appreciation for the contingencies of history also led them to cast emotions as socially conditioned mechanisms of adaptation. By revisiting the texts of classical realism, this paper develops a fresh account of how emotion responds to and engenders change in the social world – in particular, change in the location of political allegiances. I then show how Morgenthau and Niebuhr applied these ideas not only to the nation-state but also to the most vexingtransnational phenomena of their time – communism and liberal internationalism. In conclusion, the paper speculates that these reflections on dynamic allegiances at the transnational level offer realists and other international relation theorists insight into the emotional appeal, adaptability, and organizational complexity of contemporary non-state movements and actors.

37

Pepinsky, Thomas B. "The Global Economic Crisis and the Politics of Non-Transitions." Government and Opposition 47, no. 2 (2012): 135–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01361.x.

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AbstractThis paper investigates the effects of the global economic crisis (GEC) on political change. A number of emerging European economies have experienced political turnover, but in other emerging and transition economies, government turnover and regime change have been comparatively rare. Two factors – incumbent governments' responsibility for the current crisis and their responsiveness to its domestic economic effects – shape the political effects of the GEC. Outside Europe, most emerging economies have experienced this crisis as an external shock to trade and investment rather than a domestic financial crisis. As a consequence, their governments have experienced less severe economic contractions, and have been able credibly to portray themselves as victims of, rather than causes of, the economic difficulties that they currently face. By placing political turnover in emerging Europe in comparative perspective, this argument provides a new perspective on the consequences of economic integration on national politics for emerging economies around the world.

38

Dimitrov, Radoslav S. "Empty Institutions in Global Environmental Politics." International Studies Review 22, no. 3 (June 12, 2019): 626–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz029.

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AbstractWhy are some institutions without any policy powers or output? This study documents the efforts by governments to create empty international institutions whose mandates deprive them of any capacity for policy formulation or implementation. Examples include the United Nations Forum on Forests, the Copenhagen Accord on Climate Change, and the UN Commission on Sustainable Development. Research is based on participation in twenty-one rounds of negotiations over ten years and interviews with diplomats, policymakers, and observers. The article introduces the concept of empty institutions, provides evidence from three empirical cases, theorizes their political functions, and discusses theoretical implications and policy ramifications. Empty institutions are deliberately designed not to deliver and serve two purposes. First, they are political tools for hiding failure at negotiations, by creating a public impression of policy progress. Second, empty institutions are “decoys” that distract public scrutiny and legitimize collective inaction, by filling the institutional space in a given issue area and by neutralizing pressures for genuine policy. Contrary to conventional academic wisdom, institutions can be raised as obstacles that preempt governance rather than facilitate it.

39

Smith, Heather A. "Review: Aid and Human Rights: The Politics of Global Atmospheric Change." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 51, no. 2 (June 1996): 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209605100212.

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40

Shackley, Simon. "The intergovernmental panal on climate change: consensual knowledge and global politics." Global Environmental Change 7, no. 1 (April 1997): 77–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0959-3780(96)00035-0.

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41

Hochstetler, Kathryn, and Eduardo Viola. "Brazil and the politics of climate change: beyond the global commons." Environmental Politics 21, no. 5 (September 2012): 753–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2012.698884.

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42

Dörries, Matthias. "The Politics of Atmospheric Sciences: “Nuclear Winter” and Global Climate Change." Osiris 26, no. 1 (January 2011): 198–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/661272.

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43

LAWRENCE, DAVID B., and SUSAN C. STEPHENSON. "The Economics and Politics of Tax Increment Financing." Growth and Change 26, no. 1 (January 1995): 105–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2257.1995.tb00163.x.

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44

Gunitsky, Seva. "Complexity and theories of change in international politics." International Theory 5, no. 1 (March 2013): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971913000110.

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This article examines how the principles of complex systems can illuminate recurring mechanisms of change in theories of international relations. It applies the logic of complex systems to two specific puzzles in international politics – the problem of theorizing change in structural realism, and the dynamics of cross-border democratic diffusion. In the first case, by shifting the analysis of anarchy's consequences from state behavior to state attributes, complex systems can illustrate the sources of domestic and international transformations embedded in structural theories. This approach offers a way to think about democratization as a global process of interstate competition and socialization driven by the pressures of anarchy. In the second case, the principles of co-adaptation in complex systems can help reframe diffusion not as the unilinear spread of democracy but as the interplay of self-reinforcing and self-dampening dynamics, whose interaction shapes both actor expectations and democratic outcomes. In both cases, complex systems serve a limited but useful role; although not conducive to theory creation, the approach provides a useful analytical prism for examining patterns of change and continuity in global processes, and highlights concrete ways of improving models of transformations in international politics.

45

Schneider, Claudine. "The politics of prevention." Climatic Change 19, no. 1-2 (September 1991): 257–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00142235.

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46

Dauvergne, Peter, and Jennifer Clapp. "Researching Global Environmental Politics in the 21st Century." Global Environmental Politics 16, no. 1 (February 2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_e_00333.

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This forum article highlights three major research trends we have observed in the journal Global Environmental Politics since 2000. First, research has increasingly focused on specific and formal mechanisms of global environmental governance, contributing to more elaborate and refined methodologies that span more scales and levels of analysis. Second, research increasingly has concentrated on the rise of market-based governance mechanisms and the influence of private actors, reflecting a broader shift among policymakers toward liberal approaches to governance. Third, over this time empirical research has shifted significantly toward analyzing issues through a lens of climate change, providing valuable insights into environmental change, but narrowing the journal’s empirical focus. These trends, which overlap in complex ways, arise partly from shifts in real-world politics, partly from broader shifts in the overall field of global environmental politics (GEP), and partly from the advancing capacity of GEP theories and methodologies to investigate the full complexity of local to global governance. This maturing of GEP scholarship does present challenges for the field, however, including the ability of field-defining journals such as Global Environmental Politics to engage a diversity of critical scholarly voices and to influence policy and activism.

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Zürn, Michael. "Global Governance and Legitimacy Problems." Government and Opposition 39, no. 2 (2004): 260–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00123.x.

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AbstractWhereas traditional institutions used to be seen as an international complement to a dominantly national paradigm, today's international institutions are an expression of political denationalization. The new international institutions are much more intrusive into national societies than the traditional ones. They increasingly contain supranational and transnational features and thus undermine the consensus principle of international cooperation. When society and political actors begin to comprehend this change, they begin to reflect on the features of a legitimate and effective political order beyond national borders. As a result, denationalization becomes reflexive and thus politicized. At the same time, the politicization of international politics harbours the potential for resistance to political denationalization, which increases the need – both from a normative and descriptive perspective – for the legitimation of such international institutions.

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Aykut, Stefan C., and Lucile Maertens. "The climatization of global politics: introduction to the special issue." International Politics 58, no. 4 (July 26, 2021): 501–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41311-021-00325-0.

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AbstractClimate change now constitutes a major issue in world politics, intersecting with and shaping many other political domains, and wider patterns of social and economic life. Global climate governance is also no longer restricted to multilateral negotiations under the UN Climate Convention: it increasingly extends beyond the international climate regime to climatize other areas of global politics. This concept of climatization points to a powerful but uneven process of extension, translation, and social coordination, as climate change becomes the frame of reference through which other policy issues and forms of global activism are mediated and hierarchized. This special issue brings together contributions on both theoretical aspects and empirical cases of the climatization process. The introduction sets out a conceptual framework to systematize these observations and guide further research. First, we identify the preconditions for, and driving forces behind, climatization. We then sketch the contours of an emergent ‘climate logic’ that reshapes affected domains, and examine the wider implications of climatization for global politics. Beyond the climate case, we hope this will provide new ways to observe and understand contemporary transformations of global society and global governance.

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Tamiotti, Ludivine. "Environmental Organizations: Changing Roles and Functions in Global Politics." Global Environmental Politics 1, no. 1 (February 1, 2001): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152638001570633.

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This article addresses the transformation of the role played by environmental nongovernmental organizations in global politics. Such a change is placed into a larger framework of growing ecological concerns, the evolving political means to address them, and the overall mutation of the global state system. The relationship among environmental organizations, states, and intergovernmental institutions is framed as being an increasingly strategic one, where states seek to instrumentalize environmental organizations in order to prevail, while environmental organizations seek to take over functions previously held by states.

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Qi, Ye, and Tong Wu. "The politics of climate change in China." Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change 4, no. 4 (June 14, 2013): 301–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/wcc.221.

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